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THE  MONGOLS 


THE  MONGOLS 

A  HISTORY 


BY 

JEREMIAH  CURTIN 

AUTHOR  OP   "MYTHS  AND  FOLK  -  LORE  OF   IRELAND,"    u  HERO  -  TALES 
OF  IRELAND,"   "MYTH  AND  FOLK  -  TALES  OF  THE  RUSSIANS, 
WESTERN  SLAVS,  AND  MAGYARS,"  "  CREATION  MYTHS 
OF  PRIMITIVE  AMERICA,"  ETC. 


B5  ,9 


With  a  Foreword  by 
THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


BOSTON 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY 
1908 


Copyright,  1907, 
By  A.  M.  Curtin. 

AU  rights  reserved 


Published  December  1907 


■^xintcxi 

8.  J.  Paekhill  &  Co.,  Bostok,  U.  8.  ▲. 


rHEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  President  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  I  dedicate  to  you  the  present  volume  entitled 
"  The  Mongols,  a  History."  I  do  this  because  on  September 
5th9  1901,  in  the  city  of  Burlington  where  you  addressed  Vermont 
veterans,  I  asked  permission  to  make  the  dedication  and  you  gave 
it.    You  were  Vice-President  at  that  time. 

I  made  this  request  because  I  have  great  respect  and  admiration 
for  you  as  a  man,  as  a  leader  of  men,  and  a  scholar;  and  because 
of  the  way  in  which  I  came  first  to  know  you. 

In  1891  you,  as  Chairman  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission, 
were  in  Washington.  I  had  just  returned  to  that  city  from  a  work 
of  two  years  among  Pacific  Coast  Indians.  Of  these,  two  tribes 
in  California  had  asked  me  to  intercede  for  them  with  the  President, 
who  in  those  days  was  Benjamin  Harrison.  These  Indians  were 
among  the  truly  wretched  and  suffering.  One  tribe  of  them  had 
been  almost  exterminated  through  a  massacre  inflicted  by  white 
men.  The  other  reduced  to  a  feeble  remnant  through  various  man- 
killing  processes.  Still  they  were  worthy  of  earnest  attention. 
Their  myths  have  a  beauty  and  a  value  which  should  preserve 
them  till  literature  perishes.  These  two  tribes  were  the  Wintu 
and  the  Yana  whose  account  of  the  world  and  its  origin  I  pub- 
lished later  on  in  "  Creation  Myths  of  Primitive  America." 

On  reaching  Washington  I  went  to  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge, 
my  classmate,  who  then  represented  a  part  of  Massachusetts  in 
Congress,  but  afterward  was  one  of  that  Commonwealth's  renowned 
governors.  Greenhalge  tried  to  induce  a  strong  man  or  two  from 
the  Senate  or  House  to  assist  us  to  act  on  the  President,  but,  though 
promises  were  made,  no  man  came  with  support,  and  we  went  alone 
to  the  White  House.  The  case  had  been  stated  clearly  on  two  pages 
which  I  held  ready  for  delivery.  When  I  had  given  the  reason 
v 


vi 


Dedication 


of  my  coming  the  President  answered :  "  I  see  no  way  to  help 
you.  What  can  I  do  in  this  matter?  99  "  You  can  give99  replied  I, 
"  the  executive  impulse.  Send  this  statement  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  and  direct  him  to  act  on  it.99  "  That  will  suffice,99 
added  Greenhalge.  "  I  will  do  it,99  said  the  President,  after  thinking 
a  moment.  He  took  my  paper,  jotted  down  the  directions  I  had 
suggested,  and  sent  them  to  the  Secretary. 

We  came  away  greatly  satisfied,  and  halted  some  moments  at 
the  head  of  the  staircase.  The  President's  chamber  was  on  the 
second  story.  All  at  once  in  the  large  room  below  us  I  saw 
a  young  man,  alert  in  his  bearing  and  perfectly  confident.  He 
gazed  at  the  ceiling  and  walls  of  the  room,  and  was  thoroughly 
occupied.  There  was  no  one  else  in  the  apartment.  I  asked 
Greenhalge  to  look  at  him.  "  That  man,99  said  I,  "  looks 
precisely  as  if  he  had  examined  this  building,  and  finding  it  suit- 
able has  made  up  his  mind  to  inhabit  it.99  "  He  is  a  living  picture 
of  that  purpose,99  replied  Greenhalge.  "  But  do  you  not  know  him? 
That  is  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Chairman  of  the  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission, I  must  make  you  acquainted.  But  first  listen  to  a  prophecy : 
That  man  down  there  who  wants  this  house  will  get  it.  He  will 
live  here  as  President.99 

On  reaching  the  foot  of  the  staircase  Greenhalge  met  you  and  made 
us  acquainted.  We  conversed  for  some  moments,  and  then  you  were 
called  to  the  President.  You  and  I  did  not  meet  for  some  years 
after  that  day  at  the  White  House.  You  were  toiling  at  problems 
of  government  and  service,  looking  ahead  always,  looking  to  things 
over  which  you  are  brooding  and  toiling  this  moment.  Some  of 
the  problems  have  been  solved,  others  still  demand  solution. 

My  work  led  me  to  various  parts  of  the  earth,  and  around  it. 
But  at  home  or  abroad  I  watched  your  activity  with  care  and  deep 
interest.  Not  very  long  after  that  prophecy  I  read  for  the  first  time 
this  statement  concerning  you:  "  We  need  just  such  a  man  to  be 
President.99  These  words,  uttered  casually  at  that  juncture,  were 
like  the  still  small  voice,  their  might  was  in  their  quality. 

When  a  few  years  of  service,  unique  in  many  ways,  had  brought 
you  to  the  Navy  you  accomplished  your  task  in  that  place  and  went 
farther  immediately.  By  this  time  your  name  and  the  office  of 
President  were  associated  in  the  minds  of  many  people.  Next 
came  the  Cuban  war  with  experience  and  triumph.   And  then  you 


Dedication 


vii 


were  governor  at  Albany.  While  still  in  that  office  you  were  named 
Jor  Vice-President,  and  elected.  Later  you  were  President.  But 
only  when  elected  by  the  people  could  you  act  as  seemed  best  to  you 
and  not  as  antecedents  commanded. 

I  have  watched  and  studied  your  career  with  deeper  interest  than 
that  of  any  man  who  has  ever  been  President  of  the  United  States. 
There  is  no  case  in  our  history  of  such  concordance  between  the 
judgment  of  a  people  and  the  acts  of  a  man.  "  Thou  hast  been 
faithful  over  a  few  things,  I  will  make  thee  ruler  over  many." 

Jeremiah  Curtin* 

St.  Hyacinthe,  P.  Q.,    September  6,  1906, 


FOREWORD 


The  death  of  Jeremiah  Curtin  robbed  America  of 
one  of  her  two  or  three  foremost  scholars.  Mr.  Curtin, 
who  was  by  birth  a  native  of  Wisconsin,  at  one  time 
was  in  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  Government; 
but  his  chief  work  was  in  literature.  The  extraordinary 
facility  with  which  he  learned  any  language,  his  gift 
of  style  in  his  own  language,  his  industry,  his  restless 
activity  and  desire  to  see  strange  nations  and  out  of 
the  way  peoples,  and  his  great  gift  of  imagination 
which  enabled  him  to  appreciate  the  epic  sweep  of 
vital  historical  events,  all  combined  to  render  his  work 
of  peculiar  value.  His  extraordinary  translations  of 
the  Polish  novels  of  Sienkiewicz,  especially  of  those 
dealing  with  medieval  Poland  and  her  struggles  with 
the  Tartar,  the  Swede  and  the  German,  would  in  them- 
selves have  been  enough  to  establish  a  first  class  repu- 
tation for  any  man.  In  addition  he  did  remarkable 
work  in  connection  with  Indian,  Celtic  and  other 
folk  tales.  But  nothing  that  he  did  was  more  important 
than  his  studies  of  the  rise  of  the  mighty  Mongol 
Empire  and  its  decadence.  In  this  particular  field  no 
other  American  or  English  scholar  has  ever  approached 
him. 

Indeed,  it  is  extraordinary  to  see  how  ignorant  even 

ix 


X 


Foreword 


the  best  scholars  of  America  and  England  are  of  the 
tremendous  importance  in  world  history  of  the  nation- 
shattering  Mongol  invasions.  A  noted  Englishman  of 
letters  not  many  years  ago  wrote  a  charming  essay  on 
the  Thirteenth  Century  —  an  essay  showing  his  wide 
learning,  his  grasp  of  historical  events,  and  the  length 
of  time  that  he  had  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  century. 
Yet  the  essayist  not  only  never  mentioned  but  was 
evidently  ignorant  of  the  most  stupendous  fact  of  the 
century  —  the  rise  of  Genghis  Khan  and  the  spread  of 
the  Mongol  power  from  the  Yellow  Sea  to  the  Adriatic 
and  the  Persian  Gulf.  Ignorance  like  this  is  partly  due 
to  the  natural  tendency  among  men  whose  culture 
is  that  of  Western  Europe  to  think  of  history  as  only 
European  history  and  of  European  history  as  only 
the  history  of  Latin  and  Teutonic  Europe.  But  this 
does  not  entirely  excuse  ignorance  of  such  an  event 
as  the  Mongol-Tartar  invasion,  which  affected  half 
of  Europe  far  more  profoundly  than  the  Crusades. 
It  is  this  ignorance,  of  course  accentuated  among 
those  who  are  not  scholars,  which  accounts  for  the 
possibility  of  such  comically  absurd  remarks  as  the 
one  not  infrequently  made  at  the  time  of  the  Japanese- 
Russian  war,  that  for  the  first  time  since  Salamis 
Asia  had  conquered  Europe.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the 
recent  military  supremacy  of  the  white  or  European 
races  is  a  matter  of  only  some  three  centuries.  For 
the  four  preceding  centuries,  that  is,  from  the  beginning 
of  the  thirteenth  to  the  seventeenth,  the  Mongol  and 
Turkish  armies  generally  had  the  upper  hand  in  any 
contest  with  European  foes,  appearing  in  Europe 
always  as  invaders  and  often  as  conquerors;  while  no 
ruler  of  Europe  of  their  days  had  to  his  credit  such 


Foreword 


xi 


mighty  feats  of  arms,  such  wide  conquests,  as  Genghis 
Khan,  as  Timour  the  Limper,  as  Bajazet,  Selim  and 
Amurath,  as  Baber  and  Akbar. 

The  rise  of  the  Mongol  power  under  Genghis  Khan 
was  unheralded  and  unforeseen,  and  it  took  the  world 
as  completely  by  surprise  as  the  rise  of  the  Arab  power 
six  centuries  before.  When  the  thirteenth  century 
opened  Genghis  Khan  was  merely  one  among  a  number 
of  other  obscure  Mongol  chiefs  and  neither  he  nor  his 
tribe  had  any  reputation  whatever  outside  of  the  barren 
plains  of  Central  Asia,  where  they  and  their  fellow- 
barbarians  lived  on  horseback  among  their  flocks  and 
herds.  Neither  in  civilized  nor  semi-civilized  Europe, 
nor  in  civilized  nor  semi-civilized  Asia,  was  he  known 
or  feared,  any  more,  for  instance,  than  the  civilized 
world  of  today  knows  or  fears  the  Senoussi,  or  any 
obscure  black  mahdi  in  the  region  south  of  the  Sahara. 
At  the  moment,  Europe  had  lost  fear  of  aggression  from 
either  Asia  or  Africa.  In  Spain  the  power  of  the  Moors 
had  just  been  reduced  to  insignificance.  The  crusad- 
ing spirit,  it  is  true,  had  been  thoroughly  discredited 
by  the  wicked  Fourth  Crusade,  when  the  Franks 
and  Venetians  took  Constantinople  and  destroyed 
the  old  bulwark  of  Europe  against  the  Infidel.  But 
in  the  crusade  in  which  he  himself  lost  his  life  the 
Emperor  Barbarossa  had  completely  broken  the  power 
of  the  Seljouk  Turks  in  Asia-Minor,  and  tho  Jeru- 
salem had  been  lost  it  was  about  to  be  regained  by  that 
strange  and  brilliant  man,  the  Emperor  Frederick  II, 
"  the  wonder  of  the  world."  The  Slavs  of  Russia 
were  organized  into  a  kind  of  loose  confederacy,  and 
were  slowly  extending  themselves  eastward,  making 
settlements  like  Moscow  in  the  midst  of  various  Finnish 


xii 


Foreword 


peoples.  Hungary  and  Poland  were  great  warrior 
kingdoms,  tho  a  couple  of  centuries  were  to  pass  before 
Poland  would  come  to  her  full  power.  The  Caliphs 
still  ruled  at  Bagdad.  In  India  Mohammedan  warred 
with  Rajput;  and  the  Chinese  Empire  was  probably 
superior  in  civilization  and  in  military  strength  to  any 
nation  of  Europe. 

Into  this  world  burst  the  Mongol.  All  his  early 
years  Genghis  Khan  spent  in  obtaining  first  the  control 
of  his  own  tribe,  and  then  in  establishing  the  absolute 
supremacy  of  this  tribe  over  all  its  neighbors.  In 
the  first  decade  of  the  thirteenth  century  this  work 
was  accomplished.  His  supremacy  over  the  wild 
mounted  herdsmen  was  absolute  and  unquestioned. 
Every  formidable  competitor,  every  man  who  would 
not  bow  with  unquestioning  obedience  to  his  will, 
had  been  ruthlessly  slain,  and  he  had  developed  a 
number  of  able  men  who  were  willing  to  be  his  devoted 
slaves,  and  to  carry  out  his  every  command  with  un- 
hesitating obedience  and  dreadful  prowess.  Out  of 
the  Mongol  horse-bowmen  and  horse-swordsmen  he 
speedily  made  the  most  formidable  troops  then  in 
existence.  East,  west  and  south  he  sent  his  armies, 
and  under  him  and  his  immediate  successors  the  area  of 
conquest  widened  by  leaps  and  bounds;  while  two 
generations  went  by  before  any  troops  were  found  in 
Asia  or  Europe  who  on  any  stricken  field  could  hold 
their  own  with  the  terrible  Mongol  horsemen,  and 
their  subject-allies  and  remote  kinsmen,  the  Turko- 
Tartars  who  served  with  and  under  them.  Few  con- 
quests have  ever  been  so  hideous  and  on  the  whole  so 
noxious  to  mankind.  The  Mongols  were  savages  as 
cruel  as  they  were  brave  and  hardy.   There  were  Nes- 


Foreword 


xiii 


torian  Christians  among  them,  as  in  most  parts  of  Asia 
at  that  time,  but  the  great  bulk  of  them  were  Shaman- 
is  ts ;  that  is,  their  creed  and  ethical  culture  were  about 
on  a  par  with  those  of  the  Comanches  and  Apaches 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  They  differed  from  Com- 
anche and  Apache  in  that  capacity  for  military 
organization  which  gave  them  such  terrible  efficiency; 
but  otherwise  they  were  not  much  more  advanced,  and 
the  civilized  peoples  who  fell  under  their  sway  expe- 
rienced a  fate  as  dreadful  as  would  be  the  case  if 
nowadays  a  civilized  people  were  suddenly  conquered 
by  a  great  horde  of  Apaches.  The  ruthless  cruelty  of 
the  Mongol  was  practised  on  a  scale  greater  than  ever 
before  or  since.  The  Moslems  feared  them  as  much 
as  the  Christians.  They  put  to  death  the  Caliph,  and 
sacked  Bagdad,  just  as  they  sacked  the  cities  of  Russia 
and  Hungary.  They  destroyed  the  Turkish  tribes  which 
ventured  to  resist  them  with  the  merciless  thoroness 
which  they  showed  in  dealing  with  any  resistance  in 
Europe.  They  were  inconceivably  formidable  in  battle, 
tireless  in  campaign  and  on  the  march,  utterly  indiffer- 
ent to  fatigue  and  hardship,  of  extraordinary  prowess 
with  bow  and  sword.  To  the  Europeans  who  cowered 
in  horror  before  them,  the  squat,  slit-eyed,  brawny 
horsemen,  "  with  faces  like  the  snouts  of  dogs,"  seemed 
as  hideous  and  fearsome  as  demons,  and  as  irresistible 
by  ordinary  mortals.  They  conquered  China  and  set 
on  the  throne  a  Mongol  dynasty.  India  also  their 
descendants  conquered,  and  there  likewise  erected 
a  great  Mongol  empire.  Persia  in  the  same  way  fell 
into  their  hands.  Their  armies,  every  soldier  on  horse- 
back, marched  incredible  distances  and  overthrew 
whatever  opposed   them.     They  struck  down  the 


xiv 


Foreword 


Russians  at  a  blow  and  trampled  the  land  into  bloody 
mire  beneath  their  horses'  feet.  They  crushed  the 
Magyars  in  a  single  battle  and  drew  a  broad  red  furrow 
straight  across  Hungary,  driving  the  Hungarian  King 
in  panic  flight  from  his  realm.  They  overran  Poland 
and  destroyed  the  banded  knighthood  of  North  Ger- 
many in  Silesia.  Western  Europe  could  have  made 
no  adequate  defense ;  but  fortunately  by  this  time  the 
Mongol  attack  had  spent  itself,  simply  because  the 
distance  from  the  central  point  had  become  so  great.  It 
was  no  Christian  or  European  military  power  which 
first  by  force  set  bounds  to  the  Mongol  conquests; 
but  the  Turkish  Mamelukes  of  Egypt  in  the  West* 
and  in  the  East,  some  two  score  years  later,  the  armies 
of  Japan. 

In  a  couple  of  generations  the  Mongols  as  a  whole 
became  Buddhists  in  the  East  and  Moslems  in  the 
West;  and  in  the  West  the  true  Mongols  gradually 
disappeared,  being  lost  among  the  Turkish  tribes 
whom  they  had  conquered  and  led  to  victory.  It  was 
these  Turkish  tribes,  known  as  Tartars,  who  for  over 
two  centuries  kept  Russia  in  a  servitude  so  terrible* 
so  bloody,  so  abject,  as  to  leave  deep  permanent  marks 
on  the  national  character.  The  Russians  did  not 
finally  throw  off  this  squalid  yoke  until  thirty  years 
after  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  by  the  Ottoman 
Turks,  the  power  of  the  Tartars  waning  as  that  of  the 
Ottomans  approached  its  zenith.  Poland  was  now  rising 
high.  Its  vast  territory  extended  from  the  Baltic  to 
the  Black  Sea.  It  was  far  more  important  than  Mus- 
covy. In  the  "  Itinerary  "  of  that  widely  travelled 
Elizabethan,  Fynes  Morrison,  we  learn  that  the  Turks 
dreaded  the  Polish  armies  more  than  those  of  Germany, 


Foreword 


xv 


or  of  any  other  nation ;  this  was  after  the  Hungarians 
had  been  conquered. 

The  scourge  of  the  Mongol  conquests  was  terrible 
beyond  belief,  so  that  even  where  a  land  was  flooded 
but  for  a  moment,  the  memory  long  remained.  It 
is  not  long  since  in  certain  churches  in  Eastern  Europe 
the  litany  still  contained  the  prayer,  "  From  the  fury 
of  the  Mongols,  good  Lord  deliver  us."  The  Mongol 
armies  developed  a  certain  ant-like  or  bee-like  power 
of  joint  action  which  enabled  them  to  win  without 
much  regard  to  the  personality  of  the  leader ;  a  French 
writer  has  well  contrasted  the  great  "  anonymous 
victories  "  of  the  Mongols  with  the  purely  personal 
triumphs  of  that  grim  Turkish  conqueror  whom  we 
know  best  as  Timour  the  Tartar,  or  Tamerlane. 
The  civil  administration  the  Mongols  established  in 
a  conquered  country  was  borrowed  from  China,  and 
where  they  settled  as  conquerors  the  conduct  of  the 
Chinese  bureaucracy  maddened  the  subject  peoples 
almost  as  much  as  the  wild  and  lawless  brutality  of  the 
Mongol  soldiers  themselves.  Gradually  their  empire, 
after  splitting  up,  past  away  and  left  little  direct  in- 
fluence in  any  country ;  but  it  was  at  the  time  so  pro- 
digious a  phenomenon,  fraught  with  such  vast  and 
dire  possibilities,  that  a  full  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  Mongol  people  is  imperatively  necessary  to  all 
who  would  understand  the  development  of  Asia  and 
of  Eastern  Europe.  No  other  writer  of  English  was 
so  well  fitted  to  tell  this  history  as  Jeremiah  Curtin. 

Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Sagamore  Hill,  September  1, 1907. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I  page 
Geographical  spread  of  the  word  Mongol.  —  Beginning  of  the  Mongol 
career.  —  Mythical  account  of  Temudjin's  origin.  —  Kaidu,  ancestor 
of  the  great  historical  Mongols.  —  Origin  of  the  Urudai  and  Manhudai 
tribes.  —  Family  of  Kaidu.  —  Origin  of  the  Taidjuts.  —  Bartan,  grand- 
father of  Temudjin.  — Yessugai,  father  of  Temudj  in.  —  Kabul's  visit 
to  China.  —  Capture  and  escape  of  Kabul.  —  Shaman  killed  for  the 
death  of  a  patient.  —  Death  of  Ambagai.  —  Death  of  Okin  Barka. — 
March  of  Kutula  against  China.  —  Kaidan,  Tuda  and  Yessugai  hold  a 
council.  —  Attack  of  the  Durbans.  —  Bartan,  the  father  of  Yessugai, 
dies.  —  Triumph  of  Yessugai  11 

CHAPTER  II 

'Rivalry  between  descendants  of  Kabul  and  Ambagai.  —  Kidnapping  of 
Hoelun  by  Yessugai.  —  Birth  and  naming  of  Temudjin.  —  Yessugai 
finds  a  wife  for  Temudjin. —  Death  of  Yessugai,  1175.  —  Neglect  of 
Hoelun.  —  Targutai  draws  away  Yessugai's  people.  —  Temudjin  be- 
gins his  career  by  the  murder  of  his  half-brother.  —  Capture  of 
Temudjin  by  the  Taidjuts.  —  Temudjin's  escape  from  captivity.— 
Assistance  rendered  by  Sorgan  Shira.  —  Marriage  of  Temudjin 
to  Bortai.  —  Friendship  of  Temudjin  and  Boorchu.  —  Alliance 
of  Togrul  and  Temudjin.  —  Chelmai,  son  of  Charchiutai.  — 
Capture    of    Bortai    by    the    Merkits.  —  Pursuit    of  Temudjin. 

—  Origin  of  the  worship  of  Mount  Burham. — » Assistance  of  Togrul 
in  recovering  Bortai.  —  Ancestors  of  Jamuka.  —  Temudjin  made  Khan. 

—  Appointment  of  officers.  —  Temudjin's  first  victory  in  battle.— 
Temudjin's  brutal  punishment  of  prisoners.  —  Juriats  join  Temudjin's 
forces. — -Marriage  of  Temudjin's  sister  to  Podu.  —  Marriage  of 
Temudjin's  mother  to  Munlik.  —  Barins  withdraw  from  alliance. — 
Efforts  of  Temudjin  to  win  the  friendship  of  Jamuka  •      .      •      •  19 

CHAPTER  III 

Attack  of  Temudjin  and  Togrul  upon  the  Lake  Buyur  Tartars.  —  Togrul 
is  given  the  title  of  Wang  Khan.  —  Attack  of  Temudjin  upon  the 
Churkis. — 'Origin  of  the  Churkis.  —  Death  of  Buri  Buga.  —  Adopted 
sons  of  Hoelun,  mother  of  Temudjin.  —  Temudjin  and  Wang  Khan 
attack  the  Merkits,  1197.  —  Desertion  of  Wang  Khan.  —  Wang  Khan's 
men  routed  by  Naimans.  —  Rescue  of  Wang  Khan  by  Temudjin.— 
xvii 


xviii 


Contents 


Second  defeat  of  the  Naimans.  —  Temudjin  and  Wang  Khan  become 
as  father  and  son  to  each  other.  —  Wang  Khan  and  Temudjin  march 
against  the  Taidjuts,  1200.  —  Taidjuts  are  joined  by  several  neigh- 
boring tribes.  —  Offering  made  by  Taidjuts  and  their  allies  when 
taking  oath.  —  Defeat  of  Taidjuts  and  Merkits  by  Temudjin. — 
Jamuka  is  made  Khan.  —  Effort  of  Jamuka  to  surprise  and  kill 
Temudjin,  1201.  —  Shamans  cause  wind  and  rain  to  strike  Temudjin. — 
Defeat  of  Jamuka.  —  Punishment  of  Temudjin's  brother,  Belgutai,  for 
exposing  plans.  —  Temudjin  marches  against  the  Tartars.  —  Marriage 
of  Temudjin  to  Aisugan.  —  Defeat  of  Tukta  Bijhi,  a  Merkit  chief. — 
Temudjin  asks  for  Wang  Khan's  granddaughter  for  Juchi.  —  Efforts 
of  Jamuka  to  rouse  the  jealousy  of  Sengun,  son  of  Wang  Khan. — 
Sengun  tries  to  break  the  alliance  between  his  father  and  Temudjin. 

—  Discovery  of  a  plot  to  kill  Temudjin.  —  Attack  of  Wang  Khan  and 
Sengun  upon  Temudjin.  —  Victory  of  Temudjin.  —  Death  of  Huildar. 

—  Message  of  Temudjin  to  Wang  Khan.  —  Message  of  Temudjin  to 
Sengun.  —  Message  of  Temudjin  to  Jamuka.  —  Attack  of  Temudjin 
upon  Wang  Khan.  —  Defeat  of  Wang  Khan  and  Sengun.  —  Temudjin 
rewards  his  warriors.  —  Temudjin  takes  as  wife  the  daughter  of 
Jaganbo,  Wang  Khan's  brother.  —  Death  of  Wang  Khan  and  Sengun, 
1203  

CHAPTER  IV 

Attack  upon  Temudjin  by  Baibuga,  his  father-in-law.  —  Council  held  by 
Temudjin,  1204.  —  Battle  with  the  Naimans,  autumn  of  1204. — 
Capture  of  Kurbassu,  the  wife  of  Baibuga.  —  Surrender  to  Temudjin 
of  tribes  allied  to  Jamuka.  —  Subjection  of  the  Merkits.  —  Marriage 
of  Temudjin  to  the  daughter  of  Dair  Usun.  —  Revolt  and  pursuit  of 
the  Merkits.  —  Death  of  Tohtoa.  —  Defeat  and  capture  of  Jamuka. — 
Death  of  Jamuka.  —  Temudjin  is  made  Grand  Khan,  takes  the  title 
Jinghis.  —  Temudjin  rewards  his  officers.  —  Temudjin  gives  his  wife 
to  Churchadai.  —  Temudjin  distrusts  his  brother,  Kassar.  —  Defence 
of  Kassar  by  his  mother,  Hoelun.  —  Death  of  Hoelun.  —  Temudjin 
alarmed  at  the  power  of  Taibtengeri,  a  Shaman.  —  Murder  of  Taibten- 
geri.  —  Jinghis  Khan's  (Temudjin)  campaign  against  Tanguts. — 
Jinghis  Khan's  position  secured  in  Northeastern  Asia.  —  Kara  Kitai, 
geographically.  —  The  Uigurs.  —  Triumphs  of  Jinghis  alarm  China.  — 
Mission  of  Jinghis'  envoys  to  the  Uigurs.  —  Indignation  of  the  Uigurs. 

—  Mongols  invade  Tangut,  1207.  —  Tangut  King  gives  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  Jinghis.  —  Return  of  Jinghis.  —  Arslan  Khan  of  the  Kar- 
luks  gives  homage  to  Jinghis.  —  Marriage  of  Arslan  to  Altun  Bijhi, 
Jinghis'  daughter  

CHAPTER  V 

China,  618  to  907,  a.  d.  —  Fall  of  Tang  dynasty.  —  The  Kitans.  —  Parin 
proclaims  himself  Emperor,  916.  —  House  of  Sung  unites  nearly  all 
China,  960.  —  Tribute  paid  by  the  Sung  Emperor  to  the  Kitans,  1004. 
— Victory  over  the  Kitans  by  Aguta  in  1114.  —  Founding  of  a  new 
State,  Kin  kwe,  by  Aguta.  —  Death  of  Aguta.  —  Invasion  of  North 
China  by  Kin  Emperor,  1125.  —  Kin  Emperor  besieges  Kai  fong 
fu,  1126.  —  Sung  Emperor  seized  and  sent  to  Manchuria.  —  Mes- 
sage of  Jinghis  Khan  to  the  sovereign  of  China.  —  Jinghis  sets  out 
to  subdue  the  Chinese  Empire,  1211.  —  Sons  of  Jinghis.  —  Army 
equipment. — » Advance  of  1,200  miles  to  the  Great  Wall  of  China. 

—  Friendship  of  the  Onguts.  —  Insurrection  of  the  Kitans.  —  Chong 
tu   invested.  —  Jinghis   sends   Subotai   against   the   Merkits.  —  Jin- 


Contents 


xix 


ghis  resumes  activity  in  China,  1213.  —  Attack  of  Tangut  on  China, 
1213.  —  Mongols  attack  lands  bordering  on  the  Hoang  Ho,  1214. — 
Defence  of  Chong  tu.  —  Mongols  attack  Nan  king.  —  Defeat  of  the 
Merkits.  —  Corea's  submission  to  Jinghis,  1218.  —  Death  of  Boroul, 
1217.  —  Origin  of  Mukuli,  one  of  Jinghis'  greatest  generals.  —  Jinghis' 
fourth  attack  on  the  Tanguts,  1218.  —  Origin  of  Kara  Kitai.  —  Victory 
of  Yeliu  over  Kashgar.  —  Invasion  of  Kwaresm  by  Yeliu.  —  Treachery 
of  Gutchluk.  —  Execution  of  Gutchluk  by  Chepe.  —  Kara  Kitai  at- 
tacked by  Shah  Mohammed.  —  The  World-Shaking  Limper  (Tamer- 
lane).—  Attack  of  Kara  Kitans  by  Mongols.  —  Death  of  the  Gurkhan 
of  Kara  Kitai,  1136  7$ 

CHAPTER  VI 

Addition  of  Kara  Kitai  to  Mongol  domains.  —  End  of  Seljuk  rule.  — 
Kutb  ud  din  Mohammed  made  Kwaresmian  Shah.  —  Mohammed  seizes 
Balk  and  Herat.  —  Invasion  of  the  lands  of  the  Gurkhan  by  Mohammed, 
1208.  —  Defeat  and  capture  of  Shah  Mohammed.  —  Mohammed  and 
Osman  make  an  attack  on  the  Gurkhan.  —  Success  of  the  Kwaresmian 
Shah.  —  Mohammed  gives  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Osman,  ruler 
of  Samarkand.  —  Kwaresmians  killed  by  Osman.  —  Storming  of  Samar- 
kand by  Mohammed.  —  Death  of  Osman.  —  Seizure  of  a  part  of  the 
Gur  Kingdom.  —  Assassination  of  Ali  Shir  by  command  of  Mohammed, 
his  brother,  1213.  —  Winning  of  Ghazni  by  Mohammed,  1216.  —  Dis- 
covery of  letters  from  the  Kalif  warning  the  Gurs  against  Mohammed. 

—  Efforts  of  Nassir  the  Kalif  to  stop  Kwaresmian  growth.  —  Limited 
power  of  the  Kalif.  —  Envoy  sent  by  Mohammed  to  the  Kalif.  —  Ali  ul 
Muluk  is  recognized  as  Kalif.  —  Murder  of  Ogulmush  by  command 
of  the  Kalif.  —  Annexation  of  Irak  by  Mohammed.  —  Mohammed  ad- 
vances on  Bagdad.  —  Retreat  of  Mohammed.  —  Mohammed  alarmed 
by  Mongol  movements.  —  Mohammed  receives  envoys  from  Jinghis 
Khan,  1216-17.  —  Sunnites  and  Shiites. — Determination  of  the  Kalif 
to  ask  Jinghis  to  defend  the  Sunnites.  —  Invitation  to  Jinghis  branded 
on  the  head  of  the  envoy.  —  Message  of  Jinghis  to  Shah  Mohammed.  — 
Arrest  of  Mongolian  merchants.  —  Second  message  from  Jinghis  to 
Mohammed.  —  Murder  of  Bajra,  Jinghis  Khan's  envoy.  —  Turkan 
Khatun,  the  mother  of  Shah  Mohammed.  —  Trouble  caused  by  Turkan 
Khatun.  —  A  Mongol  tempest.  —  Conspiracy  of  Bedr  ud  din.  —  Ar- 
rangement of  the  Mongol  army.  —  Investment  of  Otrar,  November, 
1218.  —  Capture  of  Otrar,  April,  1219.  —  Slaughter  of  the  Turk  garri- 
son at  Benakit.  —  Escape  of  Melik  Timur.  —  Investment  of  Bokhara, 
June,  1219.  —  Surrender  of  Bokhara.  —  Feeding  of  Mongol  horses  in 
the  Grand  Mosque.  —  Storming  of  the  fortress.  —  March  of  Jinghis  on 
Samarkand.  —  Surrender  of  Samarkand.  —  Pursuit  of  the  Kwaresmian 
ruler  93 

CHAPTER  VII 

Indecision  of  Shah  Mohammed.  —  Escape  of  Mohammed  to  Nishapur.— 
Submission  of  Balkh.  —  Proclamation  of  the  Shah  to  Nishapur. — 
Pursuit  of  Mohammed.  —  Withdrawal  of  Mohammed  from  Nishapur. 

—  Sack  of  Nishapur.  —  Flight  of  Mohammed  to  an  island  in  the 
Caspian.  —  Death  of  Shah  Mohammed  January  10,  1221.  —  Escape  of 
Turkan  Khatun  to  the  mountains.  —  Succession  of  Jelal  ud  din.  — 
Surrender  of  Ilak  and  of  Turkan  Khatun.  —  Siege  and  capture  of  the 
Kwaresmian  capital.  —  Attack  made  on  the  Talekan  district  by  Jinghis. 

—  Siege  of  Ghazni.  —  March  of  Tului  against  Khorassan,  1220. — 
Attack   on   Nessa.  —  Attack   and   capture   of  Merv.  —  Revenge  of 


XX 


Contents 


Togachar's  widow.  —  March  of  the  Mongols  against  Herat.  —  Turk- 
mans near  Nerv  escape  and  form  the  nucleus  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 
—  Jelal  ud  din  at  Ghazni,  1221.  —  Death  of  a  grandson  of  Jinghis. — 
Revenge  of  Jinghis.  —  Retreat  of  Jelal  from  Ghazni.  —  Pursuit  of 
Jelal  by  Jinghis.  —  Battle  at  the  Indus  between  Jelal  and  Jinghis.  — 
Leap  of  Jelal  into  the  Indus.  —  Siege  of  Herat,  1222.  —  Mongol  army 
marches  on  Herat  a  second  time  113 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Jinghis  passes  the  winter  near  the  Indus,  1222-23.  —  Resolve  of  Jinghis 
to  return  to  Mongolia,  1223.  — -  Myths  regarding  this  resolution.  — 
Command  of  Jinghis  to  kill  useless  prisoners.  —  March  of  Chepe  Noyon 
to  Tiflis.  —  Command  of  Jinghis  to  Chepe  Noyon  to  exterminate  the 
Polovtsi.  —  March  of  Chepe  to  Tiflis.  —  Chepe's  alliance  with  the 
Polovtsi.  —  Betrayal  of  the  Polovtsi,  their  flight  to  Russia.  —  Mystislav 
aids  the  Polovtsi  against  the  Mongols.  —  Defeat  of  the  Russians  on  the 
Kalka,  1224.  —  Terror  of  Southern  Russia.  —  Jinghis  at  his  home  on 
the  Kerulon,  1225.  —  Mukuli's  conquest  of  lands  belonging  to  the  Kin 
dynasty,  1216.  —  Death  of  Mukuli,  1223.  —  Jinghis  enters  Tangut,  1226. 
—  Siege  of  Ling  chau.  —  Submission  of  Ling  chau.  —  Death  of  Jinghis 
Khan,  1227.  —  Burial  of  Jinghis.  —  Jinghis  Khan's  disposal  of  his 
Empire.  —  Kurultai  of  election  held  on  the  Kerulon,  1229.  —  Accession 
of  Ogotai.  His  plans  of  expeditions.  —  Offerings  made  to  the  shade 
of  Jinghis.  —  First  work  of  Ogotai  131 


CHAPTER  IX 

Condition  of  Persian  Irak  at  the  time  of  Jinghis  Khan's  death.  —  Flight 
of  Jelal  ud  din  to  Delhi.  —  Marriage  of  Jelal  to  the  daughter  of 
Iletmish.  —  Effort  of  Jelal  to  take  possession  of  his  inheritance. — 
Founding  of  the  Kara  Kitan  dynasty  of  Kerman.  —  Marriage  of  Jelal 
to  the  daughter  of  Borak.  —  Advance  of  Jelal  into  Fars.  —  Marriage 
of  Jelal  to  the  daughter  of  the  Atabeg  of  Shiraz.  —  Effort  of  Jelal  to 
overcome  his  brother,  Ghiath.  —  Jelal  marches  against  Nassir,  Kalif 
of  Islam.  —  Capture  of  Dakuka  by  Jelal,  1225.  —  Possession  of  Tebriz 
by  Jelal.  —  Expedition  against  Georgia,  1225.  —  Second  march  of  Jelal 
to  Tiflis,  1226.  —  Conquest  of  Georgia.  —  Jelal  attacks  Kars.  —  Defeat 
of  a  Mongol  division  by  Jelal.  —  Attack  of  the  Mongols  on  Jelal  in 
Ispahan,  1227.  —  Murder  of  Mohammed,  a  favorite  of  Jelal.  —  Ghiath 
ud  din  strangled  by  Borak.  —  J elal  demands  tribute  from  the  Shirvan 
Shah.  —  Attack  of  Jelal  on  the  combined  armies  of  Georgia  and 
Armenia.  —  Second  siege  of  Khelat  by  Jelal.  —  Death  of  Nassir  the 
Kalif,  1225.  —  Succession  of  Zahir  as  Kalif  and  then  of  Mostansir.  — 
Jelal  invested  with  the  title  of  Shah  in  Shah.  —  Capture  of  Khelat  by 
Jelal,  1230.  — Defeat  of  Jelal  at  Kharpert.  —  March  of  Jelal  on 
Khelat.  —  March  of  Jelal  on  Gandja.  —  Attack  and  defeat  of  Jelal  by 
Mongols.  —  Death  of  Jelal,  1231.  —  End  of  Kwaresmian  dynasty         .  145 

CHAPTER  X 

Ravage  of  Amid  and  Mayaf arkin  by  Mongols.  —  Devastation  of  A2erbaid- 
jan.  —  Capture  of  Erbil  by  Mongols.  —  Mongols  in  Arabian  Irak,  1238. 
—  Capture  of  Gandja  by  Mongols,  1235.  —  Capture  of  Tiflis  by  Mongols, 
1239.  —  Mongols  advance  to  the  Tigris.  —  Visit  of  Prince  Avak  and 
his  sister,  Tamara,  to  Ogotai,  1240.  —  Mongols  in  Syria,  1244. — 


Contents 


xxi 


Capture  of  regions  north  of  Lake  Van.  —  Sheherzur  sacked  by 
Mongols.  —  The  Mongols  driven  off  from  Yakuba  by  Bagdad  troops.  — 
Refusal  of  Queen  Rusudan  to  leave  Usaneth.  —  Death  of  Rusudan. 

—  Installation  of  Kuyuk,  1246.  —  Death  of  Kei  Kosru,  1245.  —  Struggle 
of  Rokn  ud  din  for  rule  in  Rum.  — Death  of  Alai  ud  din.— 
Mangu  Grand  Khan  of  the  Mongols,  1251.  — Visit  of  Rokn  ud  din  to 
Sarai.  —  Entrance  of  Baidju  into  Rum.  —  Great  ruin  effected  by 
Mongols  in  Asia  Minor.  —  Appointment  by  Juchi  of  Chin  Timur  as 
Governor  of  Kwaresm.  —  Ravaging  by  Kwaresmian  bands  in  Khoras- 
san.  —  Attack  upon  the  Kankalis  by  Chin  Timur.  —  Visit  of  the  Prince 
of  Iran  to  Ogotai.  —  Authority  transferred  from  Chin  Timur  to  Sari 
Bahadar.  —  Reinstatement  of  Chin  Timur.  —  Chin  Timur's  choice  of 
Kurguz  as  chancellor.  —  Death  of  Chin  Timur,  1235.  —  Visit  of  Kurguz 
to  Ogotai.  —  Kurguz  appointed  to  collect  taxes.  —  Residence  of  Kurguz 
at  Tus.  —  Command  of  Ogotai  to  raise  up  Khorassan,  and  repeople 
Herat.  —  Struggle  between  Sherif  and  Kurguz.  —  Death  of  Kurguz.— 
Succession  of  Sherif.  —  Sherif's  oppression  of  the  people  of  Tebriz. 

—  Death  of  Sherif,  1244.  —  Visit  of  Argun  to  the  Kurultai  which 
elected  Kuyuk,  1251.  —  Election  of  Mangu,  1251.  —  Argun's  reception 
in  Merv.  —  Shems  ud  din's  reign  in  Herat.  —  Death  of  Rokn  ud  din.  — 
Death  of  Shems  ud  din,  1244.  — Death  of  Kutb  ud  din,  1258.  — Posi- 
tion of  Persia  in  1254    173 

CHAPTER  XI 

The  Ismailian  known  in  Europe  as  Assassins.  —  Death  of  Mohammed,  632. 

—  Omar  made  Kalif,  634.  —  Murder  of  Aly,  661.  —  Election  of  Muavia 
in  Damascus.  —  Winning  of  Egypt  by  Muavia.  —  Yezid,  son  of  Muavia, 
named  heir.  —  Death  of  Muavia.  Succession  of  Yezid,  680.  —  Death  of 
Muslim.  —  Hussein  camps  on  the  plain  of  Kerbala.  —  Death  of  Hussein,. 
October,  680.  —  Babek,  816.  — Seizure  of  Babek  by  Motassim,  835.— 
Execution  of  Babek.  —  Origin  of  Abdallah.  —  Spread  of  the  peculiar 
beliefs  of  Abdallah.  —  Amed,  son  of  Abdallah.  —  Rise  of  Karmath. — 
Fights  in  the  East  and  West.  —  Obeidallah,  first  Fatimed  Kalif,  909. 

—  Winning  of  Egypt  and  Southern  Syria  by  descendants  of  Obeidallah, 
967.  —  Addition  of  Aleppo  to  the  Fatimed  Empire,  991.  —  Founding  of 
the  Eastern  Ismailians,  or  Assassins,  by  Hassan  Ben  Sabah.  —  Omar 
Khayyam  and  Nizam  ul  Mulk.  —  Death  of  Alp  Arslan.  —  Seizure  of  the 
fortress  of  Alamut  by  Hassan  Sabah,  1090.  —  Rivalry  of  Hassan  and 
Nizam  ul  Mulk.  —  Death  of  Nizam  ul  Mulk  and  Melik  Shah, 
1092.  —  Peculiar    belief    of    Hassan    Sabah.  —  Assassins    in  Syria. 

—  Friendship  of  Risvan,  Prince  of  Aleppo,  for  the  Order.  — 
Assassination  of  the  Prince  of  Mosul,  1113.  —  Death  of  Risvan. — 
Akhras  attempts  to  exterminate  the  Assassins.  —  Revenge  of  the 
Assassins.  —  Surrender  of  the  fortress  of  Sherif,  1120.  —  Death  of 
Hassan  Sabah,  1124.  —  Kia  Busurgoinid  succeeds  Hassan  Sabah.  — 
Possession  of  Banias  by  Assassins.  —  Hugo  De  Payens,  Grand  Master 
of  the  Templars  in  Jerusalem,  1129. — ■  Death  of  Togteghin.  —  Succession 
of  his  son,  Tajulmuluk.  —  Efforts  to  murder  Tajulmuluk.  —  Execution 

of  the  Assassins  ^97 

CHAPTER  XII 

Murder  of  Aksonkor  Burshi,  Prince  of  Mosul,  1126.  —  Murder  of  Busi, 
Prince  of  Damascus.  —  Murder  of  Sind  jar's  vizir  by  Assassins,  1127. — 
Vengeance  of  Assassins.  —  Death  of  a  Fatimid  Kalif  by  the  daggers  of 
the  Assassins,  1134. —  Death  of  Kia  Busugomid,  1138.  —  Appointment 
of  Mohammed  to  succeed  his  father.  —  Murder  of  Mostereshed.  —  Death 


xxii 


Contents 


of  Rashid,  his  successor.  —  Assassin  doctrine  as  delivered  to  Sindj  ar. 

—  Succession  of  Mohammed,  1138.  —  Nur  ed  din  in  Syria.  —  Attack 
against  Damascus,  1154.  —  Friendship  of  Nur  ed  din  for  the 
Abbasids.  —  Triumph  of  Nur  ed  din  in  Haram.  —  Arrival  of 
Shawer  in  Damascus.  —  Shawer's  request  for  aid  against  the 
Crusaders.  —  Plot  of  Shawer  to  destroy  Shirkuh.  —  Death  of  Shirkuh, 
1169.  —  Saladin's  origin.  —  Saladin  first  vizir  of  the  Kalif.  — :  Exposure 
of  the  secrets  of  the  Assassins  by  Hassan  II.  —  Efforts  of  Hassan  to 
established  his  descent  from  Kalifs  of  Egypt.  —  Death  of  Hassan. — 
Death  of  Nur  ed  din,  1174.  —  Egypt  governed  by  Saladin  in  the  name 
of  Salih.  —  Defeat  of  the  troops  of  Aleppo,  by  Saladin,  1175.  —  End 
of  the  Fatimid  Kalifat.  —  Saladin  attacked  by  Assassins.  —  Attack 
of  Massiat  by  Saladin.  —  Compromise  of  Sinan.  —  Death  of  Mohammed 
II.  —  Succession  of  Jelal  ud  din  Hassan,  son  of  Mohammed,  1213.  — 
Jelal's  return  to  the  true  faith.  —  Death  of  Jelal  ud  din,  1225.  —  Succes- 
sion of  his  son,  Alai  ed  din.  —  Death  of  Alai  ed  din.  —  Succession  of 
Rokn  ud  din.  —  Attack  of  Hulagu  upon  the  Assassins.  —  Surrender  of 
Rokn  ud  din. — ■  Visit  of  Rokn  ud  din  to  the  court  of  Mangu,  1257. — 
Death  of  Rokn  ud  din  222 

CHAPTER  XIII 

Message  of  Hulagu  to  Kalif  of  Bagdad,  1257.  —  Kalif  rebukes  Hulagu.  — 
Hulagu's  envoys  insulted  by  the  people.  —  Second  message  of  the 
Kalif  to  Hulagu  to  warn  him  against  making  war  on  the  Abbasids. 

—  Attempted  treason  of  Ak6,  commandant  of  Daritang.  —  Possession 
of  the  Daritang  road  by  Hulagu.  —  Prediction  of  the  astrologer.  — 
Capture  of  Luristan  by  the  Mongols.  —  Advance  of  Feth  ud  din  to 
meet  the  Mongol  division.  —  Opening  of  canals  from  the  Tigris  by  the 
Mongols.  —  Triumph  of  Hulagu.  —  Submission  of  the  Kalif  of  Bagdad. 

—  Bagdad  sacked  by  the  Mongols.  —  Death  of  Kalif  of  Bagdad,  1258. 
— ■  Appointment  of  Ben  Amran  as  prefect.  —  Alb  Argun's  accession  to 
the  throne  of  Luristan.  —  Summons  of  Hulagu  to  Bedr  ud  din,  Prince 
of  Mosul.  —  Presents  given  by  the  Prince  of  Mosul  to  Hulagu.  —  Death 
of  Salih,  1249.  —  Death  of  Turan  Shah,  successor  of  Salih.  —  Accession 
of  Eibeg  to  the  throne  of  Egypt.  —  Attempt  of  Nassir  to  drive  Eibeg 
from  the  throne.  —  Message  of  Hulagu  to  Nassir.  —  Advance  of 
Hulagu's  army  into  Syria.  —  Accusation  of  Hulagu  against  Kamil, 
the  Eyubite  prince.  —  Summons  sent  by  Hulagu  to  the  Prince  of 
Mardin.  —  Message  of  Nassir  to  Mogith.  —  Succession  of  Mensur,  son 
of  Eibeg.  —  Kutuz  becomes  Sultan.  —  Siege  of  El  Biret.  —  Mongols 
camp  near  Aleppo.  —  Assault  and  capture  of  Aleppo,  January  25,  1260. 

—  Damascus  left  defenceless  by  Nassir  247 

CHAPTER  XIV 

News  of  the  death  of  Mangu,  1259.  — Desire  of  Kutuz  to  take  the  field 
against  the  Mongols.  —  Imprisonment  of  Hulagu's  envoy.  —  Meeting 
of  the  two  armies  on  the  plain  of  Ain  Jalut,  1260.  —  Defeat  of  the 
Mongols  by  Kutuz.  —  Arrival  of  Kutuz  in  Damascus.  —  Pursuit  of 
the  Mongols  by  Beibars.  —  Death  of  Kutuz,  1260.  —  Enthronement  of 
Beibars.  —  Youth  of  Beibars.  —  Yshmut,  son  of  Hulagu,  demands  the 
surrender  of  Mayafarkin.  —  Death  of  Kamil.  —  Attack  of  Yshmut  on 
Mardin.  —  Kalifs  investiture  of  Beibars  with  the  sovereignty.  —  De- 
parture from  Cairo  of  the  Sultan  and  the  Kalif,  1262.  —  Entrance  of 
Mostansir  into  Hitt.  —  Attack  of  Sanjar  on  the  Mongols  who  were 


Contents 


xxiii 


moving  against  Mosul.  —  Death  of  Sanjar.  —  Siege  of  Mosul. — 
Slaughter  of  the  inhabitants  of  Mosul.  —  Death  of  Prince  of  Mosul.  — 
Death  of  Salih.  — Visit  of  Salih,  the  Melik  of  Mosul,  to  Beibars  in 
Egypt.  —  Enthronement  of  Beibars.  —  Berkai's  criticism  of  Hulagu. — 
Defeat  of  Hulagu  by  Nogai.  —  Return  of  Hulagu  to  Tebriz.  —  Letter 
of  Beibars  to  Berkai.  —  Detention  of  envoys  by  Michael  Palaelogus. — 
Desire  of  Berkai  for  an  alliance  against  Hulagu.  —  Attack  of  Hayton, 
King  of  Cilicia,  on  Egyptian  territory.  —  Death  of  Seif  ud  din  Bitikdji, 
1263.  —  Troubles  in  Fars.  —  Reception  of  Seljuk  Shah  at  the  Oxus,  by 
Hulagu.  —  Death  of  Abu  Bekr,  1260.  —  Accession  of  Mohammed  Shah 
to  the  throne  of  Fars,  1262.  — Death  of  Seljuk  Shah.  —  Uns  Khatun 
placed  on  the  throne  of  Fars,  1264.  —  Sherif  ud  din  claims  to  be  the 
Mahdi  promised  by  the  Shiites.  —  March  of  the  Mongols  against  Sherif 
ud  din.  — Siege  of  El  Biret,  1264.  — Death  of  Hulagu,  1265.  — Death 
of  Hulagu' s  wife  Dokuz  Khatun.  —  Berkai's  second  campaign  to  the 
Caucasus,  1264.  —  Death  of  Berkai,  1266.  —  Nogai's  army  retreats  on 
Shirvan  367 

CHAPTER  XV 

Kin  Emperor  sends  offerings  to  the  spirit  of  Jinghis  Khan,  1229.— 
Mongols  continue  warfare  in  China.  —  Siege  of  Li  ho  chin  by  Mongols, 
1227.  —  King  Yang  attacked  by  Mongols,  1229.  —  Defeat  of  the  Mon- 
gols by  Yra  buka,  1230.  —  Advance  of  Ogotai  and  Tului  on  China. — 
Ogotai  anxious  to  seize  Honan.  —  Surrender  of  Fong  tsiang.  —  Arrival 
of  Yra  buka,  the  Kin  general  at  Teng  chu,  1234.  —  Tului's  report  to 
Ogotai  of  the  situation  in  Honan.  —  Siege  of  Yiu  chin  by  Tului.  —  Cap- 
ture and  death  of  Yra  buka.  —  Ogotai  visits  Tului.  —  Ogotai  asks  the 
Kin  Emperor  to  submit.  —  Advance  of  Mongols  on  Shan  chiu.  —  Fall  of 
Honan.  —  Siege  of  Nan  King.  —  Appearance  of  the  plague.  —  Flight  of 
the  Emperor  from  his  capital.  —  Attack  of  the  capital  by  Subotai. — 
Defence  of  Pian  king.  —  Surrender  of  Pian  king.  —  Execution  of 
Baksan.  —  Appearance  of  Mongols  near  Tsai  chiu.  —  Attack  of  Tsai 
chiu  by  Tatchar,  son  of  Boroul.  —  Nin  kia  su  yields  the  throne  to 
Ching  lin.  —  Death  of  Nin  kia  su.  —  Death  of  Ching  lin.  —  Death  of 
Tului,  October,  1232.  —  End  of  dominion  of  the  Kins  in  China,  1234   .  295 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Kurultai  summoned  by  Ogotai  at  Talantepe,  1234.  —  Kurultai  summoned 
by  Ogotai  at  Kara  Kurum,  1235.  —  Batu  marches  West.  —  An  army  sent 
to  Cashmir  and  India.  —  Expedition  against  China.  —  Assassination  of 
Tsui  li.  —  Recall  of  Subotai.  —  Reoccupation  of  Ching  tu  by  the 
Chinese  1239.  —  Sack  of  Ching  tu  by  Mongols.  —  Entrance  into  Hu 
kuang  of  Kutchu,  1236.  —  Death  of  Kutchu.  —  Attack  on  Liu  chiu  by 
Chagan,  a  Mongol  general,  1238.  —  Withdrawal  of  Chagan.  —  Three 
victories  of  Meng  kong  over  Mongols,  1239.  —  Offers  of  peace  by  Wang 
tsie,  a  Mongol  envoy.  —  Death  of  Ogotai,  1241.  —  Influence  of  Abd  ur 
Rahman  over  the  widow  of  Ogotai.  —  Delay  of  Batu  in  coming  to  the 
Kurultai. — 'Election  of  Kuyuk  as  Emperor.  —  Death  of  Turakina, 
Ogotai's  widow.  —  Death  of  Fatima,  a  favorite  of  Turakina.  —  Batu 
learns  of  the  death  of  Kuyuk,  1248.  —  Kurultai  called  by  Batu. — 
Hangu,  son  of  Tului,  saluted  as  Emperor,  1251.  —  Refusal  of  Ogo- 
tai's sons  to  recognize  the  legality  of  the  Kurultai  which  appointed 
Mangu.  —  Discovery  of  a  plot  to  assassinate  Mangu.  —  Death 
of   Siurkukteni,  mother   of   Mangu,   1252.  —  Desire   of   Mangu  to 


xxiv 


Contents 


kill  the  partisans  of  Ogofai's  sons.  —  Removal  of  all  Uigurs  favor- 
able to  Ogotai's  descendants  by  Mangu.  —  Mangu  gives  Honan  to 
Kubilai,  1252.  —  Tali  the  capital  of  Nan  chao  under  Mongol  rule. — 
Return  of  Kubilai  to  Mongolia.  —  Journey  of  Uriang  Kadai  to 
Mangu's  court  to  report  on  work  done  in  the  South,  beyond  China. — 
Return  of  Uriang  Kadai,  1254.  —  Summons  of  Uriang  Kadai  to  Chen 
chi  kung,  sovereign  of  Tung  king  (Gan  nan),  to  own  himself  tributary 
to  Mangu.  —  Surrender  of  Kiao  chi,  the  Gan  nan  capital,  to  Uriang 
Kadai.  —  Chen  chi  kung  resigns  in  favor  of  his  son,  1253.  —  Popularity 
of  Kubilai  in  China. — Jealousy  of  Mangu.  —  Recall  of  Kubilai,  1257. 

—  March  of  Mangu  to  the  Sung  Empire.  —  March  of  Mangu  against 
Ku  chu  yai,  a  fortress  west  of  Pao  ning.  —  Mangu's  conquest  of  West- 
ern Su  chuan.  —  Death  of  Mangu,  1259.  —  Kubilai  at  Ju  in  Honan, 
1259.  —  Effort  of  Arik  Buga,  master  at  Kara  Kurum,  to  usurp  power. 

—  Treaty  of  Kia  se  tao  and  Kubilai.  —  Encampment  of  Kubilai  outside 
the  walls  of  Pekin.  —  Election  and  enthronement  of  Kubilai.  —  Battle 
between  Kubilai  and  Arik  Buga.  —  Defeat  of  Arik  Buga  .      .  310 

CHAPTER  XVII 

March  of  Arik  Buga  to  Kara  Kurum.  —  Attack  of  Arik  Buga  on  Kubilai 
northeast  of  Shang  tu.  —  Defeat  of  Arik  Buga.  —  Reverses  of  Arik 
Buga.  —  Appeal  of  Arik  Buga  to  the  mercy  of  his  brother,  1264. — 
Death  of  Arik  Buga,  1266.  —  Claim  of  Kaidu,  grandson  of  Ogotai,  to 
headship  of  the  Mongols.  —  Decision  of  Kubilai  to  conquer  all  China. 

—  Revolt  of  Litan,  one  of  Kubilai's  generals.  —  Death  of  Litan. — 
Kubilai  moves  against  Southern  China,  1267.  —  Kubilai's  command  to  At 
chu  to  besiege  Siang  yang,  1268.  —  Attack  of  Mongols  on  Fan  ching, 

1273.  —  The  Emperor's  discovery  of  the  siege  of  Siang  yang  by  the  Mon- 
gols.—  Control  of  Fan  ching  by  the  Mongols.  —  Surrender  of  Siang 
yang  by  Liu  wen  hwan.  —  Death  of  Tu  tsong,  the  Emperor,  August, 

1274.  —  Surrender  of  many  cities  to  Bayan.  —  Surrender  of  Su  chuan, 
1278.  —  Bayan  advises  Kubilai  to  continue  operations  in  China.  —  Ar- 
rival of  the  Emperor  and  Empress  at  Kubilai's  court.  —  March  of 
Bayan  against  Lin  ngan.  —  Election  of  Y  wang  as  governor  of  the  Em- 
pire. —  Command  obtained  from  the  Emperor,  by  Bayan,  ordering  Sung 
subjects  to  submit  to  the  Mongols.  —  Chinese  defections  follow  Mongol 
successes.  —  Effort  of  Alihaiya  to  bribe  Ma  ki  to  surrender  Kwe  lin  fu, 
the  capital  of  Kiang  se.  —  Defeat  and  capture  of  Ma  ki.  —  Death  of 
Toan  tsong,  1278.  —  Kuang  Wang  is  made  Emperor  under  the  name 
Ti  ping.  —  Destruction  of  the  army  of  the  Sung  Emperor.  —  Blocking 
of  Chinese  vessels  by  Mongol  barges.  —  Capture  of  more  than  800  Chi- 
nese vessels.  —  Death  of  Chang  shi  kie.  —  Kubilai  finds  himself  master 

of  China,  January  31,  1279    336 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Struggle  of  Kubilai  with  Kaidu  lasting  from  the  death  of  Arik  Buga  to  the 
death  of  Kubilai.  —  End  of  the  Sung  dynasty.  —  Departure  of  troops 
for  Corea.  —  Mongol  fleet  encounters  a  storm.  —  Return  of  the  fleet. 

—  Attack  and  defeat  of  the  King  of  Burma.  —  Death  of  Sutu,  a 
distinguished  Mongol  general.  —  Kubilai  plans  a  second  Japanese 
expedition.  —  Victory  of  Kubilai's  forces  over  the  Tung  king  men  in 
seventeen  engagements.  —  Visit  of  Yang  ting  pie  to  the  islands  south 
of  China,  1285.  —  Arrival  of  the  ships  of  ten  kingdoms  in  Tsinan  chiu. 

—  Desire  of  Tok  Timur  to  put  Shireki,  son  of  Mangu,  on  the  throne, 


Contents 


xxv 


1277.  — Tok  Timur  attacked  by  Bay  an.  —  Flight  of  Tok  Timur.  —  Tok 
Timur  asks  aid  of  Shireki ;  failing  to  get  it  he  sets  up  Sarban.  —  Form- 
ing of  a  new  league  against  Kubilai  by  Kaidan  with  Nayan  as  leader. 

—  Capture  and  death  of  Nayan.  — Gift  of  Kara  Kurum  to  Bayan,  as 
headquarters.  —  Kubilai's  departure  from  Shang  tu  for  the  West. — 
Recall  of  Bayan.  —  Kubilai  sends  a  thousand  ships  to  attack  J ava.  — 
Effort  of  Wang  chu  to  free  the  Chinese  Empire.  —  Death  of  Ahmed, 
Kubilai's  Minister  of  Finance.  —  Execution  of  Wang  chu.  —  Execution 
of  Sanga.  —  Death  of  Kubilai,  February,  1294.  —  Election  of  Timur.  — 
Death  of  Bayan  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine.  —  Treaty  of  Timur  with  the 
King  of  Tung  king.  — Spread  of  revolt.  —  Death  of  Kaidu,  1301. — 
Daughter  of  Kaidu.  —  Homage  rendered  Chabar  as  Kaidu's  successor. 

Timur  acknowledged  as  overlord.  —  War  between  Chabar  and  Dua, 
1306.  —  Death  of  Dua.  —  Gebek,  son  of  Dua,  proclaimed  successor. — 
Attack  of  Chabar  on  Gebek.  —  Defeat  of  Chabar  361 

CHAPTER  XIX 

Accession  of  Ananda,  grandson  of  Kubilai.  —  Removal  of  Ananda.  —  Suc- 
cession of  Khaishan,  under  the  name  of  Kuluk.  —  Death  of  Khaishan, 
1311.  —  Batra  is  proclaimed  under  the  name  Bayantu.  —  Cause  and 
beginning  of  the  ruin  of  Mongol  power  in  China.  —  Appointment  of 
Shudi  Bala  as  successor  of  Bayantu.  —  Death  of  Bayantu  in  1320. — • 
Assassination  of  Shudi  Bala.  The  first  death  by  assassination  in  the 
Imperial  family.  —  Succession  of  Yissun  Timur.  —  Appointment  of 
Asukeba  as  heir.  —  Death  of  Yissun  Timur.  —  The  widow  of  Yissun 
Timur  proclaims  Asukeba.  —  Effort  of  Tob  Timur  to  secure  the  throne 
for  his  brother,  Kushala.  —  Defeat  of  the  partisans  of  Asukeba. — 
Exile  of  the  Empress. —  Sudden  death  of  Kushala  while  feasting, 
1329.  —  Tob  Timur  is  made  Emperor.  —  Death  of  Tob  Timur.  —  Death 
of  the  young  son  of  Kushala.  —  Accession  of  Togan  Timur,  Kushala'a 
eldest  son.  —  Revolt  in  Honan,  Su  chuan  and  Kwang  tung.  —  Removal 
of  Tob  Timur's  tablet  from  the  hall  of  Imperial  ancestors,  1340. — 
Completion  of  the  annals  of  the  Liao,  the  Kin,  and  the  Sung  dynasties. 

—  Insurrection  m  South  China,  1341.  —  Fang  kwe  chin,  a  pirate, 
harries  the  coast  of  Che  kiang.  —  Declaration  of  Han  chan  tong  of  the 
appearance    of    Buddha    to    free    China    from  the    Mongol  yoke. 

—  Death  of  Han  chan  tong.  —  Departure  of  Mongols  from  the 
Yang  tse  region.  —  Capture  of  Han  yang  and  Wu  chang  in 
Hu  kwang  by  Siu  chiu  hwei.  —  Recapture  of  Hang  chiu  by  the 
Mongol  general,  Tong  pu.  —  Appearance  of  Chang  se  ching  in  Kiang 
nan.  —  Siu  chiu  hwei  proclaims  himself  Emperor.  —  Defeat  of  a  Mongol 
general  by  Ni  wen  tsiun.  —  Appearance  of  Chu  yuan  chang,  the  man 
destined  to  destroy  Mongol  rule,  and  found  the  Ming  dynasty. — 
Capture  of  Nan  king,  Yang  chiu  and  Chin  kiang  by  Chu.  —  Defeat 
of  adherents  of  Ming  wang,  the  pseudo  Sung  Emperor,  by  Chagan 
Timur,  a  Mongol  general.  —  Control  of  Hu  kwang  and  Kiang  si  by  Siu 
chiu  hwei.  —  Chin  proclaims  himself  Emperor.  —  Plans  of  Chagan 
Timur  to  capture  Nan  king.  —  Aiyuchelitala  named  as  heir  by  Togan 
Timur.  —  Invitation  of  Ali  hwei  to  Togan  Timur  to  yield  what  is  left 
of  Mongol  power.  —  Defeat  of  Tukien  Timur.  —  Assassination  of 
Chagan  Timur  by  Wang  se  ching.  —  Appearance  of  Ming  yu  chin  as 
Emperor.  —  March  of  Chu,  the  coming  Emperor  of  China,  against  Chin 
yiu  liang.  —  Defeat  of  Chin  yiu  liang.  —  Surrender  of  cities  to  Chu. — 
Effort  of  Polo  Timur  to  capture  Tsin  ki.  —  Defeat  of  Polo  Timur  by 
Ku  ku  Timur.  —  The  heir  of  the  Mongol  throne  acts  against  the  Grand 


xxvi 


Contents 


Khan,  his  father.  —  Polo  Timur  made  commander-in-chief  by  Togan 
Timur.  —  News  of  the  capture  of  Shang  tu.  —  Death  of  Ming  yu  chin, 
1366. —  Disappearance  of  Han  lin  ulh.  —  Efforts  of  Chu  to  liberate 
China.  —  Surrender  of  all  cities  to  Chu's  generals.  —  Terror  of  Togan 
Timur  caused  by  conquests  of  Chu.  —  Chu  proclaimed  Emperor,  the 
name  Ming  is  given  to  his  dynasty.  —  Entrance  of  Chu  into  Ta  tu, 
1368.  —  Death  of  Togan  Timur.  —  Capture  of  Togan  Timur's  grand- 
son by  Ming  forces.  —  Advance  of  Su  tu,  the  Ming  general,  to  the 
Kerulon.  —  Death  of  the  Mongol  heir.  Succession  of  his  son  Tukus 
Timur,  1378.  —  Defeat  of  Tukus  Timur  by  Chu  forces.  —  Assassination 
of  Tukus  Timur.  —  Civil  war  roused  by  Yissudar.  —  Invitation  of  the 
Emperor  of  China  to  Buin  Shara  to  declare  himself  vassal.  —  Invasion 
of  Mongolia  by  a  Chinese  army.  —  Yung  lo's  advance  to  the  Kerulon. 
—  Defeat  of  the  Mongols.  —  Death  of  Buin  Shara,  1412.  —  The  Manchu 
dynasty.  —  End  of  Mongol  power  384 


THE  MONGOLS 


CHAPTER  I 

CLASSIFICATION,  MYTH  AND  REALITY 

FtOM  an  obscure  and  uncertain  beginning  the  word  Mongol 
has  gone  on  increasing  in  significance  and  spreading  geo- 
graphically during  more  than  ten  centuries  until  it  has  filled  the 
whole  earth  with  its  presence.  From  the  time  when  men  used  it 
at  first  until  our  day  this  word  has  been  known  in  three  senses 
especially.  In  the  first  sense  it  refers  to  some  small  groups  of 
hunters  and  herdsmen  living  north  of  the  great  Gobi  desert;  in 
the  second  it  denotes  certain  peoples  in  Asia  and  Eastern  Europe ; 
in  the  third  and  most  recent,  a  worldwide  extension  has  been  given 
it.  In  this  third  and  the  broad  sense  the  word  Mongol  has  been 
made  to  include  in  one  category  all  yellow  skinned  nations,  or 
peoples,  including  those  too  with  a  reddish-brown,  or  dark  tinge 
in  the  yellow,  having  also  straight  hair,  always  black,  and  dark 
eyes  of  various  degrees  of  intensity.  In  this  sense  the  word  Mongol 
co-ordinates  vast  numbers  of  people,  immense  groups  of  men  who 
are  like  one  another  in  some  traits,  and  widely  dissimilar  in  others. 
It  embraces  the  Chinese,  the  Coreans,  the  Japanese,  the  Manchus, 
the  original  Mongols  with  their  near  relatives  the  Tartar,  or  Turk- 
ish tribes  which  hold  Central  Asia,  or  most  of  it.  Moving  west- 
ward from  China  this  term  covers  the  Tibetans  and  with  them  all 
the  non-Aryan  nations  and  tribes  until  we  reach  India  and 
Persia. 

In  India,  whose  most  striking  history  in  modern  ages  is  Mongol, 
nearly  all  populations  save  Aryans  and  Semites  are  classified  with 
Mongols.  In  Persia  where  the  dynasty  is  Mongol  that  race  is  pre- 
ponderant in  places  and  important  throughout  the  whole  kingdom, 

1 


2 


The  Mongols 


though  in  a  minority.  In  Asia  Minor  the  Mongol  is  master,  for  the 
Turk  is  still  sovereign,  and  will  be  till  a  great  rearrangement  is 
effected. 

Five  groups  of  Mongols  have  made  themselves  famous  in 
Europe :  the  Huns  with  their  mighty  chief  Attila,  the  Bulgars,  the 
Magyars,  the  Turks  or  Osmanli,  and  the  Mongol  invaders  of 
Russia.  All  these  five  will  have  their  due  places  later  on  in  this 
history. 

In  Africa  there  have  been  and  are  still  Mongol  people.  The 
Mamelukes  and  their  forces  at  Cairo  were  in  their  time  remarkable, 
and  Turkish  dominion  exists  till  the  present,  at  least  theoretically, 
in  Egypt,  and  west  of  it. 

Not  restricted  to  the  Eastern  hemisphere  the  word  Mongol  is 
still  further  used  to  include  aboriginal  man  in  America. 

Thus  this  great  aggregation  of  people  is  found  in  each  part  of 
both  hemispheres,  and  we  cannot  consider  the  Mongols  historically 
in  a  wide  sense  unless  we  consider  all  mankind. 

In  the  first,  that  is  the  original  and  narrowest  sense  of  the  word 
it  applies  to  those  Mongols  alone  who  during  twelve  centuries  or 
longer  have  inhabited  the  country  just  south  of  Lake  Baikal,  and 
north  of  the  great  Gobi  desert.  It  is  from  these  Mongols  proper 
that  the  name  has  at  last  been  extended  to  the  whole  yellow  race  in 
both  hemispheres. 

The  word  Mongol  began,  it  is  said,  with  the  Chinese,  but  this 
is  not  certain.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  Chinese  made  it 
known  to  the  great  world  outside,  and  thus  opened  the  way  to  that 
immense  application  now  given  it.  The  Tang  dynasty  lasted  from 
618  to  907  and  left  its  own  history.  In  that  history  the  term 
Mongol  appears  as  Mong-ku,  and  in  the  annals  of  the  Kitan 
dynasty  which  followed  the  Tang  Mong-ku-li  is  the  form  which  is 
given  us.  The  Kitans  were  succeeded  by  the  Golden  Khans,  or 
Kin  Emperors,  and  in  the  annals  of  their  line  the  Mong-ku  are 
mentioned  very  often. 

The  Mongols  began  their  career  somewhat  south  of  Lake  Baikal 
where  six  rivers  rise  in  a  very  remarkable  mountain  land.  The 
Onon,  the  Ingoda  and  the  Kerulon  are  the  main  western  sources 
of  that  immense  stream  the  Amoor,  which  enters  the  Sea  of  Okhotsk 
and  thus  finds  the  Pacific.  The  second  three  rivers:  the  Tula, 
Orhon,  and  Selinga  flow  into  Lake  Baikal,  and  thence,  through  the 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality  3 


Lower  Angara  and  Yenissei,  are  merged  in  Arctic  waters  directly 
in  front  of  Nova  Zembla. 

These  two  water  systems  begin  in  the  Kentei  Khan  mountains 
which  have  as  their  chief  elevation  Mount  Burhan.  The  six  rivers 
while  flowing  toward  the  Amoor  and  Lake  Baikal  water  the  whole 
stretch  of  country  where  the  Mongols  began  their  activity  as  known 
to  us.  There  they  moved  about  with  their  large  and  small  cattle, 
fought,  robbed,  and  hunted,  ate  and  drank  and  slew  one  another 
during  ages  without  reckoning.  In  that  region  of  forest  and  grass 
land,  of  mountains  and  valleys,  of  great  and  small  rivers  the  air 
is  wholesome  though  piercingly  cold  during  winter,  and  exceedingly 
hot  in  the  summer  months.  There  was  subsistence  enough  for  a 
primitive  life  in  that  country,  but  men  had  to  fight  for  it  savagely. 
Flocks  and  herds  when  grown  numerous  need  immense  spaces  to 
feed  in,  and  those  spaces  of  land  caused  unending  struggle  and 
bloodshed.  The  flocks  and  herds  were  also  objects  of  struggle,  not 
flocks  and  herds  only,  but  women.  The  desirable  woman  was 
snatched  away,  kidnapped ;  the  good  herd  of  cattle  was  stolen,  and 
afterward  fought  for ;  the  grass  covered  mountain  or  valley,  or  the 
forest  with  grass  or  good  branches,  or  shrubbery  for  browsing  was 
seized  and  then  kept  by  the  men  who  were  able  to  hold  it. 

This  stealing  of  cattle,  this  grabbing  of  pasture  and  forest,  this 
fighting,  this  killing,  this  capture  of  women  continued  for  ages  with 
no  apparent  results  except  those  which  were  personal,  local,  and 
transient  till  Temudjin  the  great  Mongol  appeared  in  that  harsh 
mountain  country.  This  man  summed  up  in  himself,  and  intensi- 
fied to  the  utmost  the  ideas,  strength,  temper  and  spirit  of  his  race 
as  presented  in  action  and  life  up  to  his  day.  He  placed  the 
Mongols  on  the  stage  of  the  world  with  a  skill  and  a  power  that 
were  simply  colossal  and  all-conquering.  The  results  which  he 
won  were  immediate  and  terrifying.  No  man  born  of  woman  has 
had  thus  far  in  history  a  success  so  peculiar,  so  thorough  and  per- 
fect, so  completely  acknowledged  by  mankind  as  the  success  won 
by  Temudjin.  There  is  in  his  career  an  unconquerable  sequence, 
a  finish,  a  oneness  of  character  that  sets  it  apart  among  all  the 
careers  of  those  mighty  ones  in  history  who  worked  for  this  life  and 
no  other,  and  strove  for  no  object  save  that  which  is  tangible, 
material  and  present;  success  of  such  kind  and  success  so  enor- 
mous that  a  common  intelligence  might  yearn  for  it,  but  have  no 


4 


The  Mongols 


more  chance  of  winning  than  of  reaching  the  stars,  or  of  seeing  the 
sun  during  night  hours. 

The  career  of  this  Mongol  is  unique  in  the  world,  unapproach- 
able, since  its  object  was  unmixed  and  immediate  and  his  success 
in  attaining  it  was  so  great  that  it  seems,  we  might  say,  super- 
human. 

The  account  which  is  given  us  of  Temudjin's  origin  is  a  myth 
tale,  excepting  a  few  generations  directly  preceding  him.  Gene- 
alogy in  the  form  of  a  myth  tale  is  no  exception  in  the  case  of  any 
people,  —  no  wonder.  It  is  the  rule  and  inevitable,  the  one  method 
used  by  each  primitive  folk  to  explain  its  own  origin.  All  early 
men  in  their  own  accounts  are  descended  from  gods  who  are 
either  divine  mythic  animals,  or  elements,  or  forces,  or  phenomena 
which  become  later  on  the  progenitors  of  nations,  or  their  totems. 

The  first  mythic  parents  or  founders  of  Temudjin's  family  were 
a  blue  wolf  and  a  gray  doe.  These  two  swam  across  a  lake,  reached 
the  river  Onon  near  its  sources  and  settled  down  permanently  at 
the  foot  of  Mount  Burhan,  where  a  son  called  Batachi  was  born 
to  them.  Ninth  in  descent  from  Batachi  were  Duva  Sohor,  and 
Doben.  The  former  had  only  one  eye  which  was  fixed  in  the 
middle  of  his  forehead,  but  with  that  eye  he  saw  beyond  three 
mountain  ranges.  Once  these  two  brothers  climbed  up  Mount 
Burhan,  and  were  gazing  at  the  world  from  the  top  of  it  when 
Duva  Sohor  beheld  many  people  moving  down  the  Tungeli. 
"  There  is  the  wife  for  my  brother,  unless  she  is  married,"  thought 
Duva.  "  Go  and  see  her,"  said  he  then  to  Doben.  Doben  went 
to  the  new  people  straightway  and  learned  that  the  woman  was 
single  and  that  her  name  was  Alan  Goa.  The  moving  people 
were  dependents  of  one  Horilartai. 

In  time  before  that  Bargudai,  who  owned  Bargudjin  on  Lake 
Baikal,  had  a  daughter  whom  he  gave  to  Horilartai  of  Horntu- 
madun.  From  this  marriage  came  Alan  Goa,  born  at  Alih  Usun. 
They  had  left  their  old  place  since  the  hunting  of  ermine  and 
squirrels  had  been  stopped  there.  Horilartai  removed  to  Mount 
Burhan,  where  game  was  abundant.  He  joined  Shinchi  Boy  an, 
the  master  of  Mount  Burhan,  and  began  the  clan  Horilar.  Thus 
Doben  found  Alan  Goa,  who  bore  him  two  sons,  Bugundai  and 
Bailgun  Etai. 

Duva  the  one-eyed  had  four  sons.   The  two  brothers  and  their 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality 


5 


six  sons  lived  in  one  company  till  Duva's  death ;  after  that  Duva's 
four  sons  deserted  their  uncle,  and  founded  the  clan  known  as 
Dorbian. 

One  day  while  Doben  was  hunting  he  found  in  the  forest  a 
man  roasting  vension  and  straightway  asked  meat  of  him.  The 
man  kept  one  flank  and  the  lungs,  and  gave  the  remainder  to 
Doben  who  tied  what  he  got  to  his  saddle,  and  started  off  home- 
ward. He  met  on  the  road  a  poor  man  and  a  small  boy.  "  Who 
art  thou  ?  "  inquired  Doben.  "  I  am  of  the  Malish  Boyandai," 
said  the  poor  man,  "  I  am  in  need,  give  me  venison,  I  pray  thee, 
I  will  give  thee  my  son  in  return  for  it."  Doben  gave  the  man  a 
deer  leg,  took  the  boy  home,  and  made  him  his  attendant. 

Some  years  passed,  the  boy  grew,  and  Doben  died.  The  boy, 
now  a  man,  served  the  widow.  While  a  widow  Alan  Goa  bore 
three  sons;  the  eldest  was  Buga  Hatagi,  the  second  Tusalchi, 
the  third  Boduanchar.  The  two  sons  born  of  Doben  said  once  to 
each  other:  "Our  mother  has  no  husband,  no  brother  of  our 
father  has  ever  been  in  this  yurta,  still  she  has  three  sons.  There 
is  only  one  man  in  the  house,  he  has  lived  with  us  always ;  is  he 
not  their  father  ?  " 

Alan  Goa  learned  that  the  two  elder  brothers  were  curious 
concerning  the  other  three,  so  one  day  she  called  in  her  five  sons 
and  seating  them  together  gave  each  one  an  arrow  and  told  him 
to  break  it.  Each  broke  his  arrow.  She  then  bound  five  arrows 
firmly  together  and  commanded  to  break  them  —  not  one  of  the 
brothers  could  break  the  five  arrows  when  tied  in  a  bundle. 

"  Ye  are  in  doubt,"  said  she  then  to  her  eldest  and  second 
son,  "  as  to  who  is  the  father  of  my  third,  fourth  and  fifth  sons. 
Ye  wonder,  and  with  reason,  for  ye  know  not  that  a  golden  hued 
man  makes  his  way  to  this  yurta.  He  enters  through  the  door  by 
which  light  comes,  he  enters  in  through  the  smoke  hole  like  sun- 
shine. The  brightness  which  comes  from  him  fills  me  when  I  look 
at  him.  Going  off  on  the  rays  of  the  sun  or  the  moon  he  runs  like 
a  swift  yellow  dog  till  he  vanishes.  Cease  talking  idly.  Your  three 
youngest  brothers  are  children  of  Heaven,  and  no  one  may  liken 
them  to  common  men.  When  they  are  khans  ye  will  know  this." 

Alan  Goa  instructed  her  sons  then,  and  said  to  them :  "  Ye  all 
are  my  children,  ye  are  all  sons  of  mine.  If  ye  stand  apart  like 
those  five  broken  arrows  it  will  be  very  easy  to  break  you,  but  if  ye 


6 


The  Mongols 


keep  one  mmd  and  one  spirit  no  man  on  earth  will  be  able  to  injure 
you,  ye  will  be  like  those  five  arrows  in  the  bundle." 

Alan  Goa  died  soon  after  this  talk  with  her  children.  Four  of 
the  brothers  took  what  belonged  to  all  five  of  them,  counting  the 
youngest  a  weakling  and  simple  they  gave  him  no  property 
whatever.  He,  seeing  that  they  would  not  treat  him  with  justice, 
said  in  his  own  mind :  "  I  will  go  from  this  place,  I  will  leave 
them."  Then  mounting  a  sorry  roan  horse  with  galled  back  and 
mangy  tail  he  left  his  four  brothers  and  rode  away  up  the  Onon 
to  live  at  some  new  spot  in  freedom.  When  he  reached  Baljunala 
he  built  a  small  yurta,  or  hut  at  the  place  which  seemed  best  to 
him  and  lived  in  it.  One  day  he  saw  a  falcon  swoop  down  on  a 
woodcock  and  seize  it  there  near  his  yurta;  he  plucked  hairs 
from  the  mangy  tail  of  his  horse,  made  a  snare,  caught  the  falcon, 
and  trained  it.  When  the  wolves  drove  wild  beasts  toward  the 
yurta  in  hunting  he  killed  them  with  arrows,  or  took  for  himself 
and  the  falcon  what  the  wolves  left  uneaten.  Thus  he  lived  the 
first  winter.  When  spring  came  the  falcon  caught  ducks  and 
geese  in  great  numbers. 

Beyond  the  ridge  of  Mount  Duilyan,  which  was  there  near  his 
yurta,  flowed  the  Tungeli,  and  at  the  river  lived  a  new  people. 
Boduanchar,  who  went  to  hunt  daily  with  his  falcon,  discovered  this 
people  and  drank  in  their  yurtas,  mare's  milk  which  they  gave  him. 
They  knew  not  whence  he  had  come,  and  he  asked  not  who  they 
were,  though  they  met  every  day  with  good  feeling. 

At  last  Boduanchar's  eldest  brother,  Hatagi,  set  out  to  find 
him  if  possible  and  reached  the  Tungeli,  where  he  saw  the  new 
people  with  whom  Boduanchar  was  in  friendship. 

"  Have  ye  seen  a  young  man  with  a  mangy  tailed  horse  ?  " 
asked  he.  "  On  the  horse's  back  are  white  spots  which  are  marks 
of  old  gall  sores."  ' 6  We  have  seen  the  young  man  with  that  horse 
—  he  has  also  a  falcon.  He  comes  here  each  day  to  drink  mare's 
milk,  but  we  know  not  the  place  of  his  yurta.  Whenever  wind 
blows  from  the  northwest  it  drives  hither  as  many  duck  and  goose 
feathers  as  there  are  flakes  in  a  snowstorm.  He  must  live  with 
his  falcon  northwest  of  us.  But  wait  here  a  while  and  thou  wilt 
see  him."  Soon  they  saw  the  young  man  coming.  Boduanchar 
became  reconciled  and  went  home  with  Hatagi. 

"  A  man  is  complete  who  has  a  head  on  his  body,"  said  Bodu- 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality 


7 


anchar  to  himself.  And  aloud  he  said  as  they  traveled,  "  A  coat 
is  complete  when  a  collar  is  sewed  to  it."  The  brother  said  noth- 
ing on  hearing  these  words  for  the  first  time ;  Boduanchar  repeated 
the  saying.  "  What  dost  thou  mean  ?  "  asked  Hatagi.  "  Those 
men  on  the  river,"  said  Boduanchar,  "  have  no  head  in  their  com- 
pany; great  and  small  are  all  one  to  them.  We  might  take  their 
ulus 1  very  easily0"  "  Well,"  replied  Hatagi,  "  when  we  reach  home 
we  will  talk  of  this ;  if  we  agree  we  will  take  the  place." 

The  five  brothers  talked  over  the  plan  and  were  willing.  Bodu- 
anchar led  them  back  to  the  village.  The  first  person  seized  by 
him  was  a  woman.  "  Of  what  stock  art  thou  ?  "  asked  Boduanchar. 
"  I  am  of  the  Charchiuts,"  answered  the  woman.  The  five 
brothers  led  all  the  people  to  their  own  place ;  after  that  they  had 
cattle;  they  had  also  attendants  to  wait  on  them,  when  eating. 
Boduanchar  took  his  first  captive  as  wife  and  she  bore  him  a  son 
from  whom  the  Balin  clan  was  descended.  Boduanchar  took 
another  wife  and  by  her  begat  Habichi,  who  in  time  had  a  son 
Mainyan  Todan  who  took  as  wife  Monalun,  from  whom  seven 
sons  were  born  to  him;  the  eldest  of  these  was  Katchi  Kyuluk, 
and  the  youngest,  Nachin. 

Monalun  loved  command;  she  was  harsh  in  her  household 
and  severe  to  all  people.  With  her  Mainyan  Todan  gained  great 
wealth  of  all  kinds,  and  lived  at  Nush  Argi.  Though  there  was  no 
forest  land  near  his  yurta  he  had  so  many  cattle  when  the  herds 
were  driven  home,  that  not  five  ells  of  ground  within  eyesight 
could  be  found  with  no  beast  on  it. 

Mainyan  Todan  departed  from  life  while  his  seventh  son  was 
an  infant.  At  this  time  the  Jelairs,  that  is,  some  descendants  of 
Doben  and  Alan  Goa,  who  had  settled  on  the  Kerulon  near  the 
Golden  Khan's  border,  warred  with  his  people  very  often.  On 
a  time  the  Golden  Khan  sent  his  forces  against  them ;  the  Jelairs 
thinking  the  river  impassable  sneered  at  the  enemy,  and  taking 
their  caps  off  fell  to  mocking  and  shouting :  "  Would  ye  not  like 
to  come  over  and  take  all  our  horses  and  families  ?  "  Roused  by 
this  ridicule  and  banter  the  enemy  made  rafts  under  cover,  and 
crossed  the  Kerulon  quickly.  They  rushed  forward  and  defeated 
the  Jelairs.  They  slew  all  whom  they  met  or  could  find,  not  sparing 
even  children.  Most  of  the  Jelairs  were  slain,  except  some  who 
1 A  village  or  community. 


8 


The  Mongols 


had  camped  in  a  place  where  the  enemy  did  not  reach  them. 
These  survivors  found  refuge  at  Monalun's  settlement,  where 
they  fell  to  digging  roots  for  subsistence,  and  spoiled  a  large 
space  used  in  training  young  horses. 

The  widow  was  enraged  at  this  trespass.  She  was  riding  in  a 
cart  when  she  saw  it.  Rushing  in  with  attendants  she  trampled 
down  some  of  the  people,  and  dispersed  them.  Soon  after  this 
those  same  Jelairs  stole  from  the  sons  of  the  widow  a  large  herd  of 
horses.  When  they  heard  of  this  robbery  those  sons  hurried  off 
to  recover  the  animals.  In  their  great  haste  they  forgot  to  take 
armor.  Monalun  sent  their  wives  on  in  carts  with  the  armor, 
and  she  herself  followed.  Her  sons  were  lying  dead  when  their 
wives  brought  the  armor.  The  Jelairs  then  slew  the  women,  and 
when  she  came  up  they  killed  Monalun  also. 

The  descendants  of  Katchi  Kyuluk  were  all  dead  now  except 
the  youngest  son,  who  was  living  apart  from  the  others  at  Bar- 
gudjin  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Baikal,  and  Kaidu  his  eldest 
son's  only  offspring,  a  small  boy  who  was  saved  by  his  nurse,  who 
hid  with  the  child  under  firewood. 

"When  news  came  to  Nachin  that  his  family  had  been  slaughtered 
he  hurried  on  to  Nush  Argi  and  found  there  some  wretched  old 
women  with  the  little  boy  Kaidu,  and  the  nurse  who  had  saved 
him.  Nachin  was  anxious  to  examine  the  Jelair  country,  recover 
some  part  of  his  brothers'  lost  property,  and  take  a  stern  vengeance 
on  the  Jelairs,  but  he  had  no  horse  to  ride  on  this  journey.  Just 
then  a  sorrel  stallion  from  the  herd  that  had  been  stolen  by  the 
Jelairs  wandered  back  to  Nush  Argi.  Nachin  took  this  beast  and 
set  out  alone  to  reconnoitre.  The  first  men  to  meet  him  were  two 
hunters  on  horseback,  a  son  and  his  father,  who  were  riding  apart 
from  each  other.  Each  had  a  hawk  on  his  wrist,  and  Nachin  saw 
that  both  birds  had  belonged  to  his  brothers. 

"  Hast  thou  seen  a  brown  stallion,  with  mares,  going  eastward  ?  99 
asked  he  of  the  younger  man.  "  I  have  not,"  said  the  stranger, 
"  but  hast  thou  seen  ducks  or  geese  on  thy  journey  ?  "  "  I  have 
seen  many ; "  replied  Nachin ;  "  come,  I  will  show  them  to  thee.'* 
The  man  followed  Nachin,  who  at  his  own  time  well  selected  turned 
on  this  Jelair  and  killed  him.  He  fettered  the  horse,  tied  the  hawk 
to  the  saddle,  turned  and  rode  toward  the  second  man ;  upon  reach- 
ing him  he  asked  if  he  had  seen  a  brown  stallion,  and  mares  going 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality 


9 


eastward.  "  No,"  said  the  man,  "  but  hast  thou  seen  my  son 
who  is  hawking  here  near  us  ?  "  "I  have  seen  him,"  said  Nachin. 
"  He  is  bleeding  from  the  nose  and  that  delays  him."  Nachin 
then  killed  the  second  man  and  rode  along  farther,  taking  with 
him  the  hawks  and  the  horses.  He  came  at  last  to  a  valley  where 
many  horses  were  grazing;  some  boys  were  herding  the  beasts, 
and  throwing  stones  for  amusement.  Nachin  from  a  high  place 
examined  the  country  and  since  there  was  no  one  in  sight  he  went 
into  the  valley,  killed  the  boys  and  urged  on  the  herd  to  Nush 
Argi,  leading  the  two  hunters'  horses  and  bringing  the  hawks 
with  him.  Nachin  then  took  his  nephew,  and  the  old  women  with 
the  nurse,  and  drove  all  the  horses  to  Bargudjin.  There  he 
lived  for  some  years,  and  reared  and  trained  his  young  nephew, 
who  when  old  enough  was  made  chief  over  two  groups  of  Mongols ; 
later  on  other  groups  were  connected  with  these  two.  The  Jelairs 
were  crushed  and  enslaved  by  Kaidu  and  Nachin,  who  returned 
at  the  right  time  to  Nush  Argi.  In  that  chief  place  of  his  family  he 
acquired  many  cattle,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  Mongol  dominion. 

Nachin,  as  Mongol  story  depicts  him,  is  one  of  the  few  men 
in  history  who  were  not  self-seeking.  He  saved  the  small  remnant 
of  his  family  which  escaped  from  the  Jelairs,  and  was  for  some 
time  the  real  guardian  of  the  Mongols.  He  saved  the  boy  Kaidu, 
and,  seeking  no  power  for  himself,  turned  every  effort  to  strengthen- 
ing his  nephew. 

From  that  nephew,  Kaidu,  are  descended  the  greatest  historical 
men  of  his  people,  men  without  whom  the  name  Mongol  might  not 
have  risen  from  obscurity  to  be  known  and  renowned  as  it  now  is. 

Nachin  had  two  sons,  Urudai  and  Manhudai,  from  whom  are 
descended  the  Units  and  Manhuts,  two  tribes  which  under  Kuildar 
and  Churchadai  saved  the  fortune  of  Temudjin  in  his  most  des- 
perate battle  at  Kalanchin. 

Kaidu  had  three  sons;  the  eldest  was  Boshin  Kordokshin,  the 
second  Charaha  Lingu,  the  third  Chao  Jinortaidji.  Kaidu's 
eldest  son  had  one  son  named  Tumbinai,  and  died  soon  after  the 
birth  of  that  single  descendant.  Kaidu's  second  son  had  a  son 
named  Sengun  Bilghe,  who  had  a  son  Ambagai,  and  from  this 
strong  son,  Ambagai,  were  descended  the  Taidjuts. 

Kaidu's  second  son  took  his  eldest  brother's  widow,  and  from 
her  had  a  son,  Baisutai,  from  whom  came  the  Baisuts.  Kaidu's 


10 


The  Mongols 


third  son  had  six  sons,  who  were  the  founders  of  six  clans  among 
Mongols.  Tumbinai,  son  of  Boshin,  Kaidu's  eldest  son,  had  two 
sons,  Kabul  and  Sinsaichilai.  Kabul  had  seven  sons ;  the  second 
of  these,  Bartan,  had  four  sons;  the  third  of  these  four  sons 
was  Yessugai. 

Kabul  was  made  khan,  and  though  he  had  seven  sons  he  did 
not  wish  to  give  rule  to  any  one  of  them.  So  he  gave  it  to  Sengun 
Bilghe,  the  father  of  Ambagai.  Kabul  the  Khan,  son  of  Tumbinai, 
was  renouned  for  great  courage.  His  fame  reached  the  Emperor 
of  China,  who  had  such  regard  for  this  chief  that  he  sent  envoys 
inviting  him  to  the  court  as  an  evidence  of  friendship,  and  with 
the  concealed  hope  of  making  a  treaty  through  which  the  Mongols 
might  act  with  North  China.  Kabul  made  the  journey.  The 
Emperor  received  him  with  honor,  and  entertained  him  with  the 
best  food  and  drink  in  the  country.  But,  since  the  Chinese  were 
given  to  deceit  very  greatly,  as  Kabul  thought,  and  attacked  each 
opponent  from  an  ambush,  he  feared  wiles  and  most  of  all  poison ; 
hence  he  avoided  food  and  drink  and  withdrew  from  a  feast  under 
pretexts,  but  returned  later  on  when  relieved  of  suspicion,  and  fell 
to  eating  and  drinking  with  very  great  relish.  The  Chinese  were 
astounded  at  sight  of  his  thirst  and  his  hunger.  "  High  Heaven 
must  have  made  him  to  rule,"  exclaimed  they,  "  else  how  could  he 
drink  and  eat  so  enormously,  and  still  have  an  appetite  and  be 
sober."  But  after  a  time  he  seemed  tipsy,  clapped  his  hands, 
reeled  toward  the  Emperor,  seized  his  beard  and  stroked  his  ear, 
to  the  horror  of  ministers,  who  cried  out  at  once,  and  were  ready 
to  rush  at  the  Mongol. 

The  Khan  turned  then  to  the  Emperor  and  smiled  very  coolly. 
"  If  the  Golden  Khan  holds  me  guilty,"  said  he,  "  let  him  know 
that  the  will  of  my  hand  is  to  blame,  not  my  own  will.  My  hand 
has  done  that  which  displeases  my  own  will  and  I  condemn  my 
hand's  action." 

The  Emperor  was  calm  and  deliberate ;  at  that  time  he  wished 
above  all  things  to  wheedle  his  visitor,  so  he  reasoned  in  his  mind 
as  follows :  "  If  I  punish  this  man  his  adherents,  who  are  many, 
may  rise  and  begin  a  long  war  with  me."  Hence  he  kept  down  his 
anger,  and  commanded  to  bring  from  his  treasure  house  silken 
robes,  embroidered  in  gold,  of  right  size  for  the  Mongol.  A  crown 
and  a  gold  girdle  were  brought  with  them.  He  put  these  on  Kabul, 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality  11 


and  showing  marks  of  high  honor  dismissed  him  with  friendship 
when  the  time  came  for  parting. 

When  Kabul  had  set  out  for  home  the  ministers  insisted  that 
it  would  not  be  possible  to  leave  the  man's  conduct  unnoticed. 
Roused  at  last  by  these  speeches  the  Emperor  sent  off  an  envoy 
requesting  Kabul  to  return  to  him.  Kabul  replied  harshly,  and 
kept  on  his  journey.  The  Emperor  was  enraged  now  in  earnest 
and  sent  men  a  second  time  not  to  request  but  to  summon,  and 
with  them  a  good  force  of  warriors  to  bring  in  the  Mongol  by 
violence  if  need  be.  Kabul  had  gone  far  on  his  journey,  and, 
since  the  Golden  Khan's  messengers  took  a  new  road  by  mere 
hazard,  they  missed  him.  They  went  all  the  way  to  his  yurta, 
and  as  he  had  not  yet  returned  his  wives  said  on  hearing  the 
message:  "He  will  follow  the  Golden  Khan's  wishes."  The 
messengers  turned  from  the  yurta  and  after  a  while  met  Kabul 
hastening  homeward;  they  seized  him  and  led  him  off  quickly 
for  delivery  to  their  master.  On  the  journey  they  halted  at  the 
house  of  a  Saljut,  who  was  friendly  to  the  captive. 

"  These  men  are  taking  thee  to  death  O  Kabul,"  said  the  Saljut, 
"  I  must  save  thee.  I  have  a  horse  which  outstrips  every  wind, 
and  is  swifter  than  lightning.  If  thou  sit  on  this  beast  thou  canst 
save  thyself  —  thou  wilt  escape  at  the  first  chance."  Kabul 
mounted  that  horse,  but  his  foot  was  made  fast  to  the  chief  envoy's 
stirrup.  In  the  night  he  unbound  it,  however,  and  shot  away  in 
the  darkness.  They  pursued  and  hunted  him  with  all  speed, 
but  only  at  Kabul's  own  yurta  were  they  able  to  come  up  with  him. 
There  he  received  them  with  all  hospitality,  and  gave  his  enemies 
a  splendid  new  tent  which  belonged  to  a  wife  whom  he  had  just 
taken ;  he  gave  also  the  best  entertainment.  Soon  after,  he  sum- 
moned his  servants  (his  sons  were  not  with  him).  ' '  These  people," 
said  he,  "  wish  to  take  me  to  the  Golden  Khan  to  be  killed  by  him 
with  terrible  torture.    Ye  must  save  me." 

The  servants  fell  unawares  on  the  Golden  Khan's  messengers, 
and  killed  every  man  of  them.  Kabul  was  saved  that  time,  but 
soon  after  he  fell  ill  and  died  —  very  likely  of  poison  —  thus 
leaving  the  world  to  his  seven  sons,  who  were  very  ambitious .  These 
sons  were  so  great  through  their  valor  and  courage  that  no  com- 
bination of  enemies  could  meet  them  successfully.  They  were  all 
of  one  mother,  Kulku  Goa,  a  Kunkurat  woman,  whose  younger 


12 


The  Mongols 


brother,  Sain  Tegin,  was  the  cause  of  involving  the  family  in  a 
terrible  blood  feud. 

Sain  Tegin  fell  ill  and  they  called  in  a  shaman  of  the  Taidjuts 
to  cure  him.  He  died  notwithstanding  the  art  of  this  shaman, 
who  was  slain  either  on  his  way  home  or  soon  after,  by  the  relatives 
of  the  dead  man.  This  caused  a  great  battle  between  the  Taid- 
juts and  Sain  Tegin 's  adherents  and  relatives,  joined  now  by 
Kabul's  sons,  who  favored  the  cause  of  their  uncle.  In  this  battle 
Kaidan  met  a  Taidjut  in  single  encounter,  split  open  his  saddle, 
swept  him  down  from  his  horse,  and  wounded  him  dreadfully. 
The  Taidjut,  who  recovered  only  after  a  twelve  month  of  suffering, 
began  a  new  struggle  as  soon  as  strength  came  to  him.  Kaidan 
brought  horse  and  rider  to  the  earth,  each  wounded  grievously; 
though  ten  mounted  men  rushed  at  the  victor,  he  so  used  spear  and 
sword  on  them  that  he  came  out  in  triumph.  Thus  began  the 
great  blood  feud  which  later  on  Temudjin  used  with  such  deadly 
effect  on  the  Taidjuts  and  Tartars. 

Between  Lake  Buyur  and  Lake  Kulon  is  a  river,  on  this  river  a 
large  group  of  Tartar  tribes  lived  at  that  period.  Ambagai,  son  of 
Sengun,  went  to  find  a  new  wife  at  Lake  Buyur  but  was  seized  by 
some  Tartars  and  sent  to  the  Kin  Emperor,  who  took  his  life  very 
cruelly.  Before  his  captors  had  set  out  with  Ambagai  he  sent  home 
this  message :  ' '  Tell  Kutula,  fourth  son  of  my  cousin  Kabul,  who 
has  seven  sons,  and  Kaidan,  one  of  my  ten  sons,  that  I,  who  ruled 
men,  am  a  prisoner  and  must  die  in  great  suffering.  And  remember 
these  words  of  mine,  all  of  you :  Though  ye  were  to  wear  every 
nail  from  the  fingers  of  each  hand,  and  lose  the  ten  fingers  on  both 
hands,  ye  must  avenge  me." 

The  Golden  Khan  in  return  for  offenses  committed  against  him 
by  Ambagai 's  relatives,  had  him  nailed  to  a  wooden  ass,  flayed 
alive,  and  then  chopped  into  small  pieces  slowly,  beginning  with 
his  fingers  and  toes,  till  his  whole  body  was  finished. 

Okin  Barka,  Kabul's  eldest  son  and  a  brother  of  Kutula,  had 
been  captured  by  the  Tartars,  sent  to  the  Golden  Khan,  and  put 
to  death  in  the  same  way  as  Ambagai.  This  was  done  because 
Kabul  had  killed  the  Golden  Khan's  messengers. 

Before  Ambagai  was  tortured  he  sent  Bulgadji,  his  slave,  to 
the  Golden  Khan  with  this  warning :  "  It  is  shameful  to  kill  me. 
I  was  seized  most  perfidiously,  I  am  here  without  reason.  If 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality  13 


thou  kill  me  all  chiefs  among  Mongols  will  rise  and  avenge  the 
injustice."  The  Golden  Khan  paid  no  heed  to  the  message,  but 
after  the  hideous  execution  he  sent  Bulgadji  on  courier  horses  to 
Mongolia  with  the  command  to  tell  all  there  that  Ambagai  had 
been  nailed  to  the  wooden  ass,  his  skin  stripped  from  him  while 
living,  and  his  body  then  chopped  into  pieces  bit  by  bit.  On  the 
way  Bulgadji  passed  through  the  land  of  the  Durbans,  who  would 
not  give  horses,  and  no  matter  what  he  said  they  took  no  note  of 
him.  When  his  horses  were  so  weary  that  they  could  go  no  farther 
he  left  them,  went  home  on  foot  and  told  all  to  Kaidan,  whose 
son,Tuda,  told  the  whole  tale  to  Katula  and  Yessugai,  his  nephew. 
Kaidan,  Tuda  and  Yessugai  held  a  council  immediately  and 
resolved  with  many  Mongols  to  avenge  Okin  Barka  and  Ambagai. 
Kutula  was  chosen  khan  then  to  lead  the  expedition.  They  held 
a  great  feast  when  the  election  was  over,  and  all  became  grandly 
excited.  They  danced  round  a  wide-spreading  tree  with  great 
energy,  and  stamped  out  a  ditch  of  such  depth  that  they  were 
hidden  to  their  knees  in  it. 

Kutula  assembled  all  warriors  who  were  willing  to  go,  and 
marched  against  China.  The  Golden  Khan's  forces  were  defeated, 
and  routed  with  terrible  slaughter.  The  Mongols  took  booty 
of  unspeakable  value,  took  all  that  men  could  bear  with  them, 
or  that  horses  could  carry.  They  came  home  filled  with  delight, 
bringing  woven  stuffs  of  all  species,  every  kind  of  rich  furniture, 
weapons  and  implements,  and  driving  before  them  immense  herds 
of  horses,  and  large  and  small  cattle. 

While  on  the  way  home  Kutula  when  passing  through  the  land 
of  the  Durbans  went  to  hunt  with  a  small  force  of  followers.  On 
seeing  these  people  the  Durbans  assembled  a  numerous  party  and 
attacked  them ;  they  killed  some,  and  scattered  the  others.  Kutula 
left  alone  saved  himself  by  fleeing,  and  drove  his  swift  horse  through 
a  swamp  to  the  opposite  edge  of  the  soft  place.  The  beast  stopped 
and  stuck  fast  there;  Kutula  stood  on  the  saddle  and  sprang  to 
firm  ground  from  it.  The  Durbans  seeing  him  on  foot,  were  well 
satisfied.  "  Oh  let  him  go,"  said  they,  "  of  what  use  is  a  man 
when  his  horse  is  gone."  Then,  while  they  stood  looking,  he 
pulled  his  horse  out  of  the  quagmire,  mounted  and  rode  away  in 
their  presence.  The  swamp  extended  so  far  on  either  hand  that 
they  cared  not  to  follow. 


14 


The  Mongols 


Kutula's  surviving  attendants  returned  to  the  army,  spread  news 
of  his  death,  and  declared  that  the  Durbans  had  killed  him.  His 
warriors  reached  home  somewhat  earlier  than  the  Khan  and 
since  he  had  not  appeared  on  the  road  and  his  attendants  said 
that  he  had  been  killed  by  the  Durbans  Yessugai  made  a  funeral 
feast  for  their  leader  and  went  to  Kutula's  wife  to  announce  her 
husband's  death  and  with  her  drink  the  cup  to  his  memory.  On 
appearing  before  her  he  began  to  lament,  and  weep  bitterly. 
"  Why  hast  thou  come  ?  "  asked  she,  "  and  why  art  thou  weeping  ?  " 
He  told  the  cause  of  his  grief  and  his  coming.  "  I  believe  not  a 
word  of  all  thou  hast  told  me,"  said  the  woman.  "  Would  Kutula 
let  Durbans  kill  him,  Kutula  whose  voice  is  like  thunder  in  the 
mountains,  a  voice  which  reaches  high  heaven,  would  Kutula 
let  common  men  kill  him  ?  He  would  not,  his  delay  has  another 
cause.  He  is  living.  He  has  stopped  for  some  work  of  importance, 
he  will  come  later  on." 

But  the  warriors  and  Kutula's  attendants  felt  sure  that  the  Khan 
had  been  murdered. 

When  Kutula  had  pulled  his  horse  out  of  the  quagmire,  and 
ridden  away  safely,  he  was  savagely  angry.  "  How  have  those 
vile,  wretched  Durbans  brought  me  to  such  trouble,"  raged  he, 
"  and  driven  off  all  my  servants  ?  Must  I  go  home  empty-handed  ? 
No,  I  will  not  leave  these  places  unplundered."  Then  he  rode 
till  he  found  a  brown  stallion,  also  a  great  herd  of  mares  and  their 
colts  with  them.  He  mounted  the  stallion,  let  out  his  own  horse 
which  ran  forward,  then  drove  the  mares  which  followed  the  saddle 
beast.  Riding  farther  in  the  steppes  he  found  nests  of  wild  geese; 
dismounting  he  took  off  his  boots,  filled  the  great  legs  of  them  with 
goose  eggs,  remounted  and  rode  away  home  on  the  stallion,  holding 
the  boots  and  driving  the  mares  and  their  colts  to  his  yurta. 

A  vast  crowd  of  people  had  assembled  to  lament  and  show  honor 
to  the  memory  of  Kutula,  and  now,  astonished  at  his  sudden  arrival, 
they  rejoiced  beyond  measure,  and  turned  all  their  sorrow  and 
wailing  into  a  feast  of  triumph  and  gladness.  "  Ha !  "  said  the 
wife  then  to  Yessugai,  "  did  I  not  tell  thee  that  no  Durbans,  or 
other  men  could  bring  down  Kutula  ?  " 

After  his  great  success  against  China,  Kutula  moved  on  the 
Tartars  and  punished  them  unsparingly  for  sending  Okin  Barka, 
his  brother,  to  the  Golden  Khan  for  destruction. 


Classification,  Myth  and  Reality  15 


But  now  broke  out  afresh  the  great  hatred  of  the  ten  sons  of 
Ambagai  for  Kutula  and  his  brothers.  Those  ten  Taidjut  brothers 
fell  on  the  six  surviving  sons  of  Kabul  and  killed  five  of  them, 
killed  all  except  Bartan,  who  burst  his  way  out  of  the  murderous 
encounter  with  three  serious  wounds  in  his  body,  and  fled  with 
four  attendants.  His  son  Yessugai,  who  had  been  hurled  to  the 
earth  from  his  saddle,  sprang  up  quickly  and,  though  only  thirteen 
years  of  age,  sent  his  spear  through  the  body  of  a  Taidjut  who  was 
mounted,  brought  him  down  dying,  sprang  to  the  empty  saddle, 
rushed  away  and  caught  up  with  his  father.  Through  this 
wonderful  promptness  and  skill  he  was  able  to  save  himself. 

Bartan 's  wife,  Maral  Kayak,  fled  on  foot  from  her  yurta  with 
three  other  sons,  Mangutu,  Naigun  and  Daritai,  and  reached  her 
wounded  husband. 

The  Taidjut  triumph  was  perfect  for  a  season.  Bartan 's  power 
had  departed,  he  died  soon  and  gave  place  to  his  son,  a  young  hero. 
This  son  was  Yessugai,  the  name  means  number  nine,  his  full 
name  was  Yessugai  Bahadur,  the  ninth  hero.  He  was  ninth  too  in 
descent  from  that  youngest  son  of  Alan  Goa,  Boduanchar,  who 
rode  off  alone  from  injustice. 

At  this  time  the  tendency  had  increased  very  greatly  among 
chiefs  of  Mongol  clans  to  make  other  chiefs  subordinates,  or 
assistants.  This  was  true  specially  of  men  descended  from  Kabul 
and  from  Ambagai.  If  rival  or  smaller  chiefs  would  not  accept 
the  position  a  conflict  resulted,  attacks  were  made  by  small  parties 
or  larger  ones,  or  through  war  or  poison ;  the  weaker  men  when 
ambitious  were  swept  from  existence.  The  continual  interference 
of  China  by  intrigue  or  by  arms,  or  by  bribery  through  titles  or 
presents,  through  rewards  to  individuals,  or  dire  ghastly  punish- 
ments where  punishment  seemed  more  effective,  did  something 
also  to  strengthen  and  consolidate  the  loosely  coherent  society  of 
the  Mongols,  and  thus  helped  unwittingly  the  work  of  strong  men 
seeking  power  north  of  China. 

Yessugai,  through  activity  and  keenness  succeeded  in  winning 
co-operation  sufficient  to  undo  the  great  Taidjut  triumph.  Ka- 
bul's sons  again  got  the  primacy. 


CHAPTER  II 


TEMTJDJIN  BEGINS   HIS    MIGHTY  CAREER 

THIS  intense  rivalry  between  the  descendants  of  Kabul  and 
Ambagai  was  the  great  ruling  fact  among  Mongols  at  this 
epoch.  Kabul  and  Ambagai  were  second  cousins,  both  being  third 
in  descent  from  Kaidu,  that  little  boy  saved  by  his  nurse  from  the 
Jelairs;  the  Kaidu  whose  descendants  were  the  great  ruling 
Mongols  of  history.  Kabul  and  Ambagai  are  remarkable  them- 
selves, and  are  notable  also  as  fathers  of  men  who  sought  power 
by  all  means  which  they  could  imagine  and  bring  into  practice. 

Yessugai  with  his  brothers  was  now  triumphant  and  prosperous. 
He  was  terribly  hostile  to  the  Buyur  Lake  Tartars ;  he  was  ever 
watching  the  Taidjut  opposition,  which  though  resting  at  times 
never  slumbered.  Once  in  the  days  of  his  power  Yessugai  while 
hawking  along  the  Onon  saw  a  Merkit  named  Yeke  Chilaidu 
taking  home  with  him  a  wife  from  the  Olkonots.  Seeing  that  the 
woman  was  a  beauty  Yessugai  hurried  back  to  his  yurta  and 
returned  with  his  eldest  and  youngest  brothers  to  help  him.  When 
Yeke  saw  the  three  brothers  coming  he  grew  frightened,  struck 
his  horse  and  rushed  away  to  find  some  good  hiding  place,  but 
found  none  and  rode  back  to  the  cart  where  his  wife  was.  "  Those 
men  are  very  hostile,"  said  the  woman.  "  Hurry  off,  or  they  will 
kill  thee.  If  thou  survive  find  a  wife  such  as  I  am,  if  thou  remember 
me  call  her  by  my  name."  Then  she  drew  off  her  shift  and  gave 
it  to  Yeke.  He  took  it,  mounted  quickly  and,  seeing  Yessugai  ap- 
proaching with  his  brothers,  galloped  up  the  river. 

The  three  men  rushed  after  Yeke,  but  did  not  overtake  him, 
so  they  rode  back  to  the  woman,  whose  name  was  Hoelun.  She 
was  weeping.  Her  screams  when  they  seized  her  "  raised  waves 
on  the  river,  and  shook  trees  in  the  valley." 

"  The  husband  has  crossed  many  ridges  already,  and  many 
16 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  17 


waters,"  said  Daritai,  Yessugai's  youngest  brother,  "  no  matter 
how  thou  scream  he  will  not  come  to  thee,  if  thou  look  for  his 
trail  thou  wilt  not  find  it.  Stop  screaming !  "  Thus  they  took 
Hoelun,  and  she  became  a  wife  then  to  Yessugai. 

Some  months  after  the  capture  of  Hoelun,  Yessugai  made  attacks 
on  the  Tartars,  and  among  other  captives  took  Temudjin  Uge,  a 
chieftain.  Hoelun  gave  birth  to  a  son  at  that  period  1  near  the 
hill  Dailiun  Baldak.  The  boy  was  born  grasping  a  lump  of  dark 
blood  in  his  fist  very  firmly,  and  since  he  was  born  when  Temudjin 
Uge  was  taken  they  called  the  child  Temudjin.  After  that  Hoelun 
had  three  other  sons:  Kassar,  Hochiun  and  Taimuge,  and  one 
daughter,  Taimulun. 

When  this  first  son  had  passed  his  thirteenth  year  Yessugai  set 
out  with  the  lad  on  a  visit  to  Hoelun 's  brothers  to  find  among  them 
a  wife  for  him.  When  between  the  two  mountains  Cihurga  and 
Cheksar  he  met  one  Desaichan,  a  man  of  the  Ungirs.  "  Whither 
art  thou  going  O  Yessugai?"  asked  Desaichan.  "I  am  going 
with  my  son  to  his  uncles  to  look  out  a  bride  for  him  among  them." 
"  Thy  son  has  a  clear  face  and  bright  eyes,"  said  Desaichan. 
*'  Last  night  I  dreamed  that  a  white  falcon  holding  the  sun  and  the 
moon  in  its  talons  flew  down  to  my  wrist,  and  perched  on  it.  '  We 
only  know  the  sun  and  the  moon  through  our  eyesight,'  said  I  to 
some  friends  of  mine,  *  but  now  a  white  falcon  has  brought  them 
both  down  to  me  in  his  talons,  this  must  be  an  omen  of  greatness.' 
At  the  right  time  hast  thou  come  hither  Yessugai  with  thy  son  and 
shown  what  my  dream  means.  It  presages  high  fortune  un- 
doubtedly. I  have  a  daughter  at  home,  she  is  small  yet  but  come 
and  look  at  her." 

Then  he  conducted  the  father  and  son  to  his  yurta.  Yessugai 
rejoiced  in  his  heart  very  greatly  at  sight  of  the  girl,  who  in  truth 
was  a  beauty.  She  was  ten  years  of  age,  and  named  Bortai.  Next 
day  Yessugai  asked  Bortai  of  Desaichan  as  a  bride  for  young 
Temudjin.  "  Will  it  show  more  importance  if  I  give  her  only  after 
much  begging,"  asked  the  father,  "  or  will  it  show  slight  esteem 
if  I  give  her  in  answer  to  few  words  ?  We  know  that  a  girl  is  not 
born  to  remain  in  the  household  forever.  I  yield  her  to  marry  thy 
son,  and  do  thou  leave  him  here  for  a  time  with  me." 

The  agreement  was  finished  and  Yessugai  went  away  without 
1 1161. 


18 


The  Mongols 


Temudjin.  On  the  road  home  he  stopped  at  Cheksar  and  met 
Tartars  who  arranged  there  a  feast  for  him.  Being  hungry  and 
thirsty  from  traveling  he  halted.  His  hosts,  who  knew  well  that  he 
had  captured  and  killed  very  many  of  their  people,  Temudjin  Uge 
with  others,  had  poison  made  ready,  and  gave  it  in  drink  to  him. 
Yessugai  rode  away  and  reached  home  in  three  days,  but  fell  ill 
on  the  journey,  and  his  trouble  increased  as  he  traveled.  "  There 
is  pain  in  my  heart,' '  said  he,  "  who  is  near  me  ?  "  At  that  time 
Munlik,  a  son  of  Charaha,  happened  in  at  the  yurta,  and  Yessugai 
called  him.  "  My  children  are  young,"  said  he,  "  I  went  to  find  a 
bride  for  my  son  Temudjin,  and  have  found  her.  On  the  way  home 
I  was  poisoned  by  enemies.  My  heart  is  very  sore  in  me,  so  go 
thou  to  my  brothers  and  see  them,  see  their  wives  also.  I  give 
thee  this  as  a  duty ;  tell  them  all  that  has  happened.  But  first 
bring  me  Temudjin  very  quickly.  " 

Yessugai  died1  shortly  after  without  seeing  Temudjin. 

Munlik  went  with  all  haste  to  Desaichan.  "  Yessugai,"  said  he, 
"  wants  to  see  Temudjin,  he  has  sent  me  to  bring  the  boy."  "  If 
Yessugai  is  grieving  let  Temudjin  go,  and  return  to  me  afterward." 
Munlik  took  Temudjin  home  as  instructed.  In  the  spring  follow- 
ing when  Ambagai's  widows  were  preparing  the  offerings  to 
ancestors  before  moving  to  the  summer  place  they  refused  to  share 
sacrificed  meats  with  Hoelun,  and  thus  shut  her  out  from  their 
ruling  circle  and  relationship.  "  Better  leave  this  woman  here  with 
her  children,  she  must  not  go  with  us,"  said  the  widows.  Targutai 
Kurultuk,  who  was  then  in  authority,  went  from  the  winter  place 
without  turning  to  Hoelun,  or  speaking.  He  with  Todoyan 
Jirisha  his  brother  had  enticed  away  Yessugai 's  people.  Munlik's 
father,  Charaha,  an  old  man,  strove  to  persuade  Targutai  and  his 
brother  to  take  Hoelun,  but  they  would  not  listen  to  him  or  to  any 
man.  "  The  deep  water  is  gone,  the  bright  stone  is  broken,"  said 
Todoyan,  "  we  cannot  restore  them,  we  have  nothing  to  do  with 
that  woman,  and  her  children."  And  when  Targutai  with  his 
brother  was  starting,  a  warrior  of  his  thrust  a  spear  into  Charaha's 
back  and  the  old  man  fell  down  mortally  wounded. 

Temudjin  went  to  talk  with  Charaha  and  take  advice  from 
him.  "  Targutai  and  his  brother,"  said  the  old  man,  "  have 
led  away  all  the  people  assembled  by  thy  father,  and  our  relatives." 
1 1175. 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  19 


Temudjin  wept  then  and  turned  to  his  mother  for  assistance. 
Hoelun  resolved  quickly ;  she  mounted,  and,  directing  her  attend- 
ants to  take  lances,  set  out  at  the  head  of  them.  She  overtook  the 
deserting  people  and  stopped  one  half  of  them,  but  even  that  half 
would  not  go  back  with  her.  So  Targutai  and  Todoyan  had  de- 
feated Hoelun  with  her  children,  and  taken  one  half  of  Yessugai's 
people;  the  second  half  joined  other  leaders.  But  Hoelun,  a 
strong,  resolute  woman,  protected  her  family  and  found  means  to 
support  it.  Her  children  lived  in  poor,  harsh  conditions,  and  grew 
up  in  the  midst  of  hostility  and  hatred.  To  assist  and  give  help  to 
their  mother  they  made  hooks  out  of  needles  and  fished  in  the 
river  Onon  which  was  close  to  their  dwelling.  Once  Temudjin 
and  Kassar  went  to  fish  with  their  half  brothers,  Baiktar  and 
Belgutai,  Yessugai's  children  by  another  wife.  Temudjin  caught 
a  golden  hued  trout  and  his  half  brothers  took  it  from  him.  He 
went  then  with  Kassar  to  Hoelun.  "  We  caught  a  golden  hued 
fish,"  said  they,  "  but  Baiktar  and  Belgutai  took  it."  "  Why  do 
ye  quarrel  ?  "  asked  the  mother,  "  we  have  no  friends  at  present; 
all  have  deserted  us;  nothing  sticks  to  us  now  but  our  shadows. 
We  have  no  power  yet  to  punish  the  Taidjuts.  Why  do  ye  act 
like  the  sons  of  Alan  Goa,  and  quarrel  ?  Why  not  agree  and  gain 
strength  against  enemies  ?  " 

Temudjin  was  dissatisfied;  he  wished  Hoelun  to  take  his  side 
and  go  against  Baiktar.  ' i  The  other  day,"  said  he,  "  I  shot  a 
bird  and  Baiktar  took  this  bird  also.  He  and  his  brother  to-day 
snatched  my  fish  from  me.  If  they  act  always  in  this  way  how  can 
I  live  with  them  ?  "  And  he  turned  from  his  mother  very  quickly. 
Both  brothers  rushed  out,  slammed  the  door  flap  behind  them  and 
vanished. 

When  they  were  out  they  saw  Baiktar  on  a  hill  herding  horses. 
Temudjin  stole  up  from  behind,  and  Kassar  in  front;  they  had 
taken  arrows  and  were  aiming  when  Baiktar  turned  and  saw  them. 
"  Why  treat  me  like  a  splinter  in  the  mouth,  or  a  hair  on  the 
eyeball  ?  "  asked  he.  "  Though  ye  kill  me  spare  my  brother,  do 
not  kill  Belgutai."    Then  he  bent  his  legs  under  him,  and  waited. 

Temudjin  from  behind  and  Kassar  in  front  killed  Baiktar  with 
arrows.  When  they  went  home  Hoelun  knew  by  their  faces  what 
had  happened.  "  Thou  wert  born,"  said  she  to  Temudjin,  "  grasp- 
ing blood  in  thy  fingers.  Thou  and  thy  brother  are  like  dogs  when 


20 


The  Mongols 


devouring  a  village,  or  serpents  which  swallow  alive  what  they 
spring  upon,  or  wolves  hunting  prey  in  a  snow  storm.  The  in- 
juries done  us  by  the  Taidjuts  are  terrible,  ye  might  plan  to  grow 
strong  and  then  punish  the  Taidjuts.   But  what  are  ye  doing  ?  " 

Well  might  she  ask,  for  she  did  not  know  then  her  wonderful  son 
Temudjin,  for  whom  it  was  as  natural  to  remove  a  half  brother,  or 
even  a  brother,  by  killing  him  as  to  set  aside  any  other  obstacle. 
He  who  worked  all  his  life  till  its  end  to  eliminate  opponents  was 
that  day  beginning  his  mighty  career,  and  his  first  real  work  was  the 
murder  of  his  half  brother  Baiktar,  whose  father  was  his  own 
father,  Yessugai. 

No  matter  who  Temudjin 's  enemies  were  he  removed  them 
as  coolly  as  a  teacher  in  his  classroom  rubs  figures  from  a  black 
board.  He  struck  down  the  Taidjuts  as  soon  as  he  felt  himself 
strong  enough,  but  before  he  could  do  that  his  task  was  to  weed 
out  and  train  his  own  family.  The  first  work  before  him  was 
the  empire  of  his  household.  Neither  mother,  nor  brother, 
nor  anyone  must  stand  between  Temudjin  and  his  object ;  in  that 
he  showed  his  great  singleness  of  purpose,  his  invincible  will  power, 
his  wisdom  in  winning  the  success  which  his  mind  saw.  The  wis- 
dom of  Temudjin  in  building  up  empire  was  an  unerring  clear 
instinct  like  the  instinct  of  a  bee  in  constructing  its  honeycomb, 
or  the  judgment  and  skill  of  a  bird  in  finding  the  proper  material, 
and  weaving  the  round  perfect  nest  for  its  eggs  and  its  little  ones. 

Temudjin  began  his  career  in  real  practice  by  killing  his  half 
brother  mainly  through  the  hand  of  his  full  brother  Kassar,  whowas 
famed  later  on  as  the  unerring  strong  archer,  and  who  in  time  tried 
unsuccessfully  to  rival  the  invincible  Temudjin. 

Temudjin  was  now  master  in  a  very  small  region,  but  he  was 
master.  His  mother  and  brothers  did  not  dominate,  or  interfere, 
they  assisted  him.  The  family  lived  for  a  time  in  seclusion  and 
uninjured  till  at  last  Targutai  roused  up  his  followers  to  action. 
"  Temudjin  and  his  brothers  have  grown,"  said  he,  "  they  are 
stronger."  Taking  with  him  some  comrades  he  rode  away  quickly 
to  find  Temudjin  with  his  family.  From  afar  Hoelun  and  her 
children  saw  the  men  coming  and  were  frightened.  Temudjin 
seized  his  horse  quickly,  and  fled  before  others  to  the  mountain. 
Belgutai  hid  his  half  brothers  and  sister  in  a  cliff,  after  that  he 
felled  trees  to  stop  the  horsemen.   Kassar  sent  arrows  to  hinder 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  21 


the  Taidjuts.  "  We  want  only  Temudjin,  we  want  no  one  else," 
said  they.  Temudjin  had  fled  to  Mount  Targunai  and  hidden 
there  in  dense  thickets  whither  they  could  not  follow.  They  sur- 
rounded Targunai  and  watched  closely. 

He  spent  three  days  in  secret  places,  and  then  led  his  horse  out 
to  flee  from  the  mountain.  When  near  the  edge  of  the  forest  the 
saddle  fell.  He  saw  that  breast  strap  and  girth  were  both  fixed 
securely:  "  A  saddle  may  fall,"  thought  he,  "  though  the  girth 
be  well  fastened,  but  how  can  it  fall  when  the  breast  strap  is  holding 
it  ?  I  see  now  that  Heaven  is  protecting  me." 

He  turned  back  and  passed  three  other  days  hiding;  then  he 
tried  to  go  out  a  second  time  —  a  great  rock  fell  in  front  of  him, 
blocked  the  road  and  stopped  his  passage.  "  Heaven  wills  that  I 
stay  here  still  longer,"  said  Temudjin.  He  went  back  and  spent 
three  other  days  on  the  mountain,  nine  days  in  all  without  eating. 
"  Must  I  die  here  alone  and  unheard  of  ?  "  thought  he  despair- 
ingly. "  Better  go  at  all  hazards."  He  cut  a  way  near  the  rock 
and  led  his  horse  down  the  mountain  side. 

The  Taidjuts,  who  were  watching  outside  very  carefully,  seized 
Temudjin  and  took  him  to  Targutai,  who  commanded  that  a 
kang  be  put  on  him,  and  also  fetters,  and  that  he  live  one  day  and 
night  in  each  tent.  So  he  passed  from  one  family  to  another  in 
succession.  During  these  changes  he  gained  the  close  friendship 
of  one  Sorgan  Shira,  and  of  an  old  woman.  The  old  woman  was 
kind  and  put  rags  on  the  kang  at  the  points  where  his  shoulders 
were  galled  by  it. 

Once  the  Taidjuts  made  a  feast  near  the  Onon  and  went  home 
after  sunset,  appointing  a  boy  to  watch  over  the  captive.  Temudjin 
had  been  able  to  break  his  own  fetters,  and  seeing  that  all  had  gone 
home  felled  the  boy  with  the  kang  in  which  his  own  head  and  both 
hands  were  fastened.  Then  he  ran  to  a  forest  along  the  Onon 
and  lay  down  there,  but,  fearing  lest  they  might  find  him,  he  rose, 
hurried  on  to  the  river  and  sank  in  it,  leaving  only  his  face  above 
water. 

The  boy  soon  recovered  and  screamed  that  the  captive  had  fled 
from  him.  Some  Taidjuts  rushed  quickly  together  on  hearing 
him,  and  searched  around  everywhere.  There  was  moonlight 
that  evening  and  Sorgan  Shira  of  the  Sulduts,  who  was  searching 
with  others,  and  had  gone  quite  a  distance  ahead,  found  Temudjin, 


22 


The  Mongols 


but  did  not  call  out.  "  The  Taidjuts  hate  thee  because  thou  hast 
wisdom,"  said  he  to  the  captive,  "  thou  wilt  die  if  they  find  thee. 
Stay  where  thou  art  for  the  present,  and  be  careful,  I  will  not 
betray  thee  to  any  one." 

The  pursuers  went  some  distance  while  searching.  "  This  man 
escaped  during  daylight,"  said  Sorgan  Shira,  when  he  overtook 
them.  "It  is  night  now  and  difficult  to  find  him.  Better  search 
nearer  places,  we  can  hunt  here  to-morrow.  He  has  not  come  thus 
far,  —  how  could  he  run  such  a  distance  with  a  kang  on  his 
shoulders  ?  " 

On  the  way  back  Sorgan  Shira  went  to  Temudjin  a  second  time. 
"  We  shall  come  hither  to-morrow  to  search  for  thee,"  said  he. 
"  Hurry  off  now  to  thy  mother  and  brothers.  Shouldst  thou  meet 
any  man  tell  him  not  that  I  saw  thee."  When  Sorgan  Shira  had 
gone,  Termudjin  fell  to  thinking  and  thought  in  this  manner: 
"  While  stopping  at  each  tent  I  passed  a  day  with  Sorgan  Shira; 
Chila  and  Chinbo  his  sons  showed  me  pity.  They  took  off 
the  kang  in  the  dark  from  my  shoulders  and  let  me  lie  down  then 
in  freedom.  He  saw  me  to-day,  I  cannot  escape  till  this  kang  is 
taken  off,  he  will  do  that,  I  will  go  to  him.     He  will  save  me." 

So  Temudjin  went  and  when  he  entered  the  yurta  Sorgan  Shira 
was  frightened.  "  Why  come  now  to  me  ?  "  inquired  he.  "  I 
told  thee  to  go  to  thy  mother  and  brothers."  "  When  a  bird  is 
pursued  by  a  falcon,"  said  Temudjin,  "  it  hides  in  thick  grass  and 
thus  saves  itself." 

"  We  should  be  of  less  value  than  grass  were  we  not  to  help  this 
poor  youth,  who  thus  begs  us,"  said  to  himself  Sorgan  Shira.  The 
boys  took  the  kang  from  the  captive  and  burned  it,  then  they  hid 
Timudjin  in  a  cart  which  they  piled  high  with  wool  packs  and  told 
Kadan,  their  sister,  to  guard  the  wool  carefully,  and  not  speak  of 
Temudjin  to  any  living  person. 

The  Taidjuts  appeared  on  the  third  day.  "  Has  no  one  here  seen 
that  runaway  ?  "  asked  they  of  Sorgan.  "  Search  where  ye  will," 
was  the  answer.  They  searched  the  whole  yurta,  then  they 
searched  around  the  house  in  all  places,  and  threw  out  the  wool 
till  they  came  to  the  cart  box.  They  were  going  to  empty  this  also 
when  Sorgan  laughed  at  them,  saying,  "  How  could  any  man 
live  in  a  cart  load  of  wool  this  hot  weather  ?  "  They  prodded  the 
wool  then  with  lances;  one  of  these  entered  Temudjin 's  leg,  but 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  23 


he  was  silent  and  moved  not.  The  Taidjuts  were  satisfied,  and 
Went  away  without  emptying  the  cart  box. 

"  Thou  hast  come  very  near  killing  me,"  said  Sorgan  to  Temud- 
jin. "  The  smoke  of  my  house  would  have  vanished,  and  my  fire 
would  have  died  out  forever  had  they  found  thee.  Go  now  to  thy 
mother  and  brothers." 

He  gave  Temudjin  a  white-nosed,  sorrel  mare  without  a  saddle, 
gave  him  a  boiled  lamb  which  was  fat  because  reared  by  two 
mothers,  gave  him  a  skin  of  mare's  milk,  a  bow  and  two  arrows, 
but  no  flint  lest  he  strike  fire  on  the  way,  and  betray  himself. 

Temudjin  went  to  the  ruins  of  his  first  house  and  then  higher 
up  the  Onon  till  he  reached  the  Kimurha.  He  saw  tracks  near 
that  river  and  followed  them  on  to  Mount  Baitar.  In  front  of  that 
mountain  is  a  smaller  one,  Horchukin ;  there  he  found  all  his 
brothers  and  Hoelun  his  mother.  Temudjin  moved  now  with 
them  to  Mount  Burhan.  Near  Burhan  is  the  high  land  Gulyalgu, 
through  this  land  runs  the  river  Sangur,  on  the  bank  of  that  river 
is  a  hill  called  Kara  Jiruge  and  a  green  colored  lake  near  the 
foot  of  it.  At  this  lake  Temudjin  fixed  his  yurta,  trapped  mar- 
mots and  field  mice,  and  thus  they  lived  on  for  a  season.  At 
last  some  Taidjut  thieves  drove  off  eight  horses  from  Temudjin, 
leaving  only  the  white-nosed  sorrel  mare  which  Sorgan  had  given 
him,  and  on  which  Belgutai  had  gone  to  hunt  marmots.  He  came 
back  that  evening  with  a  load  of  them. 

"  The  horses  have  been  stolen,"  said  Temudjin.  "  I  will  go 
for  them,"  said  Belgutai.  "  Thou  couldst  not  find  them,"  answered 
Kassar,  "  I  will  go.  "  Ye  could  not  find  them,  and  if  ye  found  them 
ye  could  not  bring  them  back,"  called  out  Temudjin,  "  I  will  go." 

Temudjin  set  his  brothers  aside  as  useless  at  that  juncture,  their 
authority  and  worth  were  to  him  as  nothing.  Temudjin 's  is  the 
only,  the  genuine  authority.  He  rode  off  on  the  white-nosed 
sorrel  mare,  and  followed  the  trail  of  the  eight  stolen  horses.  He 
traveled  three  days  and  on  the  fourth  morning  early  he  saw  near 
the  road  a  young  man  who  had  led  up  a  mare  and  was  milking  her. 
"  Hast  thou  seen  eight  gray  horses  ?  "  asked  Temudjin.  "  Before 
sunrise  eight  horses  went  past  me,  I  will  show  thee  the  trail  over 
which  they  were  driven."  Temudjin's  weary  beast  was  let  out  then 
to  pasture ;  a  white  horse  with  a  black  stripe  on  its  spine  was  led  in 
to  go  farther.   The  youth  hid  his  leather  pail  and  his  bag  in  the 


24 


The  Mongols 


grass  very  carefully.  "  Thou  art  tired,"  said  he  to  Temudjin, 
"  and  art  anxious.  My  name  is  Boorchu,  I  will  go  with  thee  for 
thy  horses.  Nahu  Boy  an  is  my  father,  I  am  his  one  son  and  he 
loves  me." 

So  they  set  out  together  and  traveled  three  days  in  company. 
On  the  third  day  toward  evening  they  came  to  a  camp  ground 
and  saw  the  eight  horses.  "  Stay  at  this  place  O  my  comrade," 
said  Temudjin,  "  I  will  go  and  drive  off  those  horses." 

4  4  If  I  have  come  hither  to  help  thee  why  should  I  stay  alone 
and  do  nothing  ?  "  asked  Boorchu.  So  they  went  on  together  and 
drove  off  the  horses.  The  thieves  hurried  after  them  promptly 
and  one,  who  rode  a  white  stallion,  had  a  lasso  and  was  gaining  on 
the  comrades.  "  Give  me  thy  quiver  and  bow,"  said  Boorchu,"  I 
will  meet  him  with  an  arrow."  "  Let  me  use  the  bow,"  answered 
Temudjin,  "  those  enemies  might  wound  thee."  The  man  on  the 
white  horse  was  directing  his  lasso  and  ready  to  hurl  it  when 
Temudjin's  arrow  put  an  end  to  his  action.  That  night  Temudjin 
and  Boorchu  made  a  journey  which  would  have  taken  three  days 
for  any  other  men,  and  saw  the  yurta  of  Nahu  Boy  an  in  the 
distance  at  daybreak. 

"  Without  thy  help,"  said  Temudjin,  "  I  could  not  have  brought 
back  these  horses.  Without  thee  I  could  have  done  nothing,  so  let 
us  divide  now  these  eight  beasts  between  us."  "  I  decided  to  help 
thee,"  answered  Boorchu,  "  because  I  saw  thee  weighed  down 
and  weary  from  sorrow  and  loneliness,  why  should  I  take  what  is 
thine  from  thee  ?  I  am  my  father's  one  son,  his  wealth  is  enough 
for  me,  more  is  not  needed.  If  I  should  take  thine  how  couldst 
thou  call  me  thy  comrade  ?  " 

When  they  entered  the  yurta  of  Nahu  Boyan  they  found  the  old 
man  grieving  bitterly  for  Boorchu.  On  seeing  them  he  shed  tears 
and  reproached  his  son  sharply.  "  I  know  not,"  said  Boorchu  in 
answer,  "  how  I  thought  of  assisting  this  comrade,  but  when  I 
saw  him  worn  and  anxious  I  had  to  go  with  him.  Things  are  now 
well  again,  for  I  am  with  thee,  my  father."  Nahu  Boyan  became 
satisfied  when  he  heard  the  whole  story.  Boorchu  rode  off  then 
and  brought  the  leather  milk  pail,  killed  a  lamb,  filled  a  bag  with 
mare's  milk,  and  tying  it  to  the  horse  like  a  pack  gave  Temudjin 
all  to  sustain  him.  "  Ye  are  young,"  said  Nahu  Boyan,  "be  ye 
friends,  and  be  faithful."    Temudjin  took  farewell  of  Boorchu 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  25 


and  his  father.  Three  days  after  that  he  had  reached  home  with 
his  horses.  No  words  could  describe  the  delight  of  his  mother 
and  brothers  when  they  saw  him. 

Temudjin  had  passed  his  thirteenth  year  when  he  parted  from 
Bortai.  He  went  down  the  Kerulon  now  with  his  half  brother, 
Belgutai,  to  get  her.  Several  years  had  passed  and  he  had  a  wish 
to  marry.  Bortai's  father  rejoiced  at  seeing  Temudjin.  "  I 
grieved,"  said  he,  "  greatly  and  lost  hope  of  seeing  thee  when  I 
heard  of  Taidjut  hatred." 

Both  parents  escorted  their  daughter  and  her  husband.  Desai- 
chan  after  going  some  distance  turned  homeward,  as  was  usual 
for  fathers,  but  Bortai's  mother,  Sotan,  went  on  to  Temudjin 's 
yurta. 

Temudjin  wished  now  to  have  Boorchu,  wished  him  as  a  com- 
rade forever,  and  sent  Belgutai  to  bring  him.  Boorchu  said  noth- 
ing to  his  father  or  to  any  one ;  he  took  simply  a  humpbacked  sorrel 
horse,  saddled  him,  strapped  a  coat  of  black  fur  to  the  saddle 
and  rode  away  quickly  to  Temudjin 's  yurta;  after  that  he  never 
left  him. 

Temudjin  removed  from  the  Sangur  to  the  springs  of  the  Keru- 
lon and  fixed  his  yurta  at  the  foot  of  the  slope  known  as  Burji. 
Bortai  had  brought  with  her  a  black  sable  cloak  as  a  present  to 
Hoelun.  "  In  former  days,"  said  Temudjin  to  his  brothers,  "  our 
father,  Yessugai,  became  a  sworn  friend,  an  *  anda,'  to  Togrul 
of  the  Kera'its,  hence  Togrul  is  to  me  in  the  place  of  my  father, 
we  will  go  now  and  show  Togrul  honor." 

Temudjin  and  two  of  his  brothers  took  the  cloak  to  Togrul  in 
the  Black  Forest  on  the  Tula.  "  In  former  days,"  said  Temudjin 
as  he  stood  before  Togrul,  "  thou  didst  become  anda  to  Yessugai, 
hence  thou  art  to  me  in  the  place  of  my  father.  I  bring  thee  to- 
day, my  father,  a  gift  brought  by  my  wife  to  my  mother."  With 
these  words  he  gave  the  black  sable  to  Togrul,  who  was  pleased 
very  greatly  with  the  offering. 

"  I  will  bring  back  to  thee  thy  people  who  are  scattered,"  said 
Togrul  in  answer,  "  and  join  them  again  to  thee,  I  will  keep  this 
in  mind  very  firmly,  and  not  forget  it." 

When  Temudjin  returned  home  the  old  man  Charchiutai  came 
from  Mount  Burhan  with  the  bellows  of  a  blacksmith  on  his 
shoulders,  and  brought  also  Chelmai,  his  son,  with  him.   "  When 


26 


The  Mongols 


thou  wert  born,"  said  Charchiutai  to  Temudjin,  "  I  gave  thee  a 
lined  sable  wrap,  I  gave  thee  too  my  son  Chelmai,  but  as  he  was 
very  little  at  that  time,  I  kept  the  boy  with  me  and  trained  him, 
but  now  when  he  is  grown  up  and  skilful  I  bring  him.  Let  him 
saddle  thy  horse  and  open  doors  to  thee."  With  that  he  gave  his 
son  Chelmai  to  Temudjin. 

Some  short  time  after  this,  just  before  daybreak  one  morning, 
Hoakchin,  an  old  woman,  Hoelun's  faithful  servant,  who  slept  on 
the  ground,  sprang  up  quickly  and  called  to  her  mistress :  "O 
mother,  rise,  I  hear  the  earth  tremble  !  O  mother,  the  Taidjuts  are 
coming,  our  terrible  destroyers  !  Hasten,  O  mother !  "  "  Rouse 
up  the  children,"  said  Hoelun,  "  wake  them  all  quickly  !  "  Hoelun 
rose  to  her  feet  as  she  was  speaking.  Temudjin  and  his  brothers 
sprang  up  and  ran  to  their  horses.  Hoelun  carried  her  daughter 
Taimulun.  Temudjin  had  only  one  saddle  beast  ready.  There 
was  no  horse  for  Bortai,  so  he  galloped  off  with  his  brothers. 
Thus  showing  that  self-preservation  was  his  one  thought. 

Hoakchin,  the  old  woman,  hid  Bortai,  she  stowed  her  away  in  a 
small  black  kibitka  (cart),  attached  a  pied  cow  to  it  and  drove  along 
the  river  Tungela.  As  the  night  darkness  cleared  and  light  was 
approaching  some  mounted  men  overtook  the  old  woman.  "  Who 
art  thou  ?  "  asked  they,  riding  up  to  her.  "  I  go  around  and  shear 
sheep  for  rich  people,  I  am  on  my  way  home  now,"  said  Hoakchin. 
"  Is  Temudjin  at  his  yurta  ?  "  asked  a  horseman.  "  Where  is  it  ?  " 
"  His  yurta  is  not  far,  but  I  know  not  where  he  is  at  this  moment," 
answered  Hoakchin. 

When  the  men  had  ridden  off  the  old  woman  urged  on  the  cow, 
but  just  then  the  axle  broke.  Hoakchin  wished  to  hurry  on  foot 
to  the  mountain  with  Bortai,  but  the  horsemen  had  turned  back 
already  and  came  to  her.  "  Who  is  in  there  ?  "  asked  a  man  as  he 
pointed  at  the  kibitka.  "  I  have  wool  there,"  replied  the  old 
woman.  "  Let  us  look  at  this  wool,  brothers,"  said  one  of  the 
mounted  men.  They  dragged  Bortai  out,  and  then  put  her  on 
horseback  with  Hoakchin.  Next  they  followed  on  Temudjin 's 
tracks  to  Mount  Burhan,  but  could  not  come  up  with  him.  Wish- 
ing to  enter  the  mountain  land  straightway  they  tried  one  and 
another  place,  but  found  no  road  of  any  kind  open.  In  one  part 
a  sticky  morass,  in  another  a  dense  growth  of  forest  and  thicket. 
They  did  not  find  the  secret  road  and  could  not  break  in  at  any 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  27 


point.  These  horsemen  were  from  three  clans  of  Merkits.  The  first 
had  been  sent  by  Tukta  Bi jhi  of  the  Uduts ;  the  second  by  Dair  Usun 
of  the  Uasits ;  the  third  by  Haatai  Darmala  of  the  Haats.  They 
had  come  to  wreak  vengeance  on  Temudjin  because  Yessugai, 
his  father,  had  snatched  away  Hoelun  from  Chilaidu,  and  this 
Hoelun  was  Temudjin 's  mother.  They  now  carried  off  Bortai, 
Temudjin 's  wife,  who  was  thus  taken  in  vengeance,  as  they  said, 
for  the  stealing  of  Hoelun. 

Temudjin,  fearing  lest  they  might  be  in  ambush,  sent  his  half 
brother,  Belgutai,  and  Boorchu,  with  Chelmai  to  examine  and 
discover.  In  three  days  when  these  men  were  well  satisfied  that 
the  Merkits  had  gone  from  the  mountain,  Temudjin  left  his  hiding 
place.  He  stood,  struck  his  breast  and  cried  looking  heavenward : 
"  Thanks  to  the  ears  of  a  skunk,  and  the  eyes  of  an  ermine  in  the 
head  of  old  Hoakchin,  I  escaped  capture.  Besides  that  Mount 
Burhan  has  saved  me,  and  from  this  day  I  will  make  offering  to  the 
mountain,  and  leave  to  my  children  and  their  children  this  duty 
of  sacrifice."  Then  he  turned  toward  the  sun,  put  his  girdle  on 
his  back,  took  his  cap  in  his  hand,  and  striking  his  breast  bent  his 
knees  nine  times  in  homage ;  he  made  next  a  libation  of  tarasun,  a 
liquor  distilled  out  of  mare's  milk. 

After  that  Temudjin  with  Kassar  and  Belgutai  went  to  Togrul 
on  the  Tula  and  implored  him,  "  O  father  and  sovereign,"  said 
Temudjin,  "  three  clans  of  Merkits  fell  on  us  suddenly,  and  stole 
my  wife,  Bortai.  Is  it  not  possible  to  save  her  ?  " 

"  Last  year,"  said  Togrul,  "  when  the  cloak  of  black  sable  was 
brought  to  me,  I  promised  to  lead  back  thy  people  who  deserted, 
and  those  who  were  scattered.  I  remember  this  well,  and  because 
of  my  promise  I  will  root  out  the  Merkits,  I  will  rescue  and  return 
to  thee  Bortai.  Inform  Jamuka  that  thy  wife  has  been  stolen. 
Two  tumans 1  of  warriors  will  go  with  me,  let  Jamuka  lead  out  the 
same  number." 

Jamuka,  chief  of  the  Juriats  at  that  time,  was  descended  from 
a  brother  of  Kabul  Khan,  and  was  third  cousin  therefore  to 
Temudjin.  Temudjin  sent  his  brothers  to  Jamuka  with  this 
message :  "  The  Merkits  have  stolen  my  wife,  thou  and  I  have 
the  same  origin ;  can  we  not  avenge  this  great  insult  ?  "  He  sent 
Togrul's  statement  also.  "  I  have  heard,"  said  Jamuka,  "  that 
1 A  tuman  is  ten  thousand. 


28 


The  Mongols 


Temudjin 's  wife  has  been  stolen,  I  am  grieved  very  greatly  at  his 
trouble  and  will  help  him."  He  told  where  the  three  clans  were 
camping,  and  promised  to  aid  in  bringing  back  Bortai. 

"  Tell  Temudjin  and  Togrul,"  said  he,  "  that  my  army  is  ready. 
With  me  are  some  people  belonging  to  Temudjin;  from  them  I 
will  gather  one  tuman  of  warriors  and  take  the  same  number  of 
my  own  folk  with  them,  I  will  go  up  to  Butohan  Borchi  on  the 
Onon  where  Togrul  will  meet  me."  They  took  back  the  answer 
to  Temudjin,  and  went  to  Togrul  with  the  words  from  Jamuka. 

Togrul  set  out  with  two  tumans  of  warriors  toward  the  Kerulon 
and  met  Temudjin  at  the  river  Kimurha.  One  tuman  of  Togrul's 
men  was  led  by  Jaganbo,  his  brother.  Jamuka  waited  three  days 
at  Butohan  Borchi  for  Togrul  and  Jaganbo;  he  was  angry  and 
full  of  reproaches  when  he  met  them.  "  When  conditions  are 
made  between  allies,"  said  he,  "  though  wind  and  rain  come  to 
ihinder,  men  should  meet  at  the  season  appointed.  The  time  of 
our  meeting  was  settled,  a  given  word  is  the  same  as  an  oath,  if 
the  word  is  not  to  be  kept  no  ally  should  be  invited." 

"  I  have  come  three  days  late,"  said  Togrul.  "  Blame,  and 
punish  me,  Jamuka,  my  brother,  until  thou  art  satisfied." 

The  warriors  went  on  now,  crossed  the  Kilho  to  Buura  where 
they  seized  all  the  people  and  with  them  the  wife  of  the  Merkit,  Tukta 
Bijhi.  Tukta  Bijhi,  who  was  sleeping,  would  have  been  captured 
had  not  his  hunters  and  fishermen  hurried  on  in  the  night  time  and 
warned  him.  He  and  Dair  Usun,  his  brother,  rushed  away  down 
the  river  to  Bargudjin.  When  the  Merkits  were  fleeing  at  night 
down  along  the  Selinga,  Togrul's  men  hunted  on  fiercely  and  were 
seizing  them.  In  that  rushing  crowd  Temudjin  shouted :  "  Bortai ! 
O  Bortai !  "  She  was  with  the  fleeing  people ;  she  knew  Temud- 
jin's  voice  and  sprang  from  a  small  covered  cart  with  Hoakchin, 
the  old  woman.  Running  up,  she  caught  Temudjin's  horse  by  the 
bridle.  The  moon  broke  through  clouds  that  same  moment,  and 
each  knew  the  other. 

Temudjin  sent  to  Togrul  without  waiting.  "  I  have  found," 
said  he,  "  those  whom  I  was  seeking ;  let  us  camp  now  and  go 
on  no  farther  to-night."  They  camped  there.  When  the  Merkits 
with  three  hundred  men  attacked  Temudjin  to  take  vengeance 
for  snatching  off  Chilaidu's  wife,  Hoelun,  Tukta  Bijhi,  the 
brother  of  Chilaidu,  with  two  other  leaders  rode  three  times 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  29 


round  Mount  Burhan,  but  could  not  find  Temudjin,  and  only 
took  Bortai.  They  gave  her  as  wife  to  Chilger,  a  younger  brother 
of  Chilaidu,  the  first  husband  of  Hoelun,  Temudjin's  mother. 
(This  Chilaidu  was  perhaps  Temudjin's  father.)  Now,  when  a 
great  army  was  led  in  by  Togrul  and  Jamuka,  Chilger  was  cruelly 
frightened.  "  I  have  been  doomed  like  a  crow,"  said  he,  "  to  eat 
wretched  scraps  of  old  skin,  but  I  should  like  greatly  the  taste  of 
some  wild  goose.  By  my  offenses  against  Bortai  I  have  brought 
evil  suffering  on  the  Merkits;  the  harm  which  now  has  befallen 
them  may  crush  me  also.  To  save  my  life  I  must  hide  in  some 
small  and  dark  corner."  Having  said  this  he  vanished.  Haatai 
Darmala  was  the  only  man  captured ;  they  put  a  kang  on  his  neck 
and  went  straight  toward  Mount  Burhan. 

Those  three  hundred  Merkits  who  rode  thrice  round  Mount 
Burhan  were  slain  every  man  of  them.  Their  wives,  who  were  fit 
to  continue  as  wives,  were  given  to  new  husbands;  those  who 
should  only  be  slaves  were  delivered  to  slavery. 

"  Thou,  O  my  father,  and  thou  my  anda,"  said  Temudjin  to 
Togrul  and  Jamuka,  "  Heaven  through  the  aid  which  ye  gave 
me  has  strengthened  my  hands  to  avenge  a  great  insult.  The 
Merkits  who  attacked  me  are  extinguished,  their  wives  are 
taken  captive,  the  work  is  now  ended."  That  same  year  Bortai 
gave  birth  to  her  first  son,  Juchi,  and  because  of  her  captivity  the 
real  father  of  Juchi  was  always  a  question  in  the  mind  of  Temud- 
jin- 

The  Uduts  had  left  in  their  camp  a  beautiful  small  boy,  Kuichu, 
He  had  splendid  bright  eyes,  was  dressed  in  river  sable,  and  on 
his  feet  were  boots  made  of  deer  hoofs.  When  the  warriors  took 
the  camp  they  seized  Kuichi  and  gave  him  to  Hoelun.  Temudjin, 
Togrul  and  Jamuka  destroyed  all  the  dwellings  of  the  Merkits 
and  captured  the  women  left  in  them.  Togrul  returned  then  to  the 
Tula.  Temudjin  and  Jamuka  went  to  Horho  Nachubur  and  fixed 
a  camp  there.  The  two  men  renewed  former  times  and  the  origin 
of  their  friendship;  each  promised  now  to  love  the  other  more 
firmly  than  aforetime,  if  possible.  Temudjin  was  in  his  boyhood, 
eleven  years  of  age,  when  they  made  themselves  "  andas  "  the 
first  day ;  both  were  guests  of  Togrul  at  that  period.  Now  they 
swore  friendship  again,  —  became  andas  a  second  time.  They 
discussed  friendship  with  each  other :  "  Old  people,"  said  Temudjin, 


30 


The  Mongols 


"  declare  that  when  men  become  andas  both  have  one  life  as  it 
were ;  neither  abandons  the  other,  and  each  guards  the  life  of  his 
anda.  Now  we  strengthen  our  friendship  anew,  and  refresh  it." 
At  these  words  Temudjin  girded  Jamuka,  with  a  golden  belt, 
which  he  had  taken  from  the  Merkits,  and  Jamuka  gave  him  a  rich 
girdle,  and  a  splendid  white  stallion,  which  he  had  captured.  They 
arranged  a  feast  under  a  broad  spreading  tree  near  the  cliff  known 
as  Huldah,  and  at  night  they  slept  under  one  blanket  together. 

Temudjin  and  Jamuka,  from  love,  as  it  were,  of  each  other, 
lived  eighteen  months  in  glad,  careless  company,  but  really  each 
of  the  two  men  was  studying  and  watching  his  anda  and  working 
against  him  with  all  the  power  possible  as  was  shown  very  clearly 
in  the  sequel.  At  last  during  April,  while  moving,  the  two  friends 
spurred  on  ahead  of  the  kibitkas  and  were  talking  as  usual :  "If 
we  camp  near  that  mountain  in  front,"  said  Jamuka  all  at  once, 
"  the  horseherds  will  get  our  yurtas.  If  we  camp  near  the  river 
the  shepherds  will  have  food  for  their  gullets."  Temudjin  made 
no  answer  to  words  which  seemed  dark  and  fateful,  so  he  halted 
to  wait  for  his  wife  and  his  mother ;  Jamuka  rode  farther  and  left 
him.  When  Hoelun  had  come  up  to  him  Temudjin  told  her  the 
words  of  Jamuka,  and  said,  "  I  knew  not  what  they  could  signify, 
hence  I  gave  him  no  answer.  I  have  come  to  ask  thy  opinion, 
mother."  Hoelun  had  not  time  to  reply  because  Bortai  was 
quicker.  "  People  say,"  declared  Bortai,  "  that  thy  friend  seeks 
the  new  and  despises  the  old ;  I  think  that  he  is  tired  of  us.  Is 
there  not  some  trick  in  these  words  which  he  has  given  thee  ?  Is 
there  not  some  danger  behind  them  ?  We  ought  not  to  halt,  let 
us  go  on  all  night  by  a  new  road,  and  not  stop  until  daybreak. 
It  is  better  to  part  in  good  health  from  Jamuka."  "  Bortai  talks 
wisdom,"  said  Temudjin.  He  went  on  then  by  his  own  road,  aside 
from  Jamuka,  and  passed  near  one  camp  of  the  Taidjuts  who 
were  frightened  when  they  saw  him;  they  rose  up  and  hurried 
away  that  same  night  to  Jamuka.  Those  Taidjuts  left  in  their 
camp  a  small  boy,  Kokochu.  Temudjin 's  men  found  the  lad  and 
gave  him  as  a  present  to  Hoelun. 

After  this  swift,  all  night's  journey  when  day  came  Temudjin 's 
party  was  joined  by  many  Jelairs.  Horchi  of  the  Barin  clan  came 
then  to  Temudjin  after  daybreak  and  spoke  to  him  as  follows : 
"  I  know  through  a  revelation  of  the  spirit  what  will  happen,  and 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  31 


to  thee  I  now  tell  it :  In  a  vision  I  saw  a  pied  cow  coming  up  to 
Jamuka;  she  stopped,  looked  at  him,  dug  the  earth  near  his 
yurta  and  broke  off  one  horn  as  she  was  digging.  Then  she 
bellowed  very  loudly,  and  cried :  '  Give  back  my  horn,  O  Jamuka. 
After  that  a  strong  hornless  bull  came  drawing  the  pins  of  a  great 
ruler's  tent  behind  Temudjin 's  kibitka.  This  great  bull  lowed  as 
he  traveled,  and  said :  '  Heaven  appoints  Temudjin  to  be  lord 
of  dominion,  I  am  taking  his  power  to  him.'  This  is  what  the 
spirit  revealed  in  my  vision.  What  delight  wilt  thou  give  me  for 
this  revelation  ?  "  "  When  I  become  lord  of  dominion,  I  will 
make  thee  commander  of  ten  thousand,"  said  Temudjin.  "  I 
have  told  thee  much  of  high  value,"  said  Horchi.  "  If  thou 
make  me  merely  commander  of  ten  thousand  what  great  delight 
can  I  get  from  the  office  ?  Make  me  that,  and  let  me  choose  also 
as  wives  thirty  beautiful  maidens  wherever  I  find  them,  and  give 
me  besides  what  I  ask  of  thee."  Temudjin  nodded,  and  Horchi 
was  satisfied. 

Next  came  a  number  of  men  from  four  other  clans.  These  had 
all  left  Jamuka  for  Temudjin,  and  joined  him  at  the  river  Ki- 
murha.  And  then  was  completed  a  work  of  great  moment :  Altan, 
Huchar  and  Sachai  Baiki  took  counsel  with  all  their  own  kinsmen, 
and  when  they  had  finished  they  stood  before  Temudjin  and 
spoke  to  him  as  follows :  "  We  wish  to  proclaim  thee,"  said  they. 
"  When  thou  art  Khan  we  shall  be  in  the  front  of  every  battle 
against  all  thy  enemies.  When  we  capture  beautiful  women 
and  take  splendid  stallions  and  mares  we  will  bring  all  to  thee 
surely,  and  when  at  the  hunt  thou  art  beating  in  wild  beasts  we 
will  go  in  advance  of  others  and  give  thee  the  game  taken  by  us. 
If  in  battles  we  transgress  thy  commands,  or  in  peace  we  work  harm 
to  thee  in  any  way,  take  from  us  everything,  take  wives  and  prop- 
erty and  leave  us  out  then  in  wild,  barren  places  to  perish."  Hav- 
ing sworn  thus  they  proclaimed  Temudjin,  and  made  him  Khan 
over  all  of  them. 

Temudjin,  now  Khan  in  the  land  of  the  four  upper  rivers,  com- 
manded his  comrade  Boorchu,  whom  he  called  "  youngest  brother," 
together  with  Ogelayu,  Hochiun,  Chedai  and  Tokolku  to  carry 
his  bows  and  his  quiver.  Vanguru  and  Kadan  Daldur  to 
dispense  food  and  drink,  to  be  masters  of  nourishment.  Dagai 
was  made  master  of  shepherds,  Guchugur  was  made  master  of 


32 


The  Mongols 


kibitkas.  Dodai  became  master  of  servants.  After  that  he  com- 
manded Kubilai,  Chilgutai  and  Karkaito  Kuraun  with  Kassar 
his  brother  to  be  swordbearers ;  his  half  brother  Belgutai  with 
Karal  Daito  Kuraun  to  be  masters  of  horse  training.  Daichu, 
Daihut,  Morichi  and  Muthalhu  were  to  be  masters  of  horseherds. 
Then  he  commanded  Arkai  Kassar,  Tagai  and  Sukagai  Chaurhan 
to  be  like  near  and  distant  arrows,  that  is,  messengers  to  near  and 
distant  places.  Subotai  the  Valiant  spoke  up  then  and  said: 
"  I  will  be  like  an  old  mouse  in  snatching,  I  will  be  like  a  jackdaw 
in  speed,  I  will  be  like  a  saddlecloth  to  hide  things,  I  will  ward  off 
every  enemy,  as  felt  wards  off  wind,  that  is  what  I  shall  be  for  thee." 

Temudjin  turned  then  to  Boorchu  and  Chelmai.  "  When  I  was 
alone,"  said  he,  "  ye  two  before  other  men  came  to  me  as  comrades. 
I  have  not  forgotten  this.  Be  ye  first  in  all  this  assembly."  Then 
he  spoke  further,  and  said  to  other  men :  "  To  you  who  have 
gathered  in  here  after  leaving  Jamuka,  and  have  joined  me,  I 
declare  that  if  Heaven  keeps  and  upholds  me  as  hitherto,  ye  will 
all  be  my  fortunate  helpers  and  stand  in  high  honor  before  me ;  " 
then  he  instructed  them  how  to  perform  their  new  duties. 

Temudjin  sent  Tagai  and  Sukagai  to  announce  his  accession 
to  Togrul  of  the  Keraits.  "  It  is  well,"  said  Togrul,  "  that  Temud- 
jin is  made  Khan ;  how  could  ye  live  even  to  this  time  without  a 
commander  ?  Be  not  false  to  the  Khan  whom  ye  have  chosen." 

Temudjin  sent  Arkai  Kassar  and  Belgutai  with  similar  tidings 
to  Jamuka  who  answered :  "  Tell  Altan  and  Huchar,  Temudjin 's 
uncle  and  cousin,  that  they  by  calumnies  have  parted  me  now  from 
my  anda,  and  ask  them  why  they  did  not  proclaim  Temudjin 
when  he  and  I  were  one  person  in  spirit  ?  Be  ye  all  active  assist- 
ants to  Temudjin.  Let  his  heart  be  at  rest  through  your  faith- 
fulness." 

This  was  the  formal  official  reply,  Jamuka's  real  answer  was 
given  soon  after. 

Taichar,  a  younger  brother  of  Jamuka,  was  living  not  far  from 
Mount  Chalma,  and  a  slave  of  Temudjin,  named  Darmala,  was 
stopping  for  a  season  at  Sari  Keher  —  a  slave  was  considered  in 
the  customs  of  that  age  and  people  as  a  brother,  hence  was  as  a 
brother  in  considering  a  vendetta  and  dealing  with  it  —  Taichar 
stole  a  herd  of  horses  from  Darmala  whose  assistants  feared  to 
follow  and  restore  them,  Darmala  rushed  alone  in  pursuit  and 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  33 


came  up  with  his  herd  in  the  night  time;  bending  forward  to  the 
neck  of  his  horse  he  sent  an  arrow  into  Taichar ;  the  arrow  struck 
his  spine  and  killed  the  man  straightway.  Darmala  then  drove 
back  his  horses.  Jamuka  to  take  vengeance  for  his  brother  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  own  and  some  other  clans;  with  these 
he  allied  himself  straightway  with  Temudjin 's  mortal  enemies, 
the  Taidjuts.  Three  tumans  of  warriors  (30,000)  were  assembled 
by  Targutai  and  Jamuka.  They  had  planned  to  attack  their 
opponent  unexpectedly  and  crossed  the  ridge  Alaut  Turhau  for 
this  purpose.  Temudjin,  in  Gulyalgu  at  that  time,  was  informed 
of  this  movement  by  Mulketokah  and  by  Boldai  who  were  both  of 
them  Ikirats.  His  warriors  all  told  were  thirteen  thousand  in 
number  and  with  these  he  marched  forth  to  meet  Targutai  and 
Jamuka.  He  was  able  to  choose  his  own  time  and  he  struck  the 
invaders  as  suited  him.  He  fought  with  these  enemies  at  Dalan- 
daljut  and  gained  his  first  triumph,  a  bloody  victory,  and  immense 
in  its  value  as  results  proved. 

Targutai  and  Jamuka  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  Their 
army  was  broken  and  scattered,  and  many  were  taken  prisoners. 
After  this  fierce  encounter  Temudjin  led  his  men  to  a  forest  not  far 
from  the  battleground  where  he  ranged  all  his  prisoners,  and 
selected  the  main  ones  for  punishment.  Beyond  doubt  there 
were  many  among  them  of  those  who  had  enticed  away  people 
after  the  poisoning  of  Yessugai,  Temudjin's  father,  men  who  had 
left  the  orphan  and  acted  with  Targutai  his  bitterest  enemy.  In 
seventy,  or,  as  some  state,  in  eighty  large  caldrons,  he  boiled  alive 
those  of  them  who  were  worthiest  of  punishment.  The  boiling 
continued  each  day  till  he  had  tortured  to  death  the  most  powerful 
and  vindictive  among  his  opponents.  This  execution  spread 
terror  on  all  sides,  and  since  Temudjin  showed  the  greatest  kind- 
ness to  his  friends  not  only  during  those  days,  but  at  all  times 
and  rewarded  them  to  the  utmost,  hope  and  fear  brought  him 
many  adherents. 

The  Uruts  and  Manhuts,  the  first  led  by  Churchadai,  and  the 
second  by  Kuyuldar,  drew  away  from  Jamuka  and  joined  Temud- 
jin, the  new  victor.  Munlik  of  the  clan  Kuanhotan  came  also, 
bringing  with  him  his  seven  mighty  sons  who  were  immensely 
great  fighters,  and  venomous.  This  Munlik,  a  son  of  that  Charaha 
whom  one  of  Targutai 's  followers  had  wounded  to  death  with  a 


34 


The  Mongols 


spear  thrust,  was  the  man  who  had  brought  home  Temudjin 
from  the  house  of  Desaichan  his  father-in-law  when  his  own 
father,  Yessugai,  was  dying. 

Soon  after  the  boiling  to  death  of  those  captives  in  the  forest 
a  division  of  the  Juriats,  that  is  Jamuka's  own  clansmen,  came 
and  joined  Temudjin  for  the  following  reason :  The  Juriat  lands 
touched  those  of  Temudjin 's  people,  and  on  a  certain  day  men  of 
both  sides  were  hunting  and  the  parties  met  by  pure  chance  in 
the  evening.  "  Let  us  pass  the  night  here  with  Temudjin,"  said 
some  of  the  Juriats.  Others  would  not  consent,  and  one  half  of 
the  party,  made  up  altogether  of  four  hundred,  went  home;  the 
other  two  hundred  remained  in  the  forest.  Temudjin  gave  these 
men  all  the  meat  needed,  and  kettles  in  which  they  could  boil  it, 
he  treated  them  generously  and  with  friendship. 

These  Juriats  halted  still  longer  and  hunted  with  Temudjin 's 
party.  They  received  every  evening  somewhat  more  of  the  game 
than  was  due  them ;  at  parting  they  were  satisfied  with  Temudjin 's 
kindness  and  thanked  him  sincerely.  At  heart  they  felt  sad,  for 
their  position  was  painful.  They  wished  greatly  to  join  Temudjin, 
but  desired  not  to  leave  their  own  people ;  and  on  the  way  home 
they  said  to  one  another  as  they  traveled :  "  The  Taidjuts  are  gone, 
they  will  not  think  of  us  in  future.  Temudjin  cares  for  his  people 
and  does  everything  to  defend  them."  On  reaching  home  they 
talked  with  their  elders.  "  Let  us  settle  still  nearer  to  Temudjin," 
said  they,  "  and  obey  him,  give  him  service."  "  What  harm  have 
the  Taidjuts  done  you  ?  "  was  the  answer.  "  They  are  kinsfolk; 
how  could  we  become  one  with  their  enemy,  and  leave  them  ?  " 
Notwithstanding  this  answer  Ulug  Bahadur  and  Tugai  Talu  with 
their  kinsmen  and  dependents  went  away  in  a  body  to  Temudjin. 

"  We  have  come,"  said  they,  "  like  a  woman  bereft  of  her  hus- 
band, or  a  herd  without  a  master,  or  a  flock  without  a  shepherd. 
In  friendship  and  agreement  we  would  live  with  thee,  we  would 
draw  our  swords  to  defend  thee,  and  cut  down  thy  enemies." 

"  I  was  like  a  sleeping  man  when  ye  came  to  me,"  said  Temud- 
jin, "  ye  pulled  me  by  the  forelock  and  roused  me.  I  was  sitting 
here  in  sadness,  and  ye  cheered  me,  I  will  do  what  I  can  now  to 
satisfy  your  wishes."  He  made  various  rules  and  arrangements 
which  pleased  them,  and  they  were  satisfied  perfectly,  at  least  for 
a  season. 


Temudjin  Begins  His  Mighty  Career  35 


Temudjin  wished  to  strengthen  his  position  still  further,  and 
desired  to  win  to  his  alliance  Podu  who  was  chief  of  the  Kurulats, 
whose  lands  were  adjacent  to  the  Argun.  This  chief  was  renowned 
as  an  archer  and  a  warrior.  Temudjin  offered  him  his  sister  in 
marriage.  The  offer  was  accepted  with  gladness.  Podu  was  ready 
to  give  Temudjin  half  his  horses,  and  proffered  them. 

"  Oh,"  said  Temudjin,  "  thou  and  I  will  not  mention  either 
taking  or  giving;  we  two  are  brothers  and  allies,  not  traffickers 
or  traders.  Men  in  the  old  time  have  said  that  one  heart  and  one 
soul  cannot  be  in  two  bodies,  but  this  is  just  what  in  our  case  I 
shall  show  to  all  people  as  existing.  I  desire  nothing  of  thee  and 
thy  people,  but  friendship.  I  wish  to  extend  my  dominion  and 
only  ask  faithful  help  from  my  sister's  husband  and  his  tribes- 
men."   The  marriage  took  place  and  Podu  was  his  ally. 

Soon  after  this  first  group  of  Juriats  had  joined  Temudjin, 
some  more  of  their  people  discussed  at  a  meeting  as  follows: 
"  The  Taidjuts  torment  us  unreasonably,  they  give  us  nothing 
whatever,  while  Temudjin  takes  the  coat  from  his  back  and 
presents  it.  He  comes  down  from  the  horse  which  he  has  mounted 
and  gives  that  same  horse  to  the  needy.  He  is  a  genuine  leader, 
he  is  to  all  as  a  father.  His  is  the  best  governed  country."  This 
fraction  also  joined  Temudjin. 

Another  marriage  to  be  mentioned  was  that  of  Temudjin 's 
mother  to  Munlik,  son  of  Charaha,  and  father  of  the  seven  brothers 
—  the  great  fighters.  All  these  accessions  of  power,  and  his  victory 
so  strengthened  Temudjin  and  rejoiced  him  that  he  made  for  his 
mother  and  step-mothers  and  kinsfolk,  with  all  the  new  people, 
a  feast  near  the  river  Onon,  in  a  forest.  At  this  feast  feminine 
jealousy  touching  position,  and  the  stealing  of  a  bridle,  brought 
about  a  dispute  and  an  outbreak.  In  spite  of  Temudjin 's  power 
and  authority  an  encounter  took  place  at  the  feast  which  caused 
one  chief,  Sidje  Bijhi  of  the  Barins,  to  withdraw  with  his  party. 
He  withdrew  not  from  the  feast  alone,  but  from  his  alliance  with 
Temudjin. 

The  quarrel  began  in  this  way :  Temudjin  sent  a  jar  of  mare's 
milk  first  of  all  to  his  mother,  to  Kassar  and  to  Sachai  Baiki. 
Thereupon  Holichin  and  Hurchin,  his  two  step-mothers  grew  angry. 
"  Why  not  give  milk  to  us  before  those  people,  why  not  give  milk 
to  us  at  the  same  time  with  Temudjin's  mother  ?  "  asked  they 


36 


The  Mongols 


as  they  struck  Shikiur  who  was  master  of  provisions.  This  striking 
brought  on  a  disturbance.  Thereupon  Temudjin  commanded 
his  half  brother,  Belgutai,  to  mount  his  horse  and  keep  order 
and  take  Buri  Buga  on  the  part  of  the  Churkis  to  help  him.  A 
man  of  the  Hadjin  clan  and  connected  with  the  Churkis  stole 
a  bridle  and  was  discovered  by  Belgutai  who  stopped  him.  Buri 
Buga,  feeling  bound  to  defend  this  man,  cut  through  Belgutai's 
shoulder  piece,  wounding  him  badly. 

Belgutai  made  no  complaint  when  his  blood  flowed.  Temudjin, 
who  was  under  a  tree  looking  on,  noted  everything.  "  Why  suffer 
such  treatment  ?  "  inquired  he  of  Belgutai.  "  I  am  wounded," 
said  Belgutai,  "  but  the  wound  is  not  serious ;  cousins  should  not 
quarrel  because  of  me."  Temudjin  broke  a  branch  from  the  tree, 
seized  a  milk  paddle,  sprang  himself  at  the  Churkis  and  beat  them ; 
then  seizing  his  step-mothers  he  brought  them  back  to  their  places, 
and  to  reason. 

The  two  Juriat  parties  which  had  joined  Temudjin  grew  cool 
in  allegiance  soon  after  that  feast  at  the  river.  They  were  brought 
to  this  state  of  mind  beyond  doubt  by  intrigues  of  Jamuka;  next 
they  fought  with  each  other,  and  finally  deserted. 

Jamuka  was  a  man  of  immense  power  in  plotting,  and  one  who 
never  ceased  to  pursue  his  object .  Temudjin  tried  to  win  some  show 
of  kindness  from  Jamuka.  In  other  words  he  made  every  effort 
to  subdue  him  by  deep  subtle  cunning,  but  all  efforts  proved 
fruitless.  These  men  were  bound  to  win  power.  Without  power 
life  was  no  life  for  either  one  of  the  two  master  tricksters.  What- 
ever his  action  or  seeming  at  any  time  Jamuka  was  Temudjin 's 
mortal  enemy  always.  He  kept  undying  hatred  in  his  heart,  and 
was  ever  planning  some  blow  at  his  rival.  When  the  Juriats  were 
at  their  best  he  was  plotting,  when  they  were  scattered  and  weak 
and  had  in  part  gone  to  Temudjin  he  was  none  the  less  active  and 
made  common  cause  with  the  enemies  of  his  opponent  wherever 
he  could  find  them.  Temudjin  cared  for  no  man  or  woman,  and 
for  no  thing  on  earth  if  opposed  to  his  plans  of  dominion. 


CHAPTER  III 


WANG  KHAN  OF  THE  KERAITS 

AFRESH  opportunity  came  now  to  Temudjin  to  beat  down 
an  enemy  and  strengthen  himself  at  the  same  time.  The 
Kin  Emperor  sent  Wang  Kin,  his  minister,  with  an  army 
against  the  Lake  Buyur  Tartars  since  they  would  neither  do  what 
he  wished,  nor  pay  tribute.  Not  having  strength  to  resist,  they 
moved  to  new  places,  higher  up  on  the  Ulcha.  Temudjin  acted 
now  in  a  double  manner ;  on  the  one  hand  he  seemed  as  if  helping 
the  Kin  sovereign  and  represented  his  action  to  the  Golden  Khan's 
minister  in  that  way.  Meanwhile  when  assembling  his  intimates 
he  said:  "  Those  Buyur  men  killed  both  my  father  and  uncle; 
now  is  the  time  to  attack  them,  not  to  help  the  Kin  sovereign, 
but  to  avenge  our  own  people."  To  Togrul  he  sent  in  great 
haste  this  statement :  "  The  Golden  Khan  is  pursuing  the  Lake 
Buyur  Tartars ;  those  men  are  thy  enemies  and  mine,  so  do  thou 
help  me,  my  father." 

Togrul  came  with  aid  quickly.  Temudjin  sent  to  Sachai  Baiki 
and  Daichu  of  the  Churkis  and  asked  help  of  them  also.  He 
waited  six  days  for  reinforcements,  but  no  man  appeared  from 
the  Churkis.  Thereupon  he  with  Togrul  marched  down  the 
Ulcha  and  fell  on  the  Tartars.  He  was  on  one  bank,  and  Togrul 
on  the  other.  The  Tartars  could  not  retreat  since  the  Golden 
Khan's  men  were  pursuing,  so  they  raised  a  strong  fortress  against 
them.  Temudjin  and  Togrul  broke  into  this  fortress;  many 
Tartars  were  slain,  and  many  captured,  among  them  their  leader. 
Temudjin  put  this  man  to  death  in  revenge  for  his  father.  Im- 
mense booty  was  taken  by  Temudjin  and  his  ally  in  captives,  in 
cattle  and  property  of  all  sorts;  among  other  things  taken  was 
a  silver  cradle  and  a  cloth  of  gold  which  lay  over  it.  Temudjin 
received  praise  for  his  action.   Without  striking  a  blow  the  Kin 

S7 


38 


The  Mongols 


minister  had  accomplished  his  mission,  and  later  he  took  to  him- 
self, before  his  sovereign,  the  merit  of  making  Togrul  and  Te- 
mudjin  do  his  work  for  him.  He  gave  Temudjin  the  title  Chao 
Huri,  and  to  Togrul  the  title  of  Wang  Khan  was  given.  "  I  am 
thankful,"  said  the  minister.  "  When  I  return  I  will  report  all  to 
my  sovereign,  and  win  for  you  a  still  higher  title."  Then  he 
departed. 

Temudjin,  and  Togrul  now  Wang  Khan,  and  thus  we  shall  call 
him  hereafter,  went  to  their  own  places  also. 

In  the  captured  Tartar  camp  a  boy  was  discovered;  he  had 
a  gold  ring  in  his  nose,  around  his  waist  was  a  belt  edged  with 
sable  and  it  had  golden  tassels.  They  took  the  lad  straightway 
to  Hoelun,  who  made  him  her  sixth  son,  and  named  him.  He 
was  known  ever  after  as  Shigi  Kutuku.  Temudjin  had  left  at 
Halil  Lake  many  people;  while  he  was  absent  the  Churkis 
stripped  fifty  of  these  men,  tore  their  clothes  off,  and  slew  ten  of 
them.    Temudjin  was  enraged  at  this  action. 

"  Why  endure  deeds  of  this  kind  from  the  Churkis  ?  "  ex- 
claimed he.  "  At  our  feast  in  the  forest  they  cut  Belgutai  in  the 
shoulder.  When  I  was  avenging  my  father  and  uncle  they  would 
not  give  aid  to  us,  they  went  to  our  enemies  and  helped  them,  now 
I  will  punish  those  people  befittingly." 

So  he  led  out  his  men  to  ruin  the  Churkis.  At  Dolon  Boldau  on 
the  Kerulon  he  captured  every  Churki  warrior  except  Sachai  Baiki, 
and  Daichu  who  rushed  away  empty-handed.  Temudjin  hunted 
these  two  men  untiringly  till  he  caught  them.  "  We  have  not  done 
what  we  promised,"  said  they  in  reply  to  his  questions.  They 
stretched  out  their  necks  as  they  said  this,  and  Temudjin  cut  their 
heads  off.  He  returned  after  that  to  Dolon  Boldau  and  led  off 
into  slavery  what  remained  of  the  Churkis. 

The  origin  of  the  Churkis  was  as  follows:  Kabul  Khan,  Te- 
mudjin's  great  grandfather,  had  seven  sons.  Of  these  the  eldest 
was  Okin  Barka.  Kabul  chose  strong,  daring,  skilled  archers 
and  gave  them  as  attendants  to  Okin  Barka.  No  matter  where 
they  went  those  attendants  vanquished  all  who  opposed  them,  and 
at  last  no  man  dared  vie  with  such  champions,  hence  they  received 
the  name  Churki. 

Kabul  Khan's  second  son,  Bartan,  was  father  of  Yessugai, 
Temudjin 's  supposed  father.  Kabul's  grandson,  child  of  his  third 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  39 


son  Munlair,  was  Buri  Buga  the  comrade  of  the  grandsons  of  Okin 
Barka.  Buri  Buga  had  given  his  adhesion  to  the  Khan  much 
earlier  than  others,  but  he  remained  independent  in  feeling, 
hence  Temudjin  did  not  trust  him. 

Though  no  man  among  Mongols  could  equal  Buri  Buga  in 
strength  or  in  wrestling  he  did  not  escape  a  cruel  death.  Some- 
time after  the  reduction  of  the  Churkis  Temudjin  commanded 
Belgutai  and  Buri  Buga  to  wrestle  in  his  presence.  Whenever 
Belgutai  wrestled  with  Buri  Buga  the  latter  was  able  with  one 
leg  and  one  hand  to  hold  him  as  still  as  if  lifeless.  This  time 
Buri  Buga,  who  feigned  to  be  beaten,  fell  with  his  face  to  the  earth 
under  Belgutai,  who  having  him  down  turned  toward  Temudjin 
for  direction.  Temudjin  bit  his  lower  lip;  Belgutai  knew  what 
this  sign  meant,  and  putting  his  knee  to  the  spine  of  Buri  Buga 
seized  his  neck  with  both  hands,  and  broke  the  backbone  of  his 
opponent. 

"  I  could  not  lose  in  this  struggle,"  said  the  dying  Buri  Buga, 
"  but,  fearing  the  Khan,  I  feigned  defeat,  and  then  yielded,  and 
now  thou  hast  taken  my  life  from  me." 

At  this  time  Talaigutu,  a  man  of  the  Jelairs  who  had  three  sons, 
commanded  the  eldest,  named  Gunua  with  his  two  sons,  Mukuli 
and  Buga  to  go  to  Temudjin  and  say  to  him :  "  These  sons  of 
mine  will  serve  thee  forever.  If  they  leave  thy  doors  draw  from 
their  legs  all  the  sinews  within  them,  after  that  cut  their  hearts 
out,  and  also  their  livers."  Then  Talaigutu  commanded  Chilaun, 
his  second  son,  to  present  himself  with  Tunge  and  Hashi  his  own 
two  sons,  and  speak  as  follows :  "  Let  these  my  sons  guard 
thy  golden  doors  carefully.  If  they  fail  take  their  lives  from  them." 
After  that  Talaigutu  gave  Chebke  his  third  son  to  Temudjin's 
brother,  Kassar.  Chebke  had  found  in  the  camp  of  the  Churki 
a  boy,  Boroul,  whom  he  gave  to  Hoelun.  Hoelun  having  placed 
the  four  boys:  Kuichu,  Kokochu,  Shigi  Kutuku,  and  Boroul 
with  her  own  children,  watched  over  all  with  her  eyes  during 
daylight,  and  listened  to  them  with  her  ears  in  the  night  time; 
thus  did  she  rear  them. 

Who  was  Togrul  of  the  Keraits,  known  better  as  Wang  Khan  ? 
This  is  a  question  of  deep  interest  in  the  history  of  the  Mongols, 
for  this  man  had  great  transactions  with  Temudjin,  he  had 
much  to  do  also  with  Yessugai,  Temudjin's  father.  Markuz 


40 


The  Mongols 


Buyuruk,  Togrul's  grandfather,  who  ruled  in  his  day,  was  captured 
by  Naur,  a  Tartar  chieftain,  and  sent  to  the  Kin  emperor  who  had 
him  nailed  to  a  wooden  ass,  and  then  chopped  into  pieces.  His 
widow  resolved  to  take  vengeance  on  Naur  for  this  dreadful 
death  of  her  husband.  She  set  out  some  time  later  on  to  give 
a  feigned  homage  to  Naur  and  to  marry  him  if  possible,  as  was 
stated  in  confidence  by  some  of  her  servitors.  She  brought  to  Naur 
a  hundred  sheep  and  ten  mares,  besides  a  hundred  large  cow- 
skins  holding,  as  was  said,  distilled  mare's  milk,  but  each  skin  held 
in  fact  a  well  armed  living  warrior. 

A  feast  was  given  straightway  by  Naur  during  which  the  hun- 
dred men  were  set  free  from  the  cowskins,  and,  aided  by  attendants 
of  the  widow,  they  slew  the  Khan  and  his  household. 

Markuz  left  four  sons,  the  two  most  distinguished  were 
Kurja  Kuz  and  Gurkhan.  Kurja  Kuz  succeeded  his  father. 
Togrul  succeeded  Kurja  Kuz  his  own  father  by  slaying  two 
uncles,  besides  a  number  of  cousins.  Gurkhan,  his  remaining 
uncle,  fled  and  found  asylum  with  Inanji,  Taiyang  of  the 
neighboring  Naimans,  whom  he  roused  to  assist  him.  Gurkhan 
then  with  the  Naiman  troops  drove  out  Togrul  and  made  him- 
self ruler.  Togrul,  attended  by  a  hundred  men,  went  to  Yessugai 
and  implored  aid  of  him.  Yessugai  reinstated  Togrul,  and 
forced  Gurkhan  to  flee  to  Tangut. 

Togrul  vowed  endless  friendship  to  his  ally  and  became  to  him 
a  sworn  friend  or  "  anda."  When  Yessugai  was  poisoned  by 
Tartars,  Temudjin  his  son,  a  boy  at  that  time,  lost  authority  and 
suffered  for  years  from  the  Taidjuts.  Togrul  gave  help  and  har- 
bored him.  After  that,  as  has  been  already  related,  when  Temudjin 
had  married  and  the  Merkits  stole  his  wife,  Togrul  assisted  in 
restoring  her,  and  with  her  a  part  of  Temudjin 's  people.  In 
1194  he  was  given  the  title  Wang  Khan.  Later  his  brother 
expelled  him,  and  this  time  he  fled  to  the  Uigurs,  but  sought 
aid  in  vain  from  the  Idikut,  or  ruler,  of  that  people.  He  led  a 
wretched  life  for  some  time  without  resource  or  property,  and 
lived,  as  is  stated,  on  milk  from  a  small  herd  of  goats,  his  sole 
sustenance.  He  learned  at  last  that  Temudjin  had  grown  in 
power,  hence  he  begged  aid  from  him,  and  got  it. 

Temudjin  gave  Wang  Khan  cattle  and  in  the  autumn  of  that 
year,  1196,    made  a  feast  for  this  his  old  benefactor,  and 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


41 


promised  to  consider  him  thenceforth  as  a  father,  and  to  help  him 
as  an  ally. 

In  1197  the  two  allies  defeated  the  Barins,  seizing  Sidje  Bijhi 
and  Taidju  their  leader.  That  same  year  they  fell  upon  the 
Merkits,  a  nation  of  four  tribes  ruled  then  by  Tukta  Bijhi.  One 
of  these  tribes  was  defeated  near  the  Selinga.  Temudjin  let  Wang 
Khan  keep  all  the  booty  taken.  Wang  Khan  in  1198,  the  year 
following,  undertook  unassisted  a  war  against  the  Merkits,  cap- 
tured Jilaun,  the  son  of  Tukta  Bijhi,  and  slew  Tugun,  another 
son.  He  took  also  Kutu,  Tukta's  brother.  He  seized  all  Jilaun 's 
herds  and  people,  but  gave  no  part  of  this  booty  to  Temudjin. 

In  1199  the  two  allies  marched  to  attack  the  Naimans,  a  people 
strong  and  famous  while  under  Buga  Khan,  an  able  ruler, 
but  when  this  Khan  died  his  two  sons,  to  gain  a  certain  con- 
cubine left  by  their  father,  began  a  murderous  quarrel,  which 
brought  about  the  division  of  the  country.  The  elder  man, 
Baibuga,  called  Taiyang,1  by  his  subjects  and  his  neighbors, 
retained  the  level  country,  while  Buiruk,  his  brother,  took  mountain 
places.  Each  ruled  alone,  and  each  was  an  enemy  of  the  other. 
Wang  Khan  and  Temudjin,  remembering  former  robberies  by  the 
Naimans,  and  wishing  too  to  add  wealth  and  power  to  what  they 
themselves  had,  attacked  Buiruk  at  Kizil  Bash  near  the  Altai. 
They  seized  many  captives  and  much  precious  booty.  Buiruk 
then  moved  westward  followed  closely  by  the  allies  and  fighting 
with  great  vigor.  One  of  his  leaders,  Edetukluk,  who  brought  up 
the  rear  guard,  fought  till  his  men  were  all  slain,  or  made  prisoners. 
He  struggled  alone  then  till  his  saddle  girth  burst,  and  he  was 
captured. 

After  this  the  allies  came  in  contact  with  Gugsu  Seirak,  another 
of  the  Naiman  commanders,  who  had  much  greater  forces  and  had 
chosen  his  position.  This  man  had  plundered  Wang  Khan's 
brother  somewhat  earlier  and  a  portion  of  his  kinsfolk.  The  allies 
had  met  him  already,  and  hoped  now  to  crush  him.  They  would 
have  attacked  him  immediately,  but  since  evening  was  near  they 
chose  to  wait  till  next  morning  for  battle.  Jamuka,  ever  ready  to 
injure  Temudjin,  went  to  Wang  Khan  and  made  him  believe 
that  he  was  on  the  eve  of  betrayal,  and  would  be  ruined  by 
Temudjin  and  the  Naimans.  Wang  Khan  set  out  for  home  that 
1  Great  King  in  Chinese. 


42 


The  Mongols 


night.  Temudjin  thus  deserted  was  forced  to  withdraw  which 
he  did  unobserved. 

Gugsu  Seirak  followed  Wang  Khan  in  hot  haste  and  overtook 
his  two  brothers.  He  captured  their  families,  as  well  as  their 
property  and  cattle.  Then  he  entered  Wang  Khan's  land  and 
found  there  rich  booty  of  all  kinds.  Wang  Khan  sent  Sengun, 
his  son,  to  meet  Seirak;  meanwhile  he  hurried  off  messengers 
to  Temudjin,  and  begged  of  him  assistance.  Temudjin  con- 
sidering the  plight  of  his  ally,  but  still  more  his  own  peril  should 
Wang  Khan's  men  be  routed  and  captured  by  the  Naimans,  sent 
his  four  ablest  chiefs  to  assist  him.  These  were  Boorchu,  Mukuli, 
Boroul  and  Jilaun.  These  four  led  their  men  by  hurried  marches, 
and  had  just  reached  the  battle-ground  when  Wang  Khan's  force 
was  broken,  his  best  leaders  killed  and  Sengun,  his  son,  on  a  lame 
wounded  stallion,  was  fleeing.  All  the  Khan's  property  had  been 
taken  by  the  Naimans.  Boorchu  dashed  up  with  all  speed  to 
Sengun,  gave  him  the  horse  on  which  he  himself  had  ridden  up 
to  that  moment  and  sat  then  on  the  gray  steed  which  Temudjin 
had  given  him  as  a  mark  of  great  favor.  He  was  not  to  strike 
this  horse  for  any  reason ;  he  had  merely  to  rub  the  whip  along 
his  mane  to  make  him  rush  with  lightning  speed  during  action. 

Boorchu  sent  forward  his  fresh  troops,  chosen  warriors,  and  next 
he  rallied  Sengun's  scattered  forces  to  help  them  against  the 
Naimans.  The  Naimans,  drunk  with  victory  and  not  thinking 
of  defeat,  were  soon  brought  to  their  senses.  Temudjin's  heroes 
recovered  everything  snatched  from  Wang  Khan's  people,  both 
horses  and  property.  Wang  Khan  on  the  field  there  thanked  his 
firm  ally  and  thanked  the  four  splendid  leaders  in  the  warmest 
words  possible.  He  gave  Boorchu  ten  golden  goblets  and  a  mantle 
of  honor ;  he  rewarded  others  with  very  great  bounty,  and  said  as 
they  were  leaving  him :  "  Once  I  appeared  as  a  fugitive,  naked 
and  hungry;  Temudjin  received  me,  he  nourished  and  clothed 
me.  How  can  I  thank  my  magnificent  son  for  his  goodness? 
In  former  days  Yessugai  brought  back  my  people,  and  now 
Temudjin  has  sent  his  four  heroes;  with  Heaven's  help  they 
have  vanquished  the  Naimans,  and  saved  me ;  I  will  think  of  these 
benefits,  and  never  forget  them." 

When  the  old  Khan  had  gone  back  to  his  yurta  and  all  had 
grown  quiet  on  every  side  Temudjin  went  to  visit  his  "  father  '* 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


43 


and  "  an  da."  At  the  Black  Forest  the  two  men  expressed  to  each 
other  their  feelings,  and  at  last  Temudjin  described  with  much 
truth,  and  very  carefully,  though  with  few  words,  the  real  position : 
"  I  cannot  live  on  in  safety  without  thy  assistance,  my  father. 
The  Naimans  on  one  side  and  my  false,  plotting  relatives  on  the 
other,  afflict  me.  My  relatives  rouse  up  the  Taidjuts  and  every 
enemy  against  me,  but  seeing  thy  love  for  me  they  know  that  while 
thou  art  alive  and  unchanged,  and  art  ruling  they  cannot  destroy 
me.  Thou  too,  O  my  father,  canst  not  live  on  in  safety  without 
my  firm  friendship.  Without  me  thy  false  brothers  and  cousins, 
assisted  by  their  allies,  would  split  up  thy  people  and  snatch  thy 
dominion.  They  would  kill  thee  unless  by  swift  flight  thou  wert 
able  to  save  thyself  from  ruin.  Sengun,  thy  son,  would  gain  noth- 
ing, he  too  would  be  swept  both  from  power  and  existence,  though 
he  does  not  see  this  at  present.  I  am  his  best  stay,  as  well  as  thine, 

0  my  father.  Thou  art  my  greatest  stay  too  and  support.  With- 
out thee  all  my  enemies  would  rise  up  at  once  to  overwhelm  me, 
but  were  I  gone,  and  my  power  in  their  hands  thy  power  would 
pass  soon  to  thy  deadliest  enemies,  thy  relatives.  Our  one  way  to 
keep  power  and  live  on  in  safety  is  through  a  friendship  which 
nothing  can  shatter.  That  friendship  exists  now,  and  we  need 
only  proclaim  it.  Were  I  thy  elder  son  all  would  be  quiet  and 
settled  for  both  of  us." 

When  Wang  Khan  was  alone  he  spoke  thus  to  himself  and  con- 
sidered :  "  I  am  old,  to  whom  shall  I  leave  the  direction  of  my 
people?  My  younger  brothers  are  without  lofty  qualities;  my 
brother  Jaganbo  is  also  unable  to  stand  against  enemies.  Sengun 
is  the  only  man  left  me,  but  whatever  Sengun's  merits  may  be 

1  will  make  Temudjin  his  elder  brother.  With  these  two  sons  to 
help  me  I  may  live  on  securely." 

At  the  Black  Forest  Temudjin  became  elder  son  to  Wang 
Khan.  Up  to  that  time  he  had  called  the  old  chieftain  his  father 
through  friendship,  because  he  and  Yessugai  had  both  been  his 
"  andas  "  and  allies.  Now  Wang  Khan  and  Temudjin  used  the 
words  "  son  "  and  "  father  "  in  conversing  and  with  their  real 
value.  This  adoption  of  Temudjin  excluded  Sengun  in  reality 
from  the  earliest  inheritance,  and  Temudjin  knew  well,  of  course, 
that  immense  opposition  would  come  from  Sengun  and  Jamuka. 

"  We  shall  fight  side  by  side  in  war  against  enemies,"  said  Wang 


44 


The  Mongols 


Khan  to  his  new  elder  son.  "  In  going  against  wild  beasts  we  are 
to  hunt  with  common  forces.  If  men  try  to  raise  quarrels  between 
us  we  will  lend  no  ear  to  anyone,  and  believe  only  when  we  have 
met  and  talked  carefully  together  over  everything,  and  proved  it." 
Thus  they  decided,  and  their  friendship  on  that  day  was  perfect. 

The  crushing  defeat  of  the  Naimans,  which  lowered  them  much, 
immediately  raised  Temudjin  above  every  rival.  Jamuka's 
plotting  had  turned  against  himself  most  completely,  and  if  he 
had  planned  to  help  Temudjin  he  could  not  have  helped  better. 
Somewhat  later  Juchi  Kassar  snatched  another  victory  from  the 
Naimans,  and  weakened  them  further.  Tukta  Bijhi,  the  Merkit 
chief,  sent  Ordjank  and  Kutu,  his  brothers,  to  rouse  up  the  Taid- 
juts afresh  against  Temudjin.  Ongku  and  Hakadju  took  arms 
and  made  ready  to  help  Targutai,  the  Taidjut  chief,  with  Kudo- 
dar  and  Kurul. 

Temudjin  and  Wang  Khan  marched  in  the  spring  of  1200 
and  met  those  opponents  at  the  edge  of  the  great  Gobi  desert, 
where  they  crushed  them  completely.  Targutai  and  Kudodar 
were  both  slain.  Targutai  was  the  man  who  had  acted  so  bitterly 
against  Temudjin  after  his  father  was  poisoned.  This  Taidjut 
leader  fell  now  at  the  hand  of  Jilaun,  a  son  of  that  same  Sorhan 
Shira,  who  had  rescued  Temudjin  from  the  river  Onon,  taken  the 
kang  from  his  neck  and  hidden  him  under  wool  racks.  Hakadju 
and  Ongku,  who  had  helped  on  this  war  by  enabling  Tukta  Bijhi 
to  rouse  up  the  Taidjuts  fled  now  to  Bargudjin  with  Tukta 
Bijhi's  two  brothers,  while  Kurul  found  a  refuge  with  the  Nai- 
mans. Still  this  defeat  did  not  end  Taidjut  rancor.  The  Kat- 
kins  and  Sal  juts  shared  also  this  hatred.  Temudjin  strove 
however,  to  win  them,  and  sent  an  envoy  with  this  message: 
"  Each  Mongol  clan  should  support  me,  I  then  could  protect  all 
without  exception. "  This  envoy  was  insulted;  some  snatched 
entrails  from  a  pot  and  slapped  his  face  with  them ;  they  struck 
him  right  and  left  and  drove  him  off  amid  jeers,  and  loud  howling. 

These  people  knew  clearly,  of  course,  that  after  insults  of  that 
kind  they  were  in  great  danger.  The  Taidjuts  had  been  crushed, 
and  still  earlier  the  Naimans.  The  blow  which  was  sure  to  come 
soon  would  strike  them  unsparingly,  hence  they  formed  a  league 
quickly  and  met  at  Arabulak  with  some  of  the  Jelairs,  the  Durbans, 
the  Kunkurats,  and  Tartars.   These  five  peoples  killed  with  swords 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  45 


a  stallion,  a  bull,  a  dog,  a  ram  and  a  he  goat.  "  O  Heaven  and 
earth  hear  our  words  and  bear  witness,"  cried  they  at  the  sacrifice : 
"  We  swear  by  the  blood  of  these  victims,  themselves  chiefs  of 
races,  that  we  deserve  death  in  this  same  manner  if  we  keep  not 
the  promise  made  here  to-day."  They  vowed  then  to  guard  each 
secret  faithfully,  and  attack  the  allies  without  warning  or  mercy. 

Temudjin  was  advised  of  the  pact  and  the  oath  by  Dayin  Noyon 
a  Kunkurat  chieftain,  hence  he  had  time  to  meet  those  confederates 
near  Buyar  Lake,  where  he  dispersed  them  after  fighting  a  fierce, 
stubborn  battle.  Somewhat  later  he  met  a  detachment  of  Taid- 
juts  and  some  Merkits  near  the  Timurha  and  crushed  them  also. 
Meanwhile  the  Kunkurats  ceased  their  resistance,  and  set  out 
to  join  Temudjin,  but  Kassar,  his  brother,  not  knowing  their 
purpose,  attacked  and  defeated  them.  They  turned  thereupon  to 
Jamuka  and  joined  his  forces. 

In  1201  the  Katkins  and  Saljuts  with  Kunkurats,  Juriats, 
Ikirats,  Kurulats,  Durbans  and  Tartars  met  at  Alhuibula  and 
chose  Jamuka  for  their  Khan.  They  went  after  that  to  the  Tula 
and  took  this  oath  in  assembly :  "  Should  any  man  disclose  these 
our  plans  may  he  fall  as  this  earth  falls,  and  be  cut  off  as  these 
branches  are  cut  off."  With  that  they  pushed  down  a  part  of  the 
river  bank,  and  hacked  off  with  their  sabres  the  branches  of  a  tree. 
They  made  plans  then  to  surprise  Temudjin  when  unguarded, 
and  slay  him. 

A  certain  man  named  Kuridai,  who  had  been  present  at  the  oath 
taking,  slipped  away  home  and  told  the  whole  tale  to  his  brother-in- 
law,  Mergitai,  a  Kurulat,  who  happened  in  at  the  yurta.  Mergitai 
insisted  that  Kuridai  should  gallop  off  swiftly  to  Gulyalgu  and 
explain  the  plot  to  Temudjin  since  he,  Kuridai,  with  his  own  ears 
had  heard  it.  "  Take  my  gray  horse  with  stumpy  ears,  he  will 
bear  thee  in  safety,"  said  Mergitai.  Kuridai  mounted  and  rode 
away  swiftly.  On  the  road  he  was  captured  by  a  sentry,  but  that 
sentry,  a  Kurulat  also,  was  devoted  soul  and  body  in  secret  to 
Temudjin,  so  not  only  did  he  free  Kuridai  when  he  heard  of  his 
errand,  but  he  gave  him  his  own  splendid  stallion.  "  On  this 
horse,"  said  the  Kurulat,  "  thou  canst  overtake  any  man,  but  no 
man  on  another  beast  could  overtake  thee." 

Kuridai  hurried  off.  On  the  way  he  saw  warriors  bearing  a 
splendid  white  tent  for  Jamuka.   Some  attendants  of  these  men 


46 


The  Mongols 


pursued  him,  but  soon  he  was  swept  out  of  sight  by  the  stallion. 
In  due  time  he  found  Temudjin,  who  on  hearing  the  tidings 
sprang  quickly  to  action.  He  sent  men  to  Wang  Khan  who 
brought  his  army  with  promptness  and  the  two  allies  marched 
down  the  Kerulon  against  their  opponent. 

Jamuka  who  intended  to  fall  unawares  on  his  rival  was  caught 
himself  at  a  place  called  Edekurgan.  While  he  was  marshalling 
his  forces  Buiruk  and  Kuduk,  his  two  shamans,  raised  a  wind 
and  made  rain  fall  to  strike  in  the  face  Temudjin  and  his  allies, 
but  the  wind  and  rain  turned  on  Jamuka.  The  air  became  dark 
and  the  men  tumbled  into  ravines,  and  over  rough  places. 
"  Heaven  is  not  gracious  to-day,"  said  Jamuka,  "  that  is  why 
this  misfortune  is  meeting  us."  His  army  was  scattered.  The 
Naimans  and  others  then  left  him,  and,  taking  those  who  had  pro- 
claimed him,  Jamuka  withdrew  down  the  river. 

Wang  Khan  pursued  Jamuka  while  Temudjin  followed  Autchu 
of  the  Taidjuts,  and  those  who  went  with  him.  Autchu  escaped, 
hurried  home,  rallied  his  people,  crossed  the  Onon  and  began  ac- 
tion. After  many  encounters  there  was  a  fierce  all  day  battle  with 
Temudjin,  then  both  sides  promised  to  hold  their  places  that  night 
on  the  battle-ground.  Temudjin  had  been  wounded  in  the  neck 
and  had  fainted  from  blood  loss.  Chelmai,  his  attendant  and  com- 
rade, sucked  out  the  blood  which  was  stiffening,  and  likely  to  choke 
him.  The  chief  regained  consciousness  at  midnight.  Chelmai  had 
stripped  himself  naked,  to  escape  the  more  easily  if  captured, 
and  stolen  into  the  enemy's  camp  to  find  mare's  milk,  but  found 
only  cream  which  he  took  with  such  deftness  that  no  one  noted  him 
either  while  coming  or  going.  He  went  then  for  water,  mixed  the 
thick  cream  with  it,  and  had  a  drink  ready.  Temudjin  drank 
with  much  eagerness,  drawing  three  breaths  very  deeply,  and 
stopped  only  after  the  third  one.  "  My  eyes  have  gained  sight," 
said  he,  "  my  soul  is  now  clear  again." 

With  these  words  he  rose  to  a  sitting  position.  While  he  was 
sitting  there  day  dawned,  and  he  saw  a  great  patch  of  stiff  blood 
there  by  his  bedside.  "  What  is  this  ?  "  asked  he,  "  why  is 
that  blood  so  near  me?  "  "I  did  not  think  of  far  or  near," 
answered  Chelmai,  "  I  feared  to  go  from  thee,  even  as  matters 
were  I  both  spat  blood  and  swallowed  it  —  Not  a  little  of  thy 
blood  has  gone  into  my  stomach  in  spite  of  me." 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


47 


"  When  I  was  in  those  great  straits,"  asked  Temudjin,  who  now 
understood  what  had  taken  place,  "  how  hadst  thou  courage  to 
steal  to  the  enemy  all  naked?  If  they  had  caught  thee  wouldst 
thou  not  have  said  that  I  was  here  wounded  ?  "  "If  they  had 
caught  me  I  should  have  told  them  that  I  had  surrendered  to 
them,  but  that  thou  hadst  then  seized  me,  and  learning  that  I  had 
surrendered  hadst  stripped  me  and  wert  just  ready  to  cut  off  my 
head  when  I  sprang  away,  and  ran  to  them  for  refuge.  They  would 
have  believed  every  word,  given  me  clothes,  and  sent  me  to  labor. 
I  should  have  stolen  a  horse  soon  and  ridden  back  to  thee." 
"  When  the  Merkits  were  seeking  my  life  on  Mount  Burhan,"  said 
Temudjin,  "  thou  didst  defend  it,  now  thou  hast  sucked  stiffened 
blood  from  my  neck  and  saved  me.  When  I  was  dying  of  thirst 
thou  didst  risk  thy  own  life  to  get  drink  and  restore  me,  I  shall  not 
forget  while  I  live  these  great  services." 

Temudjin  saw  next  day  that  Jamuka's  men  had  scattered  in 
the  night  while  his  own  men  were  still  on  the  battle-ground.  He 
hunted  after  the  enemy  then  for  some  distance;  all  at  once 
on  a  hill  a  woman  dressed  in  red  was  heard  shouting :  "  Temud- 
jin !  Temudjin !  "  very  loudly.  He  sent  to  learn  who  she  was, 
and  why  she  was  shouting.  "  I  am  Kadan,  the  daughter  of  Sorgan 
Shira,"  said  the  woman.  "  The  people  have  tried  to  cut  down 
my  husband,  and  I  was  calling  Temudjin  to  defend  him." 

Temudjin  sent  quickly  to  save  Kadan 's  husband,  but  he  was 
dead  when  they  found  him.  Temudjin  then  called  Kadan  to  sit  at 
his  side,  because  of  the  time  when  she  guarded  him  under  wood- 
packs  at  her  father's.  One  day  later  Sorgan  Shira  himself  came 
to  Temudjin.  "  Why  come  so  late  ?  "  inquired  Temudjin.  "  I 
have  been  always  on  thy  side,"  replied  Sorgan,  "  and  anxious  to 
join  thee,  but  if  I  had  come  earlier  the  Taidjuts  would  have 
killed  all  my  relatives." 

Temudjin  pursued  farther,  and  when  he  had  killed  Autchu's 
children  and  grandchildren  he  passed  with  his  warriors  to  Hubahai 
where  he  spent  that  winter.  In  1202  Temudjin  moved  in  spring 
against  those  strong  Tartars  east  of  him.  That  people  inhabited 
the  region  surrounding  Buyur  Lake  and  east  of  it,  hence  they 
were  neighbors  of  the  Juichis  of  that  day,  known  as  Manchus  in 
our  time.  Those  Tartars  had  seventy  thousand  yurtas  and 
formed  six  divisions.    Their  conflicts  with  each  other  were  frequent, 


48 


The  Mongols 


and  each  tribe  plundered  every  other.  Between  these  Buyur 
Tartars  and  the  Mongols  bitter  feuds  raged  at  all  times.  Temudjin 
fell  on  two  tribes  called  Iltchi  and  Chagan.  Before  the  encounter 
he  instructed  his  warriors  very  strictly :  "  Hunt  down  those  people, 
when  ye  conquer  slay  without  pity,  sparing  no  man.  Touch  no  booty 
till  the  action  is  over;  after  that  all  will  be  honestly  divided."  He 
heard  later  on  that  Kudjeir  and  Daritai  his  two  uncles,  with  Altan 
his  cousin  had  disregarded  this  order  and  seized  what  they  came 
upon.  He  deprived  these  men  straightway  of  all  that  they  had 
taken,  and  when  a  division  was  made  at  the  end  of  the  struggle 
no  part  was  given  them.  Through  this  strictness  and  punishment 
Temudjin  lost  the  goodwill  of  those  chiefs  who  opposed  him  in 
secret  and  confirmed  later  on  the  great  rupture  made  between 
him  and  Wang  Khan  by  Jamuka. 

Temudjin  had  slain  many  Tartars  in  this  conflict  and  captured 
most  of  the  survivors,  now  he  counseled  with  his  relatives  as  to 
what  should  be  done  with  those  captives.  "  They  deserve  punish- 
ment," said  he;  "they  killed  our  grand  uncle  and  our  father. 
Let  us  slay  every  male  who  is  higher  than  the  hub  of  a  cart  wheel. 
When  that  is  done  we  must  make  slaves  of  the  others  and  divide 
them  between  us."  All  who  were  present  accepted  this  method. 
The  question  being  settled  in  that  way  Belgutai  went  from  the 
council. 

"  What  have  ye  fixed  on  to-day  ?  "  inquired  Aike  Cheran,  a 
Tartar  captive  belonging  to  Belgutai.  "  To  kill  every  male  of 
you,  who  is  higher  than  the  hub  of  a  cart  wheel,"  said  Belgutai. 
The  other  prisoners  on  learning  this  broke  out  and  fled,  never 
stopping  till  they  reached  a  strong  place  in  the  mountains  and 
seized  it. 

"  Go  and  capture  their  stronghold,"  commanded  Temudjin. 
This  was  done  with  much  trouble  and  bloodshed.  The  Tartars 
fought  with  desperation  and  were  slain  to  the  last  one,  but  many  of 
Temudjin's  choicest  warriors  were  lost  in  the  slaughter.  "  Belgutai 
told  the  enemy  our  secrets,"  said  Temudjin,  "  many  good  men 
have  perished  because  of  this.  Belgutai  is  excluded  from  council, 
hereafter  let  him  stay  out  of  doors  and  guard  against  thefts,  fights 
and  quarrels.  Belgutai  and  Daritai  may  come  to  us  only  when 
counsels  are  ended." 

When  Temudjin  had  killed  all  the  male  Tartars  who  were 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


49 


higher  than  the  hub  of  a  cart  wheel  he  took  as  wife  Aisugan,  a 
daughter  of  that  same  Aike  Cheran  who  had  put  the  question  to 
Belgutai.  Aisugan  gained  Temudjin's  confidence  quickly;  she 
pleased  him  and  soon  she  said  to  him :  "I  have  an  elder  sister, 
Aisui,  a  beauty ;  she  ought  to  be  the  Khan's  consort.  Though  she 
is  just  married  I  cannot  tell  where  she  is  but  we  might  find 
her." 

"  If  she  is  a  beauty,"  said  Temudjin,  "  I  will  find  her.  Wilt 
thou  give  then  thy  place  to  thy  sister  ?  "  "I  will  give  it  as  soon  as 
I  see  her,"  said  Aisugan.  Temudjin  sent  men  to  search  out  Aisui. 
They  found  her  in  a  forest  where  she  was  hiding  with  her  husband. 
The  husband  fled,  and  Aisui  was  taken  to  Temudjin.  Aisugan 
gave  her  place  to  her  sister.  One  day  Temudjin  was  sitting  near 
the  door  of  his  tent  with  these  sisters,  and  drinking.  Noting  that 
Aisui  sighed  deeply  suspicion  sprang  up  in  him.  He  commanded 
Mukuli,  and  others  in  attendance,  to  arrange  the  people  present 
according  to  the  places  which  they  occupied.  When  all  were 
reckoned  one  young  man  was  found  unconnected  with  any  ulus, 
or  community.  "  What  man  art  thou  ?  "  inquired  Temudjin.  "  I 
am  Aisui's  husband,"  replied  the  young  stranger.  "  When  they 
took  her  I  fled,  now  all  is  settled  and  ended,  I  came  hither  thinking 
that  no  man  would  note  me  in  a  great  throng  of  people." 

"  Thou  art  a  son  of  my  enemy,"  said  Temudjin.  "  Thou  hast 
come  to  spy  out  and  discover.  I  killed  thy  people  and  find  no 
cause  to  spare  thee  more  than  others."  Temudjin  had  the  man's 
head  cut  off. 

The  Merkit  chief,  Tukta  Bijhi,  came  back  from  Lake  Baikal 
and  attacked  Temudjin,  but  was  baffled.  He  turned  then  to 
Buiruk  of  the  Naimans  who  joined  a  confederacy  of  Kat- 
kins,  Durbans,  Saljuts  and  Uirats  together  with  Merkits  and 
moved  in  1202,  near  the  autumn,  with  a  strong  force  to  strike 
Temudjin  who  was  supported  by  Wang  Khan,  his  old  ally.  Because 
of  the  season  Temudjin  retired  to  mountain  lands  near  the  Kitan 
(North  Chinese)  border,  his  plan  being  to  lure  on  the  enemy  to 
dangerous  high  passes  where  attacks  and  bad  weather  might  ruin 
them.  The  confederates  followed  fast  through  the  mountains 
and  skirmished,  but  before  they  could  fight  a  real  battle,  wind  and 
snow  with  dense  fog,  brought  on,  as  was  said,  by  magicians,  struck 
them  all  and  stopped  action.    The  confederates  were  forced  to 


50 


The  Mongols 


retreat  greatly  weakened ;  they  lost  men  and  horses  killed  by  falling 
in  the  fog  over  precipices,  while  multitudes  perished  in  wild  places 
from  frost  and  bitter  cold.  Jamuka  was  moving  on  to  join  the 
Naimans,  but  when  he  saw  the  sad  plight  of  the  confederates  he  fell 
to  plundering  a  part  of  them,  and  after  he  had  taken  good  booty 
from  the  Saljuts  and  the  Katkins  he  encamped  near  Temudjin 
and  his  ally,  observed  very  closely  what  was  happening,  and 
waited. 

Temudjin  and  Wang  Khan  passed  the  winter  on  level  land 
near  the  mountains  where  snow  served  as  water.  While  there 
he  asked  in  marriage  Wang  Khan's  granddaughter,  Chaur 
Bijhi,  for  his  own  eldest  son,  Juchi,  and  Wang  Khan  men- 
tioned Temudjin's  daughter,  Kutchin  Bijhi,  for  Sengun's  son 
Kush  Buga.  These  two  marriage  contracts,  agreed  on  at  first, 
were  broken  later  for  various  not  well  explained  reasons.  Jamuka 
was  beyond  doubt  the  great  cause  in  this  matter,  and  raised 
the  whole  quarrel.  This  rupture  was  followed  by  wrangling 
and  coolness  between  the  two  allies,  thus  giving  a  still  further 
chance  to  Jamuka.  As  he  had  never  been  able  to  estrange  Wang 
Khan  thoroughly  from  Temudjin  he  turned  now  in  firm  confi- 
dence to  Sengun.  He  conquered  Wang  Khan's  son  and  heir 
with  the  following  statements :  "  Temudjin  has  grown  strong, 
and  desires  to  be  the  greatest  among  men.  He  has  determined 
to  be  the  one  ruler,  he  cannot  be  this  unless  he  destroys  thy  whole 
family,  he  has  resolved  to  destroy  it,  and  he  will  do  so  unless  thou 
prevent  him.  Temudjin  has  made  a  firm  pact  with  thy  enemy 
Baibuga,  Taiyang  of  the  Naimans ;  he  is  to  get  help  from  Baibuga, 
and  is  only  waiting  for  the  moment  to  ruin  thy  father,  that  done 
he  will  seize  and  kill  thee,  he  will  take  thy  whole  country,  and  keep 
it." 

In  this  way  Jamuka  filled  Sengun's  heart  with  great  fear  and 
keen  hatred,  feelings  strengthened  immensely  by  Temudjin's 
uncles,  Daritai  and  Kudjeir,  who,  with  Altan,  his  cousin,  were 
enraged  at  the  loss  of  their  booty,  and  for  other  reasons.  These 
men  declared  that  every  word  uttered  by  Jamuka  was  true.  A 
great  plot  was  formed,  and  directed  by  Jamuka,  to  surprise  Temud- 
jin and  kill  him.  Jamuka,  who  was  watching  events  and  working 
keenly,  took  with  him  Altan  and  others,  at  the  end  of  1202,  and 
went  again  to  Sengun,  who  was  then  living  north  of  Checheher,  and 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  51 


while  attacking  Temudjin  spoke  as  follows :  "  Envoys  are  moving 
continually  between  Temudjin  and  the  Naimans;  those  envoys 
are  fixing  the  conditions  of  thy  ruin.  All  this  time  Temudjin  is 
talking  of  the  ties  between  himself  and  thy  father  whom  he  calls 
his  *  father  '  also.  Thy  father  has  made  Temudjin  his  elder  son. 
Thou  art  now  Temudjin 's  younger  brother,  and  hast  lost  thy 
inheritance,  soon  thou  wilt  lose  thy  life  also.  Unless  thou  destroy 
this  man,  very  quickly  he  will  kill  thee.    Dost  thou  not  see  this  ?  " 

When  Jamuka  had  finished,  Sengun  went  at  once  to  his  friends 
to  explain  and  take  counsel.  "  If  we  are  to  end  him,  I  myself 
will  fall  on  his  flank.  Say  the  word,  I  will  do  so  immediately. 
For  thee  we  will  slay  Hoelun's  children  to  the  last  one,"  said  Altan 
and  Kudjeir.  "I  will  destroy  him  hand  and  foot, "  said  Ebugechin. 
"  No,  take  his  people,"  said  another,  "  what  can  he  do  without 
people  ?  Whatever  thy  wish  be,  Sengun,  I  will  climb  to  the  highest 
top  with  thee,  and  go  to  the  lowest  bottom  when  needed." 

Sengun  listened  to  his  comrades  and  Jamuka.  He  sent  Saihan 
Todai  to  report  their  discourses  to  his  father.  "  Why  think  thus 
of  my  elder  son,  Temudjin  ?  "  asked  Wang  Khan  as  an  answer. 
"  We  have  trusted  him  thus  far.  If  we  hold  unjust,  evil  thoughts 
touching  him,  Heaven  will  turn  from  us.  Jamuka  has  been 
thousand  tongued  always  and  is  unworthy  of  credit."  Thus  Wang 
Khan  rejected  all  the  words  sent  him.  Sengun  again  sent  a 
message :  "  Every  man  who  has  a  mouth  with  a  tongue  in  it  speaks 
even  as  I  do,  why  not  believe  what  is  evident?  " 

Again  Wang  Khan  answered  that  he  could  not  agree  with  them. 
Sengun  then  went  himself  to  his  father :  "  To-day  thou  art  living," 
said  he,  "  but  still  this  Temudjin  accounts  thee  as  nothing.  When 
thou  art  dead  will  he  let  me  rule  the  people  assembled  by  thee  and 
thy  father  with  such  effort ?  Will  he  even  leave  life  to  me?" 
"  My  son,"  said  Wang  Khan,  "  how  am  I  to  renounce  my  own 
promise  and  counsel  ?  We  have  trusted  Temudjin  up  to  this  time. 
If  without  cause  we  think  evil  now  of  him,  how  can  Heaven  favor 
us  ?  "  Sengun  turned  in  anger  from  his  father.  Wang  Khan 
called  him  back  to  remonstrate.  "  It  is  clear,  O  my  son,"  said  he, 
"  that  Heaven  does  not  favor  us.  Thou  wilt  reject  Temudjin 
no  matter  what  I  tell  thee,  thou  wilt  act  in  thy  own  way,  I  see  that, 
but  victory,  if  thou  win  it,  must  be  thine  through  thy  own  work 
and  fortune." 


52 


The  Mongols 


Sengun  turned  to  his  father  for  the  last  time :  "  Think  on  this 
scourge  risen  against  us,"  said  he.  "  If  thou  stop  not  this  Temud- 
jin  we  are  lost,  thou  and  I,  without  hope;  if  thou  spare  him,  we 
shall  both  die  very  soon.  We  must  put  an  end  to  the  man,  or 
be  ruined.  He  will  kill  thee  first  of  all,  and  then  my  turn  will 
come  very  quickly." 

Wang  Khan  would  hear  nothing  of  this  murder;  he  would  at 
least  have  no  part  in  it.  But  strongly  pressed  by  his  son  he  said 
finally :  "  If  ye  do  such  a  deed  ye  must  be  alone  in  it.  Keep 
away  from  me  strictly." 

Temudjin 's  death  was  the  great  object  now  for  Sengun  and 
Jamuka.  Temudjin's  uncles  and  one  of  his  cousins  were  in  the 
plot  also.  Sengun  himself  formed  the  plan  and  described  it  in 
these  words  very  clearly :  "  Some  time  ago,"  said  he,  "  Temudjin 
asked  our  daughter  for  his  eldest  son,  Juchi ;  we  did  not  give  her 
at  that  time,  but  now  we  will  send  to  him  saying  that  we  accept 
his  proposal.  We  will  make  a  great  feast  of  betrothal  and  invite 
him.    If  he  comes  to  it  we  will  seize  the  vile  traitor  and  kill  him." 

When  they  had  settled  on  this  plan  Sengun  sent  envoys  to  Temud- 
jin accepting  the  marriage  proposals,  and  inviting  him  to  the  feast 
of  betrothal.  Temudjin  accepted  and  set  out  with  attendants. 
On  the  way  he  stopped  at  the  house  of  Munlik  his  step- 
father, the  husband  of  Hoelun.  Munlik  became  thoughtful  and 
serious  as  he  heard  of  the  invitation.  "  When  we  asked  for  their 
maiden,"  said  he,  "they  were  haughty  and  refused  her;  why 
invite  now  to  a  feast  of  betrothal  ?  Better  not  go  to  them ;  excuse 
thyself  saying  that  thou  hast  no  beast  fit  to  travel,  that  it  is  spring 
and  thy  horses  are  all  out  at  pasture." 

Temudjin  agreed  with  Munlik  and  instead  of  going  himself 
sent  Bugatai  with  Kilatai  to  the  festival,  and  returned  home 
very  quickly.  When  Sengun  saw  the  two  men  sent  as  substitutes 
he  knew  at  once  that  Temudjin  had  seen  through  his  stratagem. 
He  called  a  council  immediately.  "  We  must  act  quickly  now," 
said  he.  "  We  will  move  with  all  force  against  Temudjin  to- 
morrow, but  send,  meanwhile,  a  strong  party  to  seize  him  while 
south  of  Mount  Mao."  Aike  Charan,  who  was  Altan's  youngest 
brother  and  one  of  Wang  Khan's  chosen  leaders,  had  been  at  the 
council.  He  hastened  home  that  same  evening  and  told  his  wife, 
Alikai,  Sengun's  entire  stratagem.    "  They  have  settled  at  last 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


53 


to  capture  the  Khan,"  said  he,  "  and  to-morrow  they  will  seize 
him.  If  some  man  to-night  would  warn  Temudjin  his  reward 
would  be  enormous."  "  Speak  not  idle  words,"  said  the  woman. 
"  Our  servants  may  hear  thee,  and  think  thy  talk  serious." 

Badai,  a  horseherd  who  had  just  brought  in  mare's  milk,  over- 
heard Aike  Charan  and  the  answer  of  Alikai.  He  turned  at  once 
and  told  Kishlik.  "  I  too  will  listen,"  said  Kishlik  who  was  his 
comrade.  Kishlik  went  in  then  and  saw  Aike  Charan 's  son, 
Narinkeyan,  whittling  arrows  and  looking  at  his  parents.  "  Which 
of  our  servants,"  asked  he,  "  should  lose  his  tongue  lest  he  tell 
what  ye  have  said  to  each  other  ?  "  Kishlik  heard  these  words, 
though  Narinkeyan  did  not  know  it.  "  Oh  Kishlik,"  said  Narin- 
keyan, turning  to  the  horseherd,  "  Bring  me  in  the  white  horse 
and  the  gray  one,  I  will  go  riding  to-morrow." 

Kishlik  went  out  quickly.  "  Thou  hast  told  the  truth,"  said 
he  to  Badai.  "  We  must  ride  now  tremendously,  thou  and  I, 
we  must  ride  to-night  to  Temudjin  and  save  him,  tell  him 
everything."  They  ran  to  the  pasture,  caught  both  horses  and  rode 
off  without  seeing  Narinkeyan.  They  reported  all  to  Temudjin, 
told  him  Aike  Charan 's  whole  story  and  the  words  of  Narinkeyan. 

Temudjin  summoned  his  trustiest  servants  immediately  and 
hurried  off  to  the  northern  side  of  Mount  Mao.  Chelmai  he  com- 
manded to  follow  and  watch  every  movement  of  the  on-marching 
enemy.  At  noon  the  next  day  Temudjin  halted  briefly  and  two 
horseherds,  Alchidai  and  Chidai,  brought  in  tidings  that  the  enemy 
was  advancing  very  swiftly.  A  great  dust  cloud  was  rising  up 
from  them  and  was  visible  on  the  south  of  Mount  Mao.  Temud- 
jin hurried  on  till  he  reached  Kalanchin,  a  place  selected  by  him 
for  battle.  There  he  stopped,  disposed  all  his  forces,  and  assem- 
bled his  leaders. 

Meanwhile  Sengun  with  Wang  Khan,  who  had  at  last  by  much 
urging  been  persuaded  to  join  this  expedition,  were  advancing 
at  all  the  speed  possible,  and  soon  men  could  see  them.  They 
halted  at  once  for  battle.  "  Who  are  the  best  men  among  Temud- 
jin's  warriors?"  asked  Wang  Khan  of  Jamuka.  "The  Uruts 
and  Manhuts  are  best,"  said  Jamuka,  "  they  are  never  disordered ; 
they  have  used  swords  and  spears  from  their  boyhood.  When 
they  strike  thou  wilt  see  dreadful  fighting."  "  Well,"  said  Wang 
Khan,  "  let  our  hero  Hadakji  fall  on  them  first  with  his  Jirkins ; 


54 


The  Mongols 


after  him  will  go  Achik  Shilun  with  the  Omans,  and  Tunkaits, 
and  Shilaimun,  with  a  strong  force  of  our  body  guards.  If  these 
do  not  finish  them  our  own  special  warriors  will  give  them  the 
death  blow." 

While  Wang  Khan  was  thus  making  dispositions,  Temudjin 
on  his  side  spoke  to  the  Urut  commander:  "  Uncle  Churchadai, 
I  would  give  thee  the  vanguard,  what  is  thy  own  wish  ?  "  Chur- 
chadai was  just  ready  to  answer  when  Huildar  spoke  up :  "  O 
Khan,  my  dear  friend  (he  was  Temudjin 's  anda),  I  will  mount 
my  strong  steed  and  break,  with  my  Manhuts,  through  all  who 
oppose  us.  I  will  plant  thy  tail  standard  on  Gubtan,  that  hill  at 
the  rear  and  left  flank  of  the  enemy.  From  that  hill  I  will  show 
thee  my  firmness  and  valor.  If  I  fall,  thou  wilt  nourish  my 
children,  thou  wilt  rear  them.  Relying  on  Heaven  it  is  all  one  to 
me  when  my  fate  comes."  "  Go  thou,"  said  Temudjin,  "  and 
take  Gubtan," 

Huildar  fixed  the  tail  standard  on  Gubtan.  Churchadai 
spoke  when  his  turn  came,  "  I  will  fight,"  said  he,  "  in  front  of 
the  Khan,  I  will  be  in  the  vanguard  with  my  Uruts."  And  he 
arranged  his  strong  warriors  in  position .  Barely  were  they  ready 
when  Hadakgi  and  the  Jirkins  made  the  first  onrush  and  opened 
the  battle.  They  were  met  by  the  Uruts,  who  not  only  received 
their  attack  with  all  firmness,  but  drove  them  back  in  disorder. 
While  the  Uruts  were  following  this  broken  vanguard  Wang 
Khan  sent  Achik  Shilun  and  his  Omans  to  strike  on  the  Uruts. 
Huildar  attacked  from  Gubtan  this  new  reinforcement  and  broke 
it,  but  being  thrown  from  his  horse  by  a  spear  cast,  the  Omans 
rallied,  and  were  sent  with  the  Tunkaits  against  Churchadai. 
Both  forces  were  hurled  back  by  the  Uruts,  strengthened  greatly 
by  Temudjin.  Shilaimun  attacked  next  with  Wang  Khan's  own 
body-guards.  These  also  were  broken  by  Churchadai  reinforced 
this  time  by  Temudjin.  Sengun  now,  without  leave  from  his 
father,  rushed  into  the  struggle  taking  with  him  Wang  Khan's 
special  warriors.  The  battle  raged  to  the  utmost  and  Sengun 
had  some  chance  of  victory  when  an  arrow  from  Churchadai's 
bow  pierced  his  cheek  and  he  fell  badly  wounded. 

When  the  Keraits  saw  their  chief  down,  and  night  already  on 
them,  they  stopped  fighting.  Sengun  had  not  carried  his  point, 
and  Temudjin  held  the  field,  hence  the  victory  was  on  his  side 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  55 


although  very  slightly.  It  was  late  in  the  evening  and  dark,  so 
he  brought  together  his  men  and  was  careful  to  seek  out  and  save 
Huildar.  Temudjin  during  that  night  withdrew  from  the  battle- 
ground, and  at  daybreak  discovered  that  Ogotai,  his  son,  with 
Boroul  and  Boorchu  were  all  three  of  them  missing.  "  Those 
two  faithful  men,"  said  Temudjin,  "  have  lived  with  my  son,  and 
now  they  have  died  with  him."  He  grieved  that  day  greatly. 
The  next  night  he  feared  an  attack,  and  held  all  his  people  in 
readiness  to  receive  it.  At  daybreak  he  saw  a  man  riding  in  from 
the  battle-ground,  and  recognized  Boorchu;  he  turned  his  face 
heavenward,  struck  his  breast,  and  was  grateful. 

"  My  horse,"  said  Boorchu,  when  he  had  ridden  up  to  Temudjin, 
"  was  killed  by  the  enemy ;  while  escaping  on  foot  I  saw  a  pack 
horse  that  had  wandered  far  from  the  Keraits.  He  had  a  leaning 
burden.  I  cut  the  straps,  let  the  pack  fall,  then  mounted  the  beast 
and  rode  hither." 

A  second  horseman  appeared  somewhat  later.  When  he  had 
drawn  near  it  was  seen  that  besides  his  legs  two  others  were 
hanging  down  near  them.  Ogotai  and  Boroul  were  on  that  horse. 
Boroul's  mouth  was  all  blood  besmeared;  he  had  sucked  stiffened 
blood  from  Ogotai's  neck  wound;  Temudjin  wept  when  he  saw 
this.  He  burned  the  wound  with  fire  straightway,  and  gave 
Ogotai  a  drink  to  revive  him. 

"  A  great  dust  has  risen  near  the  enemy,"  said  Boroul,  "  they 
are  moving  southward  as  it  seems  toward  Mount  Mao." 

Temudjin  marched  now  to  Dalan  Naimurgas  where  Kadan 
Daldur  brought  him  tidings:  "When  Sengun  was  wounded," 
said  Kadan,  "  Wang  Khan  said  to  his  counsellor :  '  We  have 
attacked  a  man  with  whom  we  should  not  have  quarreled.  It  is 
sad  to  see  what  a  nail  has  been  driven  into  Sengun,  but  he  is 
living  and  can  make  a  new  trial  immediately.'  Achik  Shilun  spoke 
up  then :  *  When  thou  hadst  no  son,'  said  he,  *  thou  wert  praying 
to  receive  one,  now  when  thou  hast  a  son  thou  shouldst  spare  him.' 
Wang  Khan  yielded  and  gave  up  further  thought  of  battle.  *  Carry 
my  son  back  with  care,'  said  he  to  his  attendants,  '  do  not  shake 
him.'    Father  and  son  then  turned  homeward." 

Temudjin  marched  toward  the  East.  Before  starting  he 
reviewed  the  remnant  of  his  army  and  found  only  five  thousand 
men  altogether.    On  the  way  his  men  hunted.    While  beating 


56 


The  Mongols 


in  game  Temudjin  tried  to  restrain  Huildar  whose  wound  had 
not  healed,  but  he  rushed  quickly  at  a  wild  boar,  his  wound 
opened,  and  he  died  shortly  after.  They  buried  him  on  Orneii, 
a  hill  near  the  Kalka.  At  the  place  where  that  river  falls  into 
Lake  Buyur  lived  the  Ungirats ;  Temudjin  sent  Churchadai  with 
the  Uruts  and  Manguts  to  talk  with  that  people.  "  Remember 
our  blood  bond,"  said  he  to  them  in  Temudjin 's  name,  "  and 
submit  to  me;  if  not,  be  ye  ready  immediately  for  battle."  After 
this  declaration  they  submitted,  hence  Temudjin  did  not  harm 
them.  When  he  had  thus  won  the  Ungirats  he  went  to  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Tugeli,  and  thence  sent  Arkai  Kassar  and  Siwege 
Chauni  to  Wang  Khan  with  the  following  message :  "  We  are 
now  east  of  the  Tugeli,  grass  here  is  good,  and  our  horses  are 
satisfied.  Why  wert  thou  angry  with  me,  O  my  father,  why 
didst  thou  bring  such  great  fear  on  me  ?  If  thou  hadst  the  wish 
to  blame,  why  not  give  the  blame  reasonably,  why  destroy  all  my 
property?  People  divided  us,  but  thou  knowest  well  our  agree- 
ment, that  if  men  should  talk  to  either  one  of  us  to  the  harm  of 
the  other  we  would  not  believe  what  was  said  till  we,  thou  and  I, 
should  explain  questions  personally.  But  my  father,  have  we 
had  any  personal  explanation  ?  Though  small,  I  am  worth 
many  large  men,  though  ugly  I  am  worth  many  men  of  much 
beauty.  Moreover  thou  and  I  are  two  shafts  of  a  single  kibitka, 
if.  one  shaft  is  broken  an  ox  cannot  draw  the  kibitka.  We  are 
like  two  wheels  of  that  kibitka ;  if  one  wheel  is  broken  the  kibitka 
cannot  travel.  May  I  not  be  likened  to  the  shaft,  or  the  wheel  of 
a  kibitka?  Thy  father  had  forty  sons;  thou  wert  the  eldest, 
therefore  thou  wert  made  Khan.  After  that  thou  didst  kill  Tai 
Timur  and  Buga  Timur ;  these  were  two  of  thy  uncles ;  thou  hadst 
the  wish  also  to  kill  Erke  Kara,  thy  brother,  but  he  fled  to 
the  Naimans.  A  third  uncle,  in  avenging  his  brother,  went 
against  thee  with  an  army,  and  thou  didst  flee  with  one  century 
of  men  to  the  Haraun  defile.  At  that  time  thy  daughter  was  given 
by  thee  to  Tukta  Bijhi  the  Merkit,  and  from  him  thou  didst  come 
to  my  father  with  a  prayer  for  assistance.  My  father  drove  out  thy 
uncle  who  fled  then  to  Kashin,  and  my  father  brought  back  thy 
people.  In  the  Black  Forest  of  Tula  thou  didst  make  thyself 
an  anda  to  my  father.  And  moved  in  those  days  by  gratitude,, 
thy  words  to  him  were  of  this  kind :   '  For  thy  benefactions  to  me 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  57 


I  will  make  return  not  only  to  thee,  but  thy  children  and  grand- 
children. I  swear  by  High  Heaven  that  I  will  do  so/  After  that 
thy  brother  Erke  Kara  got  troops  from  the  Naimans,  made  war  on 
thee  a  second  time,  and  drove  thee  to  the  lands  of  the  Gurkhan. 
In  less  than  a  year  thou  didst  weary  of  the  Gurkhan  and  leave 
him.  Passing  through  the  Uigur  country  thou  wert  brought  to 
such  straits  as  to  nourish  thyself  with  the  milk  of  five  sheep  that 
went  with  thee,  and  with  blood  from  the  camel  on  which  thou 
wert  riding.  At  last  thou  didst  come  to  me  on  a  gray,  old,  blind, 
wretched  horse.  Because  of  thy  friendship  for  my  father  I  sent 
men  to  meet  thee  and  bring  thee  with  honor  to  my  camp  ground. 
I  collected  what  I  could  from  my  people,  and  gave  thee  provisions. 
Later  on,  when  thou  hadst  conquered  the  Merkits  I  let  thee  keep 
all  their  property  and  cattle.  After  that  when  thou  and  I  were 
pursuing  Buiruk  of  the  Naimans,  and  fighting  with  Gugsu  Seirak, 
thou  didst  make  fires  in  the  night  time,  deceitfully  withdraw,  and 
forsake  me  As  Gugsu  Seirak  missed  seeing  my  forces  he  followed 
after  thee  swiftly.  He  captured  the  wives  of  thy  brothers,  and  their 
warriors ;  he  captured  half  thy  people.  Again  thou  didst  ask  me 
for  aid  and  I  gave  it.  I  sent  my  four  heroes  who  saved  thee,  and 
restored  what  the  Naimans  had  taken.  Thou  didst  thank  me  at 
that  time  most  heartily  c  Why  attack  now  without  cause,  why 
attack  when  I  have  not  done  any  evil  to  thee  or  to  Sengun,  or 
harmed  either  one  of  you  ?  " 

When  the  men  gave  these  words  to  Wang  Khan  he  sighed 
deeply  and  answered  :  " 1  should  not  have  quarreled  with  Temud- 
jin, I  should  have  stayed  with  him."  Then  he  cut  his  middle 
finger  and  putting  the  blood  from  it  into  a  small  horn,  he  said : 
*'  If  I  harm  Temudjin  may  I  be  cut  as  this  finger  is  cut."  He 
gave  the  horn  then  to  Temudjin \s  messenger. 

To  Jamuka  Temudjin  sent  this  message :  "  Through  envy  and 
hatred  thou  hast  parted  me  from  my  father.  In  former  days  when 
we  lived,  thou  and  I,  at  his  yurta,  that  one  of  us  two  who  rose 
earlier  took  mare's  milk  from  the  dark  drinking  cup  kept  by  my 
father.  I  rose  early  always,  and  thou  didst  conceive  toward  me 
hatred  at  that  time.  Drink  how  from  my  father's  dark  drinking 
cup,  much  loss  there  will  not  be  to  anyone  from  thy  drinking." 
Temudjin  then  commanded  to  say  to  Altan  and  to  Huchar :  "I 
know  not  why  ye  resolved  to  desert  me,  O  Huchar.    We  wished 


58 


The  Mongols 


first  to  make  thee  khan  since  thou  art  the  son  of  Naigun,  but  thou 
wert  unwilling.  Thy  father,  O  Altan,  ruled  as  khan  once,  hence 
we  wished  to  choose  thee  to  rule  over  us;  thou  wouldst  not  yield 
to  our  wishes.  Sachai  Baiki  and  Taichu,  sons  of  Bartan  had  still 
higher  claims,  but  both  men  rejected  our  offer.  After  that  ye  and 
with  you  the  whole  people  proclaimed  me  as  khan,  though,  as  ye 
know,  I  was  unwilling.  Ye  have  withdrawn  from  me  now  and 
are  helping  Wang  Khan.  But  ye  have  begun  what  ye  never  can 
finish.  I  advise  you  to  meet  me  with  confidence  for  without  me 
ye  are  powerless.  Work  well  with  me  to  hold  the  headwaters  of 
our  rivers ;  let  no  stranger  come  in  to  snatch  them  from  our  people." 

Temudjin  commanded  to  say  to  a  slave  named  Togrul :  "I 
have  called  thee  my  brother  for  the  following  reason :  On  a  time 
Tumbinai  and  his  brother  Charaha  had  a  slave  known  as  Okda. 
This  slave  had  a  son  Subaigai  and  he  a  son  Kirsan  Kokocho,  and 
he  a  son  Aiga  Huantohar,  this  last  man  begat  thee.  Why  dost 
thou  flatter  Wang  Khan  and  adhere  to  him  ?  Altan  and  Huchar 
would  never  let  other  men  rule  over  my  flock.  Thou  art  my  slave 
by  inheritance,  hence  I  address  thee  as  brother." 

To  Sengun  Temudjin  sent  this  message :  "  I  am  a  son  of  thy 
father  born  with  my  clothes  on;  thou  art  his  son  born  in  naked- 
ness. Once  our  father  showed  equal  kindness  to  both  of  us,  but 
dark  suspicion  attacked  thee,  and  thou,  fearing  lest  I  might  trick 
thee  in  some  way,  conceived  a  great  hatred  and  expelled  me 
unjustly.  Cease  causing  grief  to  thy  father,  go  to  him  now  and 
drive  out  his  sorrow.  Unless  thou  expel  from  thy  heart  that 
old  envy  against  me  it  will  be  clear  that  thou  hast  the  wish  to  be 
Khan  ere  thy  father  dies  naturally.  Shouldst  thou  wish  to  confer 
with  me,  and  come  to  agreement  send  hither  two  men  for  that 
purpose."  Arkai  Kassar  and  Suge  Gaichaun  gave  these  words 
to  Sengun,  and  he  answered : 

"  When  Temudjin  spoke  of  my  father  as  Khan  he  called  him 
old  murderer  while  he  did  so,  and  when  he  called  me  his  sworn 
friend  he  jeered  at  me  touching  the  Merkits,  and  said  that  I  came 
to  this  world  to  handle  rams'  tails  and  remnants.  I  know  the 
hidden  sense  of  his  speeches,  I  know  what  his  plans  are.  Battle 
is  my  first  and  last  answer  to  Temudjin.  Bilge  Baiki  and  Todoyan 
raise  ye  the  great  standard;  feed  our  steeds  carefully." 

When  Arkai  Kassar  returned  he  told  everything.  Temudjin 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits  59 


went  to  the  lake  called  Baljuna  where  many  of  the  Kurulats  came 
to  him.  Juchi  Kassar  had  disobeyed  Temudjin  his  elder  brother, 
he  had  in  fact  been  disloyal  and  had  tampered  with  the  enemy. 
Not  present  at  the  great  Kalanchin  battle  he  had  either  favored 
Wang  Khan,  or  been  captured  with  his  children,  his  wife  and  his 
followers.  After  that  he  escaped  with  two  servants  and  searched 
in  hardship  and  hunger  for  Temudjin  till  finally  he  found  him  at 
Lake  Tunga.  Kassar  turned  now  to  his  brother's  side  thoroughly, 
and  the  two  men  examined  how  best  they  might  fall  on  Wang 
Khan  unexpectedly.  They  worked  out  their  stratagem  and  sent 
Haliutar  and  Chaurhan  as  if  going  to  Wang  Khan  with  this  message 
from  Kassar:  "  I  have  seen  not  a  shadow  of  my  brother;  I  have 
gone  over  all  roads  without  finding  him;  I  called  him,  but  he 
heard  me  not.  I  sleep  at  night  with  my  face  toward  the  stars  and 
my  head  on  a  hillock.  My  children  and  wife  are  with  thee,  O 
Khan,  my  father.  If  thou  send  a  trusty  person  I  will  go  to  thee. 
I  will  return  and  be  faithful."  "  Go,"  said  Temudjin  to  the 
messengers,  ' '  we  will  leave  this  place  straightway,  when  ye  return 
come  to  Arhalgougi  on  the  Kerulon."  Temudjin  then  commanded 
Churchadai  and  Arkai  Kassar  to  lead  the  vanguard. 

Kassar 's  two  servants  appeared  before  Wang  Khan  and  gave 
him  the  message  as  if  coming  from  their  master.  Wang  Khan 
had  set  up  a  golden  tent  and  arranged  a  great  feast  in  it.  When 
he  heard  the  words,  he  said :  "  If  that  is  true,  let  Kassar  come 
to  us."  He  sent  with  the  two  messengers  Iturgyan,  a  trusted 
warrior,,  When  not  far  from  Arhalgougi  Iturgyan  judged  by 
various  signs  that  a  camp  must  be  near  them,  so  he  turned  and 
rushed  away.  Haliutar,  whose  horse  was  far  swifter,  spurred  on 
ahead  of  him,  but  not  venturing  to  seize  the  man,  blocked  the  road 
to  his  stallion.  Chaurhan,  who  followed,  struck  Iturgyan's  horse 
in  the  spine  with  an  arrow,  brought  him  down  to  his  haunches, 
and  stopped  him.  They  seized  Iturgyan  then  and  took  him  to 
Temudjin,  who  sent  him  to  Kassar,  who  killed  him. 

The  two  messengers  then  said :  "  Wang  Khan  has  made  a  rich 
golden  tent;  he  is  careless  and  is  feasting.  This  is  the  time  to 
attack  him."  "  Very  well,"  said  Temudjin,  "  let  us  hasten." 
When  they  arrived  at  the  place  they  surrounded  Wang  Khan,  and 
a  fierce  battle  followed.  On  the  third  day  of  this  battle  the  Keraits 
had  not  strength  to  fight  longer.    Wang  Khan  and  Sengun  had 


60 


The  Mongols 


both  vanished,  no  one  knew  by  what  road  they  had  saved  them* 
selves,  or  when  they  had  fled  from  the  battle-ground. 

"  I  could  not  let  you  kill  my  sovereign,"  said  Hadak,  the  chief 
leader  to  Temudjin,  "  and  I  fought  long  to  give  Wang  Khan  and 
Sengun  time  to  save  themselves.  If  thou  command  I  shall  die, 
but  if  thou  give  life  I  will  serve  thee."  "  A  man  fighting  as  thou 
hast  to  rescue  his  lord  is  a  hero,"  said  Temudjin,  "  be  one  among 
mine  and  stay  with  me."  So  he  made  Hadak  a  commander  of 
one  hundred,  and  bestowed  him  on  Huildar's  widow.  Since 
Huildar  had  planted  the  standard  on  Gubtan  and  fought  with 
such  valor  his  descendants  had  received  for  all  time  rewards 
assigned  widows  and  orphans.  Temudjin  now  divided  the 
Keraits  among  his  comrades,  and  assistants. 

Wang  Khan's  brother,  Jaganbo,  had  two  daughters,  the  elder 
of  these  was  Ibaha.  Temudjin  himself  took  Ibaha,  and  Sorkaktani, 
the  younger,  he  gave  to  Tului,  his  son.  Because  of  these  daughters, 
Jaganbo's  inheritance  was  not  given  to  other  men.  To  Kishlik 
and  Badai,  the  two  horseherds  who  had  warned  him,  he  gave 
Wang  Khan's  golden  tent  with  all  the  gold  dishes  set  out  in  it, 
and  the  men  who  had  served  at  the  tables.  Kishlik  and  Badai 
with  their  children  and  grandchildren  were  to  keep  everything 
won  by  them  in  battle,  and  all  the  game  taken  in  hunting. 

"  These  two  men,"  said  Temudjin,  as  he  gave  their  rights  to 
them,  "  saved  my  life  from  Sengun  and  his  father,  and  by  Heaven's 
help  and  protection  I  have  crushed  all  the  Kerait  forces  and 
won  my  dominion.  Let  my  descendants  remember  the  measure 
of  this  service.  My  enemies,  not  knowing  Heaven's  will,  wished 
to  kill  me.  Kishlik  who  brought  warning  of  their  treachery,  was 
in  that  hour  Heaven's  envoy;  hence  I  have  given  him  Wang 
Khan's  golden  tent  with  utensils  and  music,  as  I  might  to  a  prince 
of  my  family." 

Wang  Khan  and  Sengun  had  fled  almost  unattended  toward 
the  land  of  the  Naimans.  At  Didik,  a  ford  on  the  Naikun,  Wang 
Khan,  who  was  tortured  with  thirst,  stopped  to  drink  from  the 
river.  A  Naiman  watch,  guarding  the  passage,  seized  the  old 
Khan,  and  killed  him  (1203).  Wang  Khan  told  who  he  was, 
but  the  guard  would  not  credit  his  story.  He  cut  his  head  off 
immediately,  and  sent  it  to  Baibuga.  Sengun,  being  at  some 
distance,  did  not  rush  up  to  rescue  his  father,  but  went  with  Ko- 


Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


61 


kocha,  his  attendant,  and  Kokocha 's  wife,  farther  west  past  the 
Naimans.  He  stopped  to  drink  somewhat  later  and  seeing  a  wild 
horse  which  flies  were  tormenting,  he  stole  up  to  kill  him.  Ko- 
kocha  wished  now  to  desert  and  take  Sengun's  saddle  horse;  he 
intended  to  tell  Temudjin  where  Sengun  was,  but  his  wife  was 
indignant.  "  How  leave  thy  master,  who  gave  thee  food  and  good 
clothing,  how  desert  him  ?  "  She  refused  to  advance  and  was 
very  angry.  "  Thou  wilt  not  go  with  me  ?  Dost  wish  to  be  wife 
to  Sengun,  perhaps  ?  "  asked  Kokocha.  "  If  thou  go,  O  Kokocha, 
leave  that  gold  cup  behind.  Let  Sengun  have  even  something 
to  drink  from."  Kokocha  threw  down  the  cup,  and  hurried  off 
to  find  Temudjin. 

"  How  receive  service  from  any  man  of  this  kind  ?  "  asked 
Temudjin  when  he  heard  how  Kokocha  had  treated  his  master. 
The  deserter  told  his  tale,  and  was  put  to  death  straightway. 
But  his  wife  was  rewarded  for  her  loyalty  to  Sengun. 

When  Wang  Khan's  head  was  brought  to  Baibuga  his  mother, 
Gurbaisu,  had  music  before  it  with  an  offering.  In  the  time  of 
this  ceremony  the  face  seemed  to  smile  at  the  honor.  Baibuga, 
who  thought  the  smile  mockery,  was  offended  and  made  the  skull 
into  a  drinking  cup  rimmed  and  ornamented  with  silver. 

"  In  the  East,"  said  Baibuga,  "  is  that  man  Temudjin  who 
drove  out  Wang  Khan  and  brought  him  to  ruin.  This  man 
may  be  thinking  to  make  himself  lord  over  all  of  us.  There  is 
only  one  sun  in  the  heavens ;  how  can  two  real  lords  be  on  earth 
at  the  same  time  ?  I  will  go  to  the  East  and  seize  this  Temudjin, 
I  will  take  all  his  people." 

Sengun  when  deserted  by  Kokocha  fled  toward  the  Tibetan 
border  and  subsisted  for  a  season  by  plundering,  but  was  captured 
some  time  later  and  slain  by  Kilidj  Arslan,  the  ruler  of  that  region, 
who  sent  Sengun's  children  and  wives  back  to  Temudjin,  and 
submitted  to  his  sovereignty. 

Thus  perished  the  Khan  of  the  Keraits  and  his  son,  and  with 
them  the  separate  existence  of  their  people. 


CHAPTER  IV 


TEMUDJIN  TAKES  THE  TITLE  OF  JINGHIS  AND  REWARDS  HIS 
EMPIRE  BUILDERS 

ONE  more  great  struggle  was  in  store  now  for  Temudjin,  that 
with  Baibuga,  the  Naiman,  his  father-in-law.  Baibuga, 
alarmed  at  the  rising  power  of  his  own  daughter's  husband,  sent 
an  envoy  to  Ala  Kush  Tegin,  the  Ongut  chief,  to  get  aid.  "  Thou 
knowest,"  said  Baibuga,  "  that  two  swords  cannot  be  in  one 
scabbard,  or  two  souls  in  one  body.  Two  eyes  cannot  be  in  one 
socket,  or  two  sovereigns  in  one  region.  Make  haste  then  to 
seize  the  horn  of  empire  which  this  upstart  is  seeking." 

Ala  Kush  and  the  Onguts  lived  next  the  Great  Wall  of  China, 
and  guarded  it,  at  least,  during  intervals,  for  the  emperor  of  China. 
This  Ongut  chief  was  sagacious;  he  was  near  Temudjin  and 
remote  from  Baibuga;  he  judged  that  the  former  was  rising  and 
the  latter  declining;  hence  after  some  thought  he  neglected 
Baibuga,  left  his  message  unanswered,  and  sent  an  envoy  to 
explain  the  whole  matter  to  Temudjin.  Baibuga  found  other 
allies,  however. 

Knowing  clearly  his  father-in-law's  intention,  Temudjin  did 
not  fail  to  be  first  on  the  battle-ground.  As  the  spring  of  1204 
was  beginning  he  held  a  great  council  of  his  leaders.  Some  thought 
their  horses  too  weak  after  winter,  but  others  preferred  to  move 
promptly.  Action  pleased  Temudjin,  hence  he  set  out  imme- 
diately, but  halted  before  he  reached  the  Naiman  boundary.  It  was 
autumn  when  he  entered  the  enemy's  country,  and  found  arrayed 
there  against  him  men  from  the  Merkits,  the  Keraits,  Uirats, 
Durbans,  Katkins,  Tartars,  and  Saljuts.  In  fact,  forces  from 
each  hostile  people  were  ready  before  him  in  the  hope  of  destroying, 
or  at  least  undermining  his  primacy.  There  was  also  Jamuka, 
his  irrepressible  enemy.    Temudjin  ranged  his  army  for  action. 

62 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  63 


To  Juchi  Kassar,  his  brother,  he  confided  the  center.  Overseeing 
himself  the  entire  army,  he  reserved  a  certain  part  for  his  own  use. 

When  Jamuka  saw  this  arrangement  he  said  to  his  officers; 
"  My  friends,  Temudjin  knows  how  to  range  men  for  battle  much 
better  than  Baibuga."  And  foreseeing  an  evil  end  to  Baibuga  in 
that  action  Jamuka  fled  from  the  field  of  battle  quickly. 

The  two  armies  met  and  fought  desperately  from  sunrise  to 
sunset.  Many  times  the  great  issue  seemed  doubtful,  but  when  all 
was  wavering  like  two  even  scales  of  a  balance  Temudjin  came  with 
new  forces  at  the  perilous  moment  and  gave  greater  weight  to  his 
own  side.  Just  after  sunset  the  Xaiman  force  broke  and  fled 
in  confusion,  sweeping  with  it  Baibuga,  badly  wounded.  The 
Taiyang  fled  on  foot,  first  to  a  neighboring  mountain  where 
Kurbassu,  his  wife  was=  Later  on  he  was  hurried  to  a  place  of 
more  safety,  where  he  died  soon  of  wounds  and  of  blood  loss. 
Temudjin,  ever  swift  to  pursue,  hunted  down  his  fleeing  father- 
in-law  ;  his  men  captured  Kurbassu,  who  was  joined  to  his  house- 
hold. They  captured  also  Baibuka's  seal  keeper,  Tatungo,  an 
Uigur  of  learning.  Brought  before  Temudjin  he  explained  what 
a  seal  is.  "  Remain  with  me,"  said  the  conqueror,  "  use  the 
seal  in  my  name,  and  teach  my  sons  the  language,  and  lore  of  the 
wise  Uigurs 

All  allies  of  the  Naimans  submitted,  except  the  Merkits  and  the 
Tartars,  who  fled  from  the  battlefield.  Gutchluk,  Baibuga's 
son,  sought  safety  with  Buiruk  his  uncle. 

At  this  time  the  Chatalans,  the  Katkins,  and  all  others  who  had 
followed  Jemuka,  surrendered  to  Temudjin.  Temudjin  now 
hurried  in  pursuit  of  Tukta  Bijhi,  the  chief  of  the  Merkits.  He 
hunted  him  to  Sari  Keher,  and  captured  many  of  his  people; 
but  Tukta  Bijhi  fled  farther  with  Chilaun  and  Katu,  and  a  few 
attendants. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Merkit  subjection,  Dair  Usun,  chief  of 
the  Uasit  Merkits,  gave  Kulan  Khatun,  his  daughter,  to  Temud- 
jin. When  he  was  taking  the  girl  to  the  conqueror  the  road  was 
impassable  through  disorder.  He  met  on  the  way  a  man,  Nay  a 
of  the  Barins.  "  I  am  giving  my  daughter  to  Temudjin,"  said 
Dair  Usun  to  Naya.  "  Come  with  me,"  answered  Naya.  "  If 
thou  go  alone,  wandering  warriors  will  kill  thee  and  do  what  they 
like  with  thy  daughter."    So  he  and  Dair  Usun  traveled  three 


64 


The  Mongols 


days  together,  and  after  that  Kulan  was  given  to  Temudjin,  who 
on  learning  that  she  had  been  three  days  in  company  with  Naya, 
was  angry. 

"  Torture  this  Naya,"  said  Temudjin,  "  learn  all  his  secrets 
and  kill  him."  When  they  set  about  torturing  Naya,  Kulan 
spoke  up  to  save  him.  "  On  the  road  Naya  met  us;  he  said  that 
he  was  one  of  the  Khan's  men,  and  since  on  the  way  there  were 
many  disorderly  warriors  he  offered  to  help  us.  My  father  and 
I  were  three  days  in  his  company.  Without  Naya's  help  I  know 
not  what  would  have  happened.  Torture  him  not,  but  if  the 
Khan  will  be  merciful  examine  my  innocence." 

"  I  serve  my  lord  faithfully,"  said  Naya.  "  I  hold  it  my  duty 
to  bring  to  him  beautiful  women,  and  the  best  of  all  horses.  If 
there  are  thoughts  beyond  this  in  me,  I  am  ready  to  die  at  any 
moment." 

"  Kulan  speaks  with  wisdom,"  said  Temudjin.  That  same  day 
the  girl  was  examined.  Temudjin  grew  convinced  that  she  was 
truthful  and  liked  her  the  more  for  her  wisdom.  He  dismissed 
Naya,  saying :  "  This  man  is  not  false,  we  may  trust  him  with 
tasks  of  importance." 

After  the  subjection  of  the  Merkits  Kuda,  the  wife  of  Tukta 
Bijhi  was  given  to  Temudjin 's  son,  Ogotai.  Later  on  one-half  of 
the  Merkits  revolted,  retired  and  took  Taikal  a  fortress  in  the 
mountains.  The  son  of  Sorgan  Shira  was  sent  to  attack  them 
Temudjin  himself  went  to  the  Altai,  and  there  passed  the  winter. 
In  the  spring  he  crossed  the  mountains  in  search  of  Tukta 
Bijhi.  At  that  time  Gutchluk  joined  Tukta  Bijhi;  they  drew 
up  their  army  at  the  Irtish  near  its  sources,  and  there 
Temudjin  found  and  attacked  them.  Tukta  Bijhi  was 
killed  in  a  very  fierce  battle,  his  sons  were  unable  to  bear 
off  the  body,  so  they  cut  his  head  from  the  trunk  and  thus 
saved  it.  The  Merkits  fled  from  the  battlefield,  and  more  than 
half  of  those  warriors  were  drowned  in  the  Irtish,  the  rest 
scattered  and  saved  their  lives  as  best  they  could.  Gutchluk  fled 
to  the  land  of  the  Karluks,  and  still  farther  westward  to  the  Gur- 
khan.    Kutu  and  Chilaun  fled  through  Kanli  and  Kincha. 

While  all  this  was  happening  Sorgan  Shira's  son  captured  the 
fortress  at  Taikal  and  killed  or  seized  all  the  Merkits.  Those 
who  had  not  left  their  own  home  land  revolted  as  well  as  the 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  GO 


others,  but  were  captured  through  men  sent  by  Temudjin  to  quell 
them. 

"  If  we  let  those  people  remain  in  one  land,"  declared  Temudjin, 
"  they  will  rise  again,  surely."  And  he  had  them  conducted  in 
small  bands  to  various  new  places.  That  same  year  Temudjin 
made  an  iron  kibitka  for  Subotai,  and  sent  him  to  hunt  down 
and  seize  all  the  other  sons  of  Tukta  Bijhi.  "  Those  men," 
said  Temudjin,  "  though  defeated  in  battle,  tore  away  recently,  like 
wounded  wild  deer,  or  like  wanton  young  stallions ;  and  now  thou 
must  find  them.  If  they  fly  on  wings  to  the  sky,  become  thou  a 
falcon  and  catch  them;  if  like  mice  they  bore  into  the  earth,  be 
a  strong  iron  spade  and  dig  them  out  of  it ;  if  they  hide  as  fish  in 
the  sea,  be  a  net  and  enclose  them.  To  cross  deep  ravines  and 
high  mountains  choose  the  time  when  thy  horses  are  not  weary. 
Spare  thy  warriors  on  the  road,  and  hunt  not  at  all  save  when 
need  comes.  When  thou  must  hunt,  hunt  very  carefully.  Let  not 
thy  warriors  use  croupers,  or  breast  straps,  lest  their  horses  rush 
feebly.  Should  any  man  refuse  thee  obedience  bring  him  hither,  if 
I  know  him,  if  not  do  thou  kill  him  on  the  place  of  refusal.  If 
with  Heaven's  aid  and  protection  thou  seize  Tukta  Bijhi 's  sons,  slay 
them  straightway."  Then  he  added :  "  When  I  was  young  three 
bands  of  Merkits  pursued  me,  and  thrice  did  they  ride  round  Mount 
Burhan.  These  men  have  fled  now  with  loud  insolent  speeches,  but 
do  thou  hunt  them  down  to  the  uttermost  limits  if  need  be.  I 
have  made  a  kibitka  of  iron  to  convey  and  protect  thee.  Though 
far  away  thou  wilt  ever  be  near  me.  Heaven  will  keep  thee  most 
surely  while  traveling,  and  will  give  thee  assistance." 

When  the  Naimans  and  Merkits  were  captured  by  Temudjin, 
Jamuka  had  lost  all  his  people,  and  was  left  in  the  land  of  the 
Naimans  deprived  of  property,  and  attended  by  only  five  servitors. 
He  went  then  to  the  mountain  Tanlu  and  lived  there  by  robbery 
and  hunting.  One  day  those  five  servitors  seized  him  and  took 
him  to  his  enemy.  Jamuka  sent  these  words  then  to  Temudjin. 
"  Slaves  had  the  insolence  to  seize  their  own  master,  and  betray 
him.  Mistake  not,  O  Khan,  my  friend,  these  words  which  I 
send  thee." 

"  Is  it  possible  to  leave  men  unpunished  who  betray  ?  "  asked 
Temudjin..  "  Give  them  to  death  with  their  children  and  grand- 
children 1 99   Then  he  commanded  to  slay  those  five  traitors 


66 


The  Mongols 


before  the  eyes  of  Jamuka  to  whom  he  sent  at  the  same  time  this 
message:  "  Once  I  made  thee  a  shaft  of  my  kibitka,  but  thou 
didst  desert  me.  Thou  hast  joined  me  again,  so  now  be  my  com- 
rade. Should  one  of  us  forget,  the  other  will  remind  him.  If  one 
falls  asleep  the  other  will  rouse  him.  Though  thou  didst  leave 
me,  thou  wert  still  in  reality  my  assistant.  Though  thou  didst 
oppose  I  got  no  harm  in  the  end  from  that  action.  When  thou  and 
I  had  a  battle  thy  heart  was  regretful,  apparently.  When  I  warred 
with  Wang  Khan  thou  didst  send  me  his  discourses .'  That  was 
the  earliest  service.  When  I  was  battling  with  the  Naimans 
thy  words  made  their  hearts  shake;  that  was  another  good  ser- 
vice." 

These  words  were  taken  to  Jamuka  and  he  answered:  "  When 
we  became  andas  in  boyhood  we  ate  food  too  strong  for  our  stom- 
achs ;  we  gave  words  to  each  other  which  nothing  can  take  from 
our  memory.  People  roused  us  to  quarrel  and  we  parted.  I 
blush  when  I  think  of  my  speeches  uttered  once  to  my  anda,  and 
I  dare  not  look  now  at  thee.  It  is  thy  wish  that  I  be  for  the  future 
thy  comrade.  I  might  call  myself  thy  comrade,  but  I  could  be 
no  comrade  to  thee  in  reality.  Thou  hast  joined  peoples  together, 
thou  hast  built  up  dominion,  no  man  on  earth  can  now  be  thy 
comrade.  Unless  thou  kill  me  I  shall  be  for  thee  henceforth  like 
a  louse  on  thy  collar  outside,  or  a  thorn  in  thy  inner  neck-band. 
Thou  wouldst  not  be  at  rest  in  the  daytime,  while  at  night  thou 
wouldst  sleep  with  alarm  in  thy  bosom  were  I  to  be  near  theee 
Thy  mother  is  prudent,  thou  thyself  art  a  hero,  thy  brothers  are 
gifted,  thy  comrades  are  champions,  thou  hast  seventy-three  lead- 
ers, but  from  childhood  I  have  had  neither  father  nor  mother,  I 
have  no  brothers,  my  wife  is  a  babbler,  my  comrades  are  traitors, 
hence,  O  my  anda,  whom  Heaven  has  preferred,  give  me  death  the 
more  quickly  that  thy  heart  may  be  quiet.  If  thou  let  me  die 
without  blood  loss  I,  after  death  and  for  ages,  will  help  thy  de- 
scendants and  protect  them." 

On  hearing  this  answer  Temudjin  said:  "  Jamuka,  my  anda, 
went  his  own  way  in  life,  but  his  words  have  in  fact  never  harmed 
me.  He  is  a  man  who  might  change  even  now,  but  he  has  not 
the  wish  to  live  longer.  I  have  tried  divination  to  search  out 
good  reasons  to  kill  him,  but  have  not  discovered  them  thus  far- 
What  must  I  do?    He  is  a  man  of  distinction,  and  we  may  not 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  67 


take  his  life  without  reasons.  Ah,  now  I  have  found  the  right 
reason  !  Say  this  to  him :  '  Because  of  horse  stealing  and  quarrels 
between  Taichar,  my  slave,  and  Darmala,  thy  brother,  thou  didst 
attack  me  and  fight  at  Baljuna ;  thou  didst  frighten  me  dreadfully. 
I  wish  now  to  forgive  thee,  and  make  thee  my  comrade,  but  thou 
art  unwilling.  I  am  sorry  that  thy  life  should  be  taken,  but  thou 
wilt  not  permit  me  to  save  it ;  hence  we  must  do  what  thou  wishest." 

Temudjin  then  commanded  to  take  life  from  Jamuka  without 
blood  loss,  and  bury  him  with  honor.  Altan  and  Huchar  were 
put  to  death  also  at  that  time. 

When  Temudjin  had  subdued  to  his  own  undivided  dominion 
the  various  peoples  opposed  to  him  he  raised  on  the  Upper  Onon, 
in  120G,  his  great  standard  of  nine  white  tails  and  took  the  title 
Jinghis  (Mighty)  to  distinguish  him  from  all  other  Khans.  After 
that  he  rewarded  Munlik,  Boorchu,  Mukuli  and  others  who 
had  helped  him  in  building  the  Empire,  and  those  who  had  shown 
special  service.  "  Thou  hast  been  to  me  a  comrade,"  said  Jinghis 
(as  we  shall  now  call  Temudjin),  to  Munlik  his  step-father,  "  thou 
hast  helped  me  very  often,  but  above  all  when  Wang  Khan  and 
his  son  were  enticing  me  to  a  false  feast  to  kill  me.  If  I  had  not 
halted  that  day  I  should  have  dropped  into  hot  fire  and  deep  water. 
I  remember  this  service  of  thine,  and  will  not  let  my  descendants 
forget  it.  Henceforth  thou  wilt  sit  first  in  thy  order.  As  I  reward 
thee  by  the  year,  or  the  month,  so  will  that  reward  be  continued 
to  all  thy  descendants  unbrokenly." 

"  In  my  youth,"  said  Jinghis  to  Boorchu,  "  Taidjut  thieves  stole 
my  eight  horses ;  I  had  chased  three  days  and  nights  after  them 
when  I  met  thee;  thou  didst  become  then  my  comrade  and  ride 
three  days  and  nights  with  me  to  find  and  restore  those  eight 
horses.  Why  did  it  happen  that  Nahu  Boyan,  thy  rich  father, 
who  had  only  one  son,  let  that  son  be  my  comrade  ?  Because  in 
thee  traits  of  high  justice  were  evident.  After  that  when  I  called 
thee  to  help  me  thou  didst  not  refuse  and  wert  prompt  in  thy  com- 
ing. When  the  three  Merkit  clans  drove  me  into  the  forests  of 
Mount  Burhan  thou  didst  not  desert  me;  thou  didst  share  my 
great  suffering.  When  I  spent  a  night  before  the  enemy  at  Talan 
and  a  great  blinding  rain  came  thou  didst  give  me  rest,  and  spread 
out  thy  felt  robe  above  me,  and  stand  there  and  hold  it,  and  not 
let  that  rain  touch  me.    Thou  didst  stand  in  that  painful  position 


68 


The  Mongols 


until  daybreak,  resting  first  on  one  leg  and  then  on  the  other. 
This  proves  thy  unbounded  devotion.  It  would  not  be  possible 
to  recount  all  the  good  deeds  which  thou  hast  done  since  I  saw 
thee  the  first  day.  Besides  thou  and  Mukuli  advised  me  to  that 
which  was  proper,  and  stopped  me  from  that  which  should  be 
omitted.  Through  doing  the  right  thing  in  every  great  trial  I 
have  reached  my  high  power  and  dominion.  Sit  thou  now  with 
a  few  men  above  all  others.  I  free  thee  from  punishment  for 
nine  death  offenses.  Be  a  commander  of  ten  thousand,  and  rule 
the  land  westward  till  thou  touch  the  Golden  Mountains."  1 

Then  he  turned  to  Mukuli  and  said  to  him :  "  When  we  were 
at  Horho  Nachubur  at  the  thick  spreading  tree  under  which 
Khan  Kutula  made  merry  and  was  dancing,  Heaven  bestowed 
wisdom  and  tidings  which  became  clear  to  thee.  I  remember 
the  words  given  then  by  thy  keen  father,  Gunua,  and  I  make  thee 
prince  now  because  of  those  words,  and  thy  conduct  ever  after. 
Sit  thou  above  other  men  in  society,  be  a  commander  of  ten  thous- 
and on  the  left  wing,  and  govern  on  the  east  to  the  Haralin  moun- 
tains.   Thy  descendants  will  inherit  thy  dignity." 

"  In  youth,"  said  Jinghis  to  Horchi,  "  thou  didst  prophesy 
touching  me;  thou  didst  share  with  me  toils  after  that  and  wert 
to  me  a  true  comrade.  Now  when  thy  words  of  fore-knowledge 
are  verified  and  proven,  I  give  thee  what  thou  didst  ask  for  at  that 
time:  I  give  thee  the  right  to  choose  for  thyself  thirty  beautiful 
maidens  and  women  among  all  conquered  nations.  Bring  to- 
gether three  thousand  of  the  Bali,  the  Adarki  and  other  clans  ruled 
by  Achik  and  by  Togai,  and  when  thou  hast  ten  thousand  assem- 
bled command  them  and  govern  those  people.  Put  up  thy  camps 
as  may  please  thee  among  forest  nations  on  the  Irtish,  and  guard 
well  that  region.  Let  all  affairs  there  be  under  thy  management, 
thou  hast  now  thy  heart's  wish." 

Jinghis  turned  then  to  Churchadai :  "  Thy  greatest  serv- 
ice," said  he,  "  was  in  that  dreadful  battle  at  Kalanchin 
against  the  strong  Khan  of  the  Keraits.  When  Huildar  de- 
clared that  he  would  seize  and  hold  Gubtan  thou  didst 
take  the  vanguard.  Success  in  that  desperate  encounter  came 
from  thee  beyond  any  man.  Thou  didst  break  and  hurl  back 
the  Jirkins,  the  strongest  of  the  enemy,  and  after  them  came  still 
1  The  Altai. 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  69 


others  who  broke  the  line  of  my  own  chosen  body-guard,  who  held 
the  strong  central  position.  Thou  didst  wound  with  thy  own 
hand  Sengun  in  the  cheek  while  he  was  making  the  last  fearful 
onrush.  Hadst  thou  not  struck  him  then,  it  is  unknown  what 
would  have  followed.  Later  on,  when  we  were  moving  down  the 
Kalka,  I  relied  upon  thee  as  I  might  on  a  lofty  immovable  moun- 
tain. On  arriving  at  Baljuna  thou  didst  fight  in  the  vanguard 
again,  and  with  Heaven's  great  assistance  we  crushed  the  Keraits 
at  last,  and  because  of  that  triumph  the  Naimans  and  the  Merkits 
could  not  resist  us,  and  were  scattered.  When  they  were  scattered, 
Jaganbo  gave  me  his  daughters  and  thus  saved  his  people,  but 
later  on  he  revolted;  then  thou  didst  think  out  a  plan  to  entrap 
him  and  capture  his  people.    That  is  thy  second  great  service." 

With  these  words  Jinghis  gave  Churchadai  his  own  wife,  Ibaha, 
the  daughter  of  Jaganbo,  to  whom  he  spoke  then  as  follows: 
*'  Ibaha,  I  do  this  not  because  I  have  ceased  to  love  thee,  not  be- 
cause thou  hast  an  evil  temper  of  mind,  or  art  lacking  in  beauty. 
I  give  thee  to  Churchadai  to  reward  him  in  the  highest  way  possible. 
I  give  thee  to  Churchadai  because  of  his  inestimable  service,  and 
I  desire  those  of  my  sons  and  descendants  who  shall  receive  the 
throne  after  me  to  honor  the  dignity  and  fame  of  Ibaha.  Now 
thou  wilt  grant  me  a  favor :  Thy  father  gave  with  thee  Ashi  Timur, 
who  is  master  of  thy  kitchen  and  two  hundred  men  to  work  under 
him.  In  going  leave  with  me  one  hundred  of  those  men,  and 
leave  also  Ashi."  Then  Jinghis  said  to  Churchadai :  "I  com- 
mand thee  to  govern  four  thousand  of  the  Units.  Thou  didst  tame 
the  wild,  and  bring  down  the  rebellious,  thou  and  Chelmai  with 
Chepe  and  Subotai.  Ye  have  been  like  four  raging  watch-dogs 
in  swiftness.  If  I  sent  you  to  any  place  ye  crushed  hard  immense 
stones  into  gravel,  ye  overturned  cliffs,  and  stopped  the  great  rush 
of  deep  waters,  hence  I  command  you  to  be  in  the  battle  front . 
The  four  heroes:  Boorchu,  Mukuli,  Boroul  and  Chilaun  I  com- 
mand to  be  behind  me.  Churchadai  to  be  in  front,  and 
thus  make  my  heart  free  to  be  fearless.  Kubilai  be  the  elder 
in  all  warlike  matters  and  decisions."  Then  he  added :  "  Because 
of  disobedience  I  do  not  make  Baidun  a  commander  apart  and 
independent;  I  join  him  to  thy  person,  that  is  better.  Let  him 
act  with  thee,  and  see  thou  what  will  come  of  it." 

After  that  Jinghis  said  to  Boorchu  and  others :  "  Hunan  is  like 


70 


The  Mongols 


a  fearless  wolf  in  the  night  time,  in  the  day  he  is  like  a  black  raven. 
He  joined  me  and  never  would  act  with  bad  people.  In  every 
affair  take  ye  counsel  with  Hunan  and  Kokosi.  Let  Hunan  be 
commander  of  ten  thousand  under  my  eldest  son,  Juchi.  No 
matter  what  Hunan  and  Kokosi  and  Daigai  and  Usun  heard  and 
saw  they  kept  back  no  word,  and  never  distorted  a  word  which 
they  told  me." 

"  When  I  was  born  at  the  river  Onon,"  said  Jinghis  to  Chelmai, 
"  thy  father  came  from  Mount  Burhan  with  the  bellows  of  a 
blacksmith  on  his  shoulders,  and  brought  a  sable  wrap  to  put 
around  me.  Thou  wert  in  swaddling  clothes  that  day,  O  Chelmai, 
and  he  gave  thee  to  serve  me  for  life  and  inseparably.  Thou  hast 
grown  up  with  me,  and  shown  immense  service.  Thou  art  my 
fortunate  comrade.  I  release  thee  from  nine  death  penalties 
and  reward  thee." 

"  In  former  times,"  said  Jinghis  to  Vanguru,  the  master  of 
nourishment,  "  thou  with  three  yurtas  of  the  Tokuruts,  and  five 
yurtas  of  Torguts,  and  with  the  Chanshikits  and  the  Baiyuts  made 
one  single  camp  with  me.  In  darkness  and  fog  thou  hast  never 
lost  thy  way  marching.  In  scattering  and  disorder  thou  hast 
never  lost  thy  head,  thou  hast  endured  cold  and  wet  with  me 
always  and  nothing  could  shake  or  discourage  thee.  What  reward 
dost  thou  wish  of  me  this  day  ?  " 

"  If  thou  in  thy  favor  command  me  to  choose,"  said  Vanguru, 
"  I  should  wish  to  collect  all  the  Baiyuts  who  are  scattered." 

Jinghis  consented.  "  Collect  them,  be  their  commander  and 
govern  them,"  was  his  answer.  And  he  continued :  "  Vanguru 
and  Boroul  while  managing  on  the  right  and  the  left  as  masters  of 
nourishment,  and  dispensing  food  justly,  ye  have  pleased  my  heart 
well,  so  henceforth  sit  ye  on  horseback  when  food  and  drink  are 
dispensed  to  great  gatherings  in  the  open.  While  feasting  in  tents 
take  your  places  on  the  right  and  the  left  at  the  door  on  the  south 
side,  and  send  food  and  drink  to  all  present." 

"  My  mother  took  you,"  said  Jinghis  to  Shigi  Kutuku  and  Boroul 
and  Kuichu  and  Kokochu,  "  from  camps  where  men  left  you,  she 
made  }^ou  her  sons,  she  reared  and  prepared  you  to  be  comrades 
to  us,  her  own  children.  Ye  have  paid  her  well  for  this  benefaction. 
Boroul  was  my  comrade  in  the  perils  of  battle,  in  nights  of  snow 
and  of  rain  and  of  tempest.    When  exposed  to  the  enemy  he  never 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  71 


let  me  lack  drink  or  food.  On  a  time  when  we  had  destroyed 
nearly  all  of  the  Tartars,  one  of  them,  Hargil  Shila,  while  fleeing 
for  his  life  felt  great  hunger  and  turned  to  get  food  from  my  mother. 
'  If  thou  desire  food,'  said  she  to  the  Tartar,  '  sit  on  that  side  of 
the  entrance.'  He  sat  at  the  west  of  the  door  and  there  waited. 
Just  then  Tului,  my  son,  who  was  five  years  of  age,  came  in  and 
was  going  out  soon  after  when  the  Tartar  caught  him,  thrust  him 
under  his  arm  and  snatched  a  knife  quickly.  '  He  will  kill  the 
child !  '  screamed  my  mother.  Altani,  Boroul's  wife,  who  was 
sitting  east  of  the  door,  rushed  at  the  Tartar,  caught  his  hair  with 
one  hand  and  pulled  his  knife  with  the  other  so  vigorously  that 
she  and  the  knife  fell  together.  Now  Chedai  and  Chelmai,  who 
had  just  killed  a  cow  a  little  north  of  the  yurta,  heard  Altani  scream- 
ing. They  ran,  one  with  a  knife,  the  other  with  an  axe  and  killed 
the  stranger.  Altani,  Chedai  and  Chelmai  disputed  then  as  to 
who  had  shown  the  greatest  service.  '  If  we  had  not  run  up/ 
said  Chedai  and  Chelmai,  '  thou  couldst  not  have  managed  the 
Tartar,  O  woman,  and  he  would  have  finished  Tului.'  '  If 
I  had  not  screamed,'  said  Altani,  '  ye  would  not  have  run 
up,  and  if  I  had  not  seized  his  hair  and  snatched  the  knife  from 
him,  Tului  would  have  perished  ere  ye  could  have  saved  him.' 
Boroul's  wife  won  the  word  battle.  In  the  struggle  with  Wang 
Khan  at  Kalanchin,  Ogotai  was  wounded  in  the  neck  with  an 
arrow.  Boroul  sucked  the  blood  from  the  wound,  and  thus 
saved  him  from  stifling.  He  has  repaid  very  richly  the  trouble 
of  rearing  him  by  saving  two  sons  of  mine.  In  the  most  difficult 
places  he  was  never  neglectful,  hence  nine  times  will  I  save  him 
from  suffering  the  death  penalty." 

Jinghis  spoke  next  to  Sorgan  Shira :  "  When  I  was  young," 
said  he,  "  Targutai  Kurultuk,  with  his  brethren  the  Taidjuts, 
captured  me.  Thou,  with  thy  son,  hid  me  at  thy  yurta  and  com- 
manded Kadan,  thy  daughter,  to  serve  me,  and  ye  then  gave  me 
freedom.  Day  and  night  I  remember  this  service,  but  ye  came 
to  me  late  and  only  now  am  I  able  to  reward  you.  What  may 
your  wish  be?  "  "  We  should  like,"  answered  they,  "to  make  a 
camp  in  the  Merkit  land,  at  Sailyange,  and  whatever  other  reward 
may  be  possible,  let  the  Khan  give  it."  "Let  it  be  as  ye  wish; 
make  your  camp  in  that  country.  Besides,  let  all  your  descendants 
bear  arrows  and  bows,  and  drink  a  cup  of  wine  in  the  camp  of  the 


72 


The  Mongols 


Khan  when  ye  come  to  it.  Nine  death  offenses  will  be  forgiven 
you."  To  Chilaun  and  Chinbo,  sons  of  Sorgan  Shira,  he  said: 
"  How  could  I  forget  the  words  spoken  once  on  a  time  by  you, 
and  the  deeds  done  when  ye  spoke  thus.  Now  should  anything 
fail  you  come  yourselves  and  inform  me,"  and  he  said  further: 
"  Sorgan  Shira,  Badai  and  Kishlik,  ye  are  free.  Keep  all  the 
booty  which  ye  may  take  during  warfare  at  any  time,  and  whatever 
game  ye  kill  in  hunting.  Sorgan  Shira,  once  thou  wert  Today  an 's 
servant.  Badai  and  Kishlik,  ye  were  horseherds  to  Aike  Cheran ; 
live  with  me  henceforth  and  be  happy." 

"  When  thou  with  thy  father  seized  Targutai,"  said  Jinghis  to 
Nay  a,  "  thou  didst  say :  '  How  could  we  yield  up  our  master  ?  ' 
Ye  let  him  go  then  and  came  to  me  as  subjects.  For  that  reason 
I  said :  *  Those  people  understand  lofty  duty,  I  will  trust  them.' 
Bobrchu  is  now  commander  of  ten  thousand  on  the  right  hand, 
Mukuli  is  commander  of  ten  thousand  on  the  left,  be  thou  a 
commander  in  the  center." 

Jinghis  then  directed  Daigai,  his  shepherd,  to  collect  homeless 
people  and  command  them.  When  all  who  had  labored  to  build 
up  the  Empire  had  received  their  rewards  and  offices  Jinghis 
Khan's  step-father,  Munlik,  brought  his  seven  sons  to  the  assembly 
and  received  for  them  good  recognition.  The  fourth  man  of  these 
was  a  shaman,  Kokochu,  a  man  of  boundless  ambition.  Taib- 
tengeri  was  his  second  name.  No  one  could  tell  who  among  these 
seven  brothers  was  the  most  self-willed  and  bitter.  One  day  they 
attacked  Juchi  Kassar  and  beat  him.  Kassar  complained  to  Jinghis 
of  this  treatment;  Jinghis  became  angry.  "  Thou  hast  boasted," 
said  he,  "  that  no  man  is  thy  equal  in  valor  and  skill.  If 
that  be  true  why  let  those  fellows  beat  thee  ?  "  Kassar  shed 
tears  from  vexation,  went  out,  and  for  three  days  after  that  made 
t  no  visit  to  his  brother.    Meanwhile  Taibtengeri  went  to  Jinghis  to 

incense  him  against  Kassar.  "  The  spirit  has  given  me  a  sacred 
command  from  High  Heaven,"  said  the  shaman,  "  Jinghis  will 
rule  people  at  first,  and  then  will  come  Kassar.  If  thou  set  not 
Kassar  aside  thy  rule  will  be  short-lived." 

When  Jinghis  heard  these  words  he  went  that  same  night  to 
seize  Kassar.  Kuichu  and  others  informed  Hoelun,  who  set  out 
that  night  also  in  a  kibitka  drawn  by  a  swift  going  camel.  She 
reached  Kassar's  yurta  at  sunrise,  just  as  Jinghis,  having  tied 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  73 


Kassar's  sleeves,  had  taken  cap  and  girdle  from  him  and  was  ask- 
ing him  questions.  When  Jinghis  saw  his  mother  he  was  wonder- 
fully astonished,  and  alarmed  also.  Hoelun  was  very  angry. 
Stepping  out  of  her  kibitka,  she  untied  Kassar,  gave  him  back  cap 
and  girdle,  then  sitting  down,  she  put  her  feet  under  her,  bared 
her  bosom  and  addressed  the  two  brothers :  "  See  these  breasts 
of  mine  both  of  you?  Ye  two  have  drunk  from  them.  What 
crime  has  Kassar  committed  that  thou,  Temudjin,  art  destroying 
thy  own  kindred  flesh  in  this  brother?  When  thou  wert  an 
infant  thou  didst  drink  from  this  breast;  neither  thou,  Temudjin 
nor  Temugu  could  draw  my  breasts  thoroughly;  only  Kassar 
could  empty  both  sides  and  relieve  me.  Temudjin,  thou  hast 
gifts,  but  Kassar  alone  has  the  strength  and  the  art  to  shoot  arrows. 
Whenever  men  have  risen  in  rebellion  he  has  brought  them  down 
with  his  arrows,  and  tamed  them.  Every  enemy  now  is  des- 
troyed, and  Kassar  is  needed  no  longer." 

Jinghis  waited  till  Hoelun's  anger  had  subsided.  Then  he 
said :  "I  was  frightened  when  I  acted.  I  am  ashamed  at  this 
moment."  He  went  out  after  these  words,  but  later,  unknown 
to  his  mother,  he  took  away  Kassar's  people,  for  the  most  part, 
leaving  only  fourteen  hundred  yurtas.  At  first  he  had  given  him 
four  thousand.  When  Hoelun  learned  of  this  action  she  grieved 
much,  and  died  shortly  after.  Chebke  was  placed  then  with 
Kassar  to  guard  him. 

After  this  many  men  gathered  to  the  shaman,  Taibtengeri, 
among  others  people  who  belonged  to  Temugu,  Jinghis 's  youngest 
brother.  Temugu  sent  Sokor  to  lead  back  those  people,  but 
Taibtengeri  beat  him,  put  a  saddle  on  his  back,  and  sent  him  to 
his  mother.  Next  day  Temugu  went  himself  to  Taibtengeri. 
The  seven  brothers  surrounded  him.  "  How  didst  thou  dare  to 
send  men  to  take  people  from  us  ?  "  roared  the  brothers,  and 
they  were  ready  to  beat  him.  "  I  ought  not  to  have  sent  men  to 
you,"  said  Temugu,  much  frightened.  "  As  thou  art  to  blame, 
then  beg  pardon."  And  they  forced  him  to  kneel  to  them  straight- 
way. 

The  next  day,  very  early,  while  Jinghis  was  in  bed,  Temugu 
fell  on  his  knees  before  him  and  told  how  Taibtengeri  and  his 
brothers  had  treated  him.  He  wept  while  relating  the  details. 
Jinghis  had  said  no  word  yet,  when  Bortai  came  from  her  bed 


74 


The  Mongols 


with  a  blanket  around  her  and,  shedding  tears  meanwhile,  spoke 
as  follows :  "  This  man  has  beaten  Kassar,  and  now  he  has  forced 
Temugu  to  his  knees  to  beg  pardon.  What  kind  of  order  is  this 
in  thy  dominion  ?  If  while  thou  art  living  they  ruin  thy  brothers, 
majestic  as  cedars,  when  thou  art  dead  the  people,  who  are  like 
grass  blown  by  wind,  or  a  mere  flock  of  birds,  will  not  obey  thy 
small,  helpless  children.' ' 

"  Taibtengeri  will  come  to-day,"  said  Jinghis  to  Temugu.  "  Deal 
with  him  as  thou  pleasest."  Temugu  went  out  and  agreed  with 
three  very  strong  wrestlers.  Munlik  came  later  with  his  seven 
sons,  and  when  Taibtengeri  sat  near  the  door  on  the  west  side, 
Temugu,  as  he  passed,  seized  him  roughly  by  the  collar.  "  Yester- 
day," said  he,  "  thou  didst  force  me  to  my  knees ;  I  will  try  strength 
to-day  with  thee."  While  Temugu  was  struggling  with  him  the  cap 
fell  from  the  head  of  the  shaman ;  Munlik  took  the  cap  and  put 
it  under  his  arm.  "  Wrestle  not  here !  "  cried  Jinghis,  "  go  out- 
side." When  the  two  men  stepped  forth  from  the  yurta  Taib- 
tengeri was  seized  by  the  wrestlers  who  broke  his  spine  and  threw 
him  aside  to  the  left  where  he  fell  near  the  wheel  of  a  kibitka. 
"  Taibtengeri,"  said  Temugu  to  Jinghis,  "  forced  me  to  my  knees 
yesterday  to  beg  pardon ;  now  when  I  wish  to  try  strength  with  him, 
he  lies  down  and  refuses  to  rise.    It  is  clear  that  he  is  a  coward." 

Munlik  understood  and  began  to  weep  bitterly.  "  O  Khan," 
said  he,  "  I  was  thy  assistant  before  thou  wert  even  at  the  begin- 
ning of  thy  greatness,  and  I  have  continued  to  serve  thee  till  this 
day."  While  he  was  speaking  his  six  sons  stood  near  the  center 
of  the  yurta  and  watched  the  door.  They  began  to  put  up  their 
sleeves  as  if  for  a  struggle.  Jinghis  rose.  He  was  frightened,  but 
shouted  with  sternness  and  authority,  "  Aside,  I  wish  to  go  out !  " 
He  went  out,  and  his  body-guard  of  archers  surrounded  him. 
Seeing  that  Taibtengeri  was  dead,  Jinghis  commanded  to  pitch 
his  own  tent  above  the  shaman's  body,  and  then  he  went  to  another 
place.  In  the  tent  put  over  the  body  the  door  and  upper  aperture 
were  fastened,  and  at  first  a  guard  was  placed  around  it.  On  the 
third  day  at  dawn  the  upper  aperture  opened,  and  the  body  of 
the  wizard  was  lifted  out  through  it.  When  inquiries  were  made, 
all  learned  that  the  body  had  vanished  through  the  upper  aperture, 
or  smoke  hole. 

"Taibtengeri  calumniated  my  brothers  and  beat  them,"  said 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  75 


Jinghis,  "  hence  Heaven  looked  on  him  with  anger,  and  snatched 
away  both  his  life  and  his  body."  After  that  he  reproached 
Munlik  sharply :  "  Thou  hast  failed,"  said  he,  "  to  teach  thy 
sons  what  was  needed  very  greatly  in  their  case  —  obedience. 
This  one  tried  to  equal  me,  hence  I  extinguished  him.  Had  I 
known  thee  earlier  I  should  have  put  an  end  to  thee,  as  I  have  to 
Jamuka,  to  Altan  and  Kudjeir,  But  if  a  man  gives  a  word  in 
the  morning  and  breaks  it  ere  night  comes,  or  gives  it  in  the  eve- 
ning and  breaks  it  in  the  morning,  the  judgment  of  people  will 
shame  him.  I  have  promised  to  save  thee  from  death,  so  let  us 
now  end  this  matter." 

After  these  words  Jinghis  Khan's  anger  was  diminished.  When 
Taibtengeri  was  dead  the  vanity  of  Munlik  and  his  sons  decreased 
greatly  and  soon  disappeared  altogether. 

In  1207  a  new  and  victorious  campaign  was  begun  against 
Tangut  which  had  failed  to  pay  tribute,  but  was  brought  down 
now,  thoroughly,  at  least,  for  a  season.  The  subjection  of  the 
Kirghis  and  this  new  victory  over  Tangut  secured  the  position  of 
Jinghis  in  Northeastern  Asia.  There  was  not  one  man  now  to 
challenge  his  dominion.  Groups  of  people,  or  tribes,  might  rebel, 
but  there  was  no  power  to  stop  him  or  modify  his  policy.  He 
was  preparing  to  meet  foreign  nations.  The  first  turn  was  for 
China. 

Kara  Kitai  (Black  Cathay)  was  at  that  time  a  very  large  Empire 
composed  of  many  nations.  The  ruler  of  each  of  these  nations 
acknowledged  the  overlordship  of  the  Gurkhan  or  sovereign.  In 
length  Kara  Kitai  extended  westward  from  Tangut  to  the  Kwares- 
mian  Empire,  and  in  width  from  the  Upper  Irtish  to  the  Pamir 
highlands.  Within  its  borders  were  the  lakes  now  known  as 
Balkash,  Issikkul  and  Lob  Nor.  Of  cities  now  existing,  Kuldja 
would  be  close  to  the  center,  Kashgar  and  Yarkend  a  good  dis- 
tance from  its  western  border,  while  Khotan  would  be  well  re- 
moved from  its  southernmost  limit. 

Nearly  all  Central  Asia  was  included  in  this  Empire,  while 
vassal  states  extended  far  beyond  its  western  and  southwestern 
borders.  The  Uigurs,  whose  chief  city  was  Bish  Calik,  lived  in 
the  northeast  corner  of  the  Empire  and  touched  on  the  Naimans. 
These  Uigurs  are  famous,  at  least  among  scholars,  as  having  been 
the  most  devoted  to  learning  of  all  Turkish  nations;  from  them 


76 


The  Mongols 


it  was  that  the  Mongols  received  an  alphabet  and  their  earliest 
instruction. 

The  Idikut,  or  ruler,  of  the  Uigurs  acknowledged  the  Gurkhan 
as  overlord,  but  the  yearly  tribute  which  he  paid,  and  the  daily 
tyranny  of  the  agent  near  his  court,  so  annoyed  him  that  he  took 
this  official's  life  at  a  place  known  as  Kara  Kodja.  He  resolved 
thereupon  to  seek  the  protection  of  Jinghis,  whose  triumphs  and 
whose  power  were  threatening  even  China,  and  filling  all  Asia 
with  amazement  and  terror,  Bardjuk,  the  watchful  Idikut,  had 
appointed  an  embassy  to  the  conqueror,  but  events  had  delayed 
its  departure. 

When  the  three  sons  of  Tukta  Bijhi  and  their  uncle  fled  taking 
their  father's  head,  which  they  had  cut  with  all  haste  from  his 
body  on  the  battlefield,  they  despatched  an  envoy  in  advance 
to  the  Idikut  to  beg  a  refuge  for  themselves,  and  protection. 
The  Idikut,  seeing  danger  in  their  visit,  slew  the  envoy, 
took  the  field  against  the  brothers,  and  scattered  all  their 
forces.  But  later  on  he  was  troubled  greatly  by  this  act; 
for  these  new  opponents  might  side  with  the  Mongols,  or  they 
might  join  the  Gurkhan ;  they  might  rouse  either  party  to  move 
against  him.  The  Idikut 's  delight  was  great,  therefore,  and  genuine 
when  Mongol  envoys  appeared  before  him,  Jinghis  had  heard 
of  the  Idikut's  resolve,  and,  knowing  well  what  good  might  rise 
from  it,  had  taken  action  very  promptly,  and  despatched  as  en- 
voys Alp  Utug  and  Durbai  to  the  ruler  of  the  Uigurs. 

The  Idikut  showed  the  highest  honor  to  these  envoys,  and 
dismissed  them  with  every  mark  of  courtesy  and  friendship, 
associating  two  envoys  of  his  own  to  bear  to  Jinghis  Khan  the 
following  message :  "  The  fame  of  the  world-conquering  sovereign 
has  come  to  me.  I  have  agreed  till  very  recently  with  the  Gurkhan, 
and  was  just  preparing  to  explain  through  an  embassy  a  change 
in  my  position,  and  to  yield  myself  with  upright  heart  to  thee, 
all  conquering  and  mighty  sovereign.  While  thinking  over  this 
I  saw  thy  envoys  coming  toward  me,  and  then  I  beheld  a  blue 
heaven  through  the  clouds  around  me.  I  beheld  a  bright  sun 
in  the  sky.  I  saw  besides  a  blue  shining  river  where  just  before 
the  ice  had  hidden  everything.  I  was  filled  with  delight  to  my 
innermost  being.  I  yield  to  thee  the  land  of  the  Uigurs.  I  myself 
am  the  servant  and  son  of  Jinghis  Khan  the  Immovable." 


Temudjin  Rewards  His  Empire  Builders  77 


At  first  sight  it  might  seem  that  the  Mongol  Khan  would  be 
satisfied  with  a  statement  of  this  kind,  but  he  was  far  from  satis- 
faction, for  just  then  came  four  envoys  from  the  sons  of  Tukta 
Bijhi,  declaring  their  subjection. 

The  Uigur  envoys  were  received  with  every  honor,  but  since  he 
doubted  the  Idikut's  sincerity,  Jinghis  sent  envoys  a  second  time 
with  this  message :  "If  the  Idikut  has  the  honest  wish  to  subject 
himself  let  him  come  to  us  in  person,  and  present  us  with  what 
there  is  of  greatest  value  in  his  treasure  house." 

On  hearing  this  message  the  Idikut  went  to  his  treasure  house 
and  took  from  it  the  best  of  gold,  silver,  pearls,  and  other  precious 
objects.  These  were  sent  to  Jinghis  Khan  that  same  summer, 
but  the  Idikut  excused  himself  from  offering  them  in  person, 
and  added  various  reasons  to  explain  his  own  absence. 

Fresh  disorders  broke  out  in  Tangut,  which  caused  new  cam- 
paigning. The  Mongols  invaded  that  country  a  third  time, 
routed  its  warriors,  captured  the  city  of  Uiraka  and  the  fortress  of 
Imen.  A  second  Tangut  army  was  scattered,  and  Chong  sing, 
the  chief  capital,  was  invested.  During  this  siege  peace  was  con- 
cluded and  the  Tangut  king  gave  his  daughter  to  Jinghis  in 
marriage. 

During  1209  the  Mongol  sovereign  returned  home  in  triumph 
and  found  Arslan  Khan  of  the  Karluks  and  the  Idikut  of  the 
Uigurs  waiting  to  render  him  homage.  Arslan  Khan  had  till  then 
ruled  conjointly  with  an  agent  of  the  Gurkhan,  his  suzerain. 
But,  as  the  power  of  the  Gurkhan  had  diminished  in  recent  days 
very  sensibly,  many  princes,  who  had  recognized  him  up  to  that 
time,  revolted.  Among  these  was  the  Sultan  of  Khotan,  who 
marched  against  him  with  an  army,  and  persuaded  Arslan  Khan 
to  drop  allegiancec  Arslan  made  haste  to  help  the  Sultan  all  the 
more,  since  at  that  time  he  was  advised  of  the  Gurkhan 's  plans  by 
that  sovereign's  deceitful  Emir,  Tanigu.  This  traitor  so  repre- 
sented Arslan  to  his  overlord,  the  Gurkhan,  that  the  latter  gave 
him  the  title  "  son,"  and  appointed  for  him  the  agent  whom 
Tanigu  recommended.  But  when  Mongol  victories  sent  panic 
throughout  Northern  Asia,  Arslan  acted  quickly.  He  slew  the 
agent  of  the  Gurkhan,  joined  Jinghis  Khan  very  promptly,  and 
waited  for  his  favor. 

Arslan  said  that  if  he  received  a  golden  girdle,  and  a  high  position 


78 


The  Mongols 


in  the  Mongol  service  he  would  have  one  wish  alone  ungratified : 
to  be  the  fifth  son  of  the  great  Khan.  Jinghis,  divining  this  wish 
of  his,  or  learning  of  it,  had  it  gratified.  He  gave  Arslan  his 
daughter,  Altun  Bighi,  in  marriage,  and  with  her  the  title  of  fifth 
son  was  added. 

Thus  Jinghis  Khan  was  intrenched  in  Kara  Kitai  very  firmly. 
His  next  move  was  on  Kitai  itself,  the  great  North  China  Empire. 
He  was  now  master  of  mighty  legions  drawn  from  all  tribes  whose 
leaders  and  chiefs  he  had  driven  from  existence  in  that  fierce  fight 
for  dominion,  during  which  no  mercy  had  been  manifest  on  either 
side,  but  in  which  greater  wisdom,  with  keenness  and  skill,  also 
fortune  to  some  extent,  were  with  Jinghis. 


CHAPTER  V 


JINGHIS  KHAN'S  TRIUMPHANT  ADVANCE  BEYOND  THE  GREAT 
WALL  OF  CHINA 

MANY  provinces  of  China  had  been  subject  to  foreign  rule 
for  three  centuries.  After  the  fall  of  the  Tang  dynasty, 
which  had  ruled  the  whole  country  from  618  to  907,  this  immense 
Empire  fell  to  commanders  of  provinces  and  was  cut  up  into  ten 
states  co-existent  and  separate.  Intestine  wars,  the  result  of  this 
parceling,  favored  the  rise  of  a  new  power  in  Northern  Asia. 

The  Kitans,  who  formed  a  part  of  the  Manchu  stock,  held  that 
country  from  the  Sungari  southward  as  far  as  the  present  Shan 
hai  kuan,  and  from  the  Khingan  range  on  the  west  to  Corea. 
These  people  had  for  a  long  time  been  vassals  of  Tartar  Khans, 
and  next  of  Chinese  Emperors.  They  were  divided  into  eight 
tribes,  each  with  its  own  chief  or  manager.  Abaki,  the  head  of 
the  Sheliyu  tribe,  which  owned  the  district  known  at  the  present 
as  Parin,  gained  supreme  power  in  907,  and  used  the  whole  strength 
of  the  Kitans  to  subdue  Northern  Asia.  In  916,  he  proclaimed 
himself  sovereign,  and  when  he  died,  ten  years  later,  his  dominion 
extended  eastward  to  the  ocean,  and  westward  to  the  Golden 
Mountains  or  to  the  Altai. 

Tekoan,  the  son  of  this  first  Kitan  ruler,  by  giving  the  aid  of  his 
arms  to  a  rebel  chieftain  in  China,  secured  victory,  and  a  throne 
for  him.  In  return  for  such  service  the  newly  made  Emperor, 
who  fixed  his  residence  or  capital  at  the  present  Kai  fong  fu  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Hoang  Ho,  or  Yellow  River,  ceded  sixteen  dis- 
tricts to  Tekoan  in  Pehche  li,  Shan  si  and  Liao  tung,  engaging  also 
to  furnish  three  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  silk  as  his  annual 
tribute. 

The  new  Chinese  Emperor  took  the  position  of  vassal  to  the 
Kitan,  and  termed  himself  his  grandson  and  subject.  The 

79 


80 


The  Mongols 


successor  to  this  Chinese  ruler  sought  to  modify  these  conditions. 
Tekoan  made  war  on  him;  conquered  all  the  provinces  north  of 
the  Hoang  Ho,  seized  Pien  (Kai  fong  fu),  captured  the  Emperor 
and  sent  him  to  regions  north  of  China. 

Following  Chinese  usage  the  Kitan  took  a  new  name  for  his 
dynasty,  calling  it  Liao,  that  is  Iron. 

After  the  fall  of  the  Tang  dynasty  five  petty  lines  followed  one 
another  on  the  throne  of  Kai  fong  fu  in  the  course  of  five  decades. 
On  the  ruins  of  these  dynasties  in  960  the  house  of  Sung  united 
nearly  all  China.  This  house  made  war  on  the  Kitans,  but  failed 
to  win  back  the  districts  previously  ceded  to  them,  and  in  1004, 
because  of  hostile  action  by  the  Kitans,  the  Sung  Emperor,  to  gain 
peace,  engaged  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  both  in  silk  and  silver. 

The  Kitan  Empire  lasted  two  centuries  and  assumed  in  its 
functions  Chinese  forms,  at  least  externally,  but  Chinese  methods 
made  it  feeble.  After  strong  and  warlike  chiefs  came  weak  and 
timid  Emperors.  At  last  a  great  man  named  Aguta  rose  among 
the  Jutchis,  a  nomad  people  living  in  the  lands  between  the  Amoor, 
the  Eastern  Ocean  and  the  Sungari  River.  These  formed  part  of 
the  same  Tungus  stock  as  did  the  Kitans,  but  they  were  untouched 
as  yet  by  luxury. 

In  1114  Aguta  gained  a  victory  over  the  Kitans,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  proclaimed  himself  Emperor  of  the  Jutchis.  The  new 
State  he  called  Aidjin  Kurun  (Kin  kwe  in  Chinese),  that  is,  Golden 
Kingdom.  He  would  not  act,  he  said,  like  the  Kitans,  who  had 
taken  the  name  of  a  metal  that  is  eaten  by  rust  very  easily  and 
ruined. 

Aguta  subdued  the  whole  Kitan  Empire,  and  died  in  1123. 
Two  years  later  his  successor  seized  Yeliu  yen  hi,  the  ninth 
and  last  Emperor  of  the  Kitan  dynasty,  which  had  endured  nine 
years  and  two  centuries. 

The  Sung  Emperor  had  abetted  Aguta,  and  even  urged  him 
towards  victory,  hoping  thus  to  regain  the  lands  lying  between  the 
Yellow  Sea  and  the  Yellow  River.  The  Kitans  were  crushed  in 
the  conflict,  but  the  new  power  (the  Kin  dynasty)  was  more  dan- 
gerous for  him  than  the  old,  as  he  learned  to  his  cost  very  quickly. 
In  1125  the  Kin  Emperor  invaded  North  China ;  the  year  following 
he  reached  the  Hoang  Ho,  or  Yellow  River,  and  besieged  Kai 
fong  fu  which  lies  south  of  it.   The  Sung  Emperor,  who  visited 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


81 


the  camp  of  the  invader  to  find  peace  there  if  possible,  was  seized 
and  sent  to  Manchuria  with  his  family.  One  of  his  brothers, 
living  then  in  the  South,  was  made  sovereign  by  the  Chinese.  The 
Kins  advanced  farther,  reached  the  Yang  tse  and  took  Lin  ngan 
in  the  Che  kiang  province.  They  forced  the  Emperor  to  acknowl- 
edge their  conquest  and  promise  a  yearly  payment  of  twenty-five 
thousand  pieces  of  silk  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ounces 
of  silver,  and  to  avow  himself  a  vassal  in  addition. 

The  rivers  Hoa'i  and  Han  formed  the  boundary  between  the 
two  Empires,  and  now  the  Kin  Empire  reached  a  line  almost  half 
way  between  the  great  rivers  Hoang  Ho  and  Yang  tse.  The  Sung 
Emperor  moved  his  capital  to  Lin  ngan,  known  as  Han  chau 
somewhat  later.  The  Kins  took  up  arms  to  extend  their  new 
Empire  still  farther  southward,  but  were  confronted  by  failure. 
The  war  ended  in  1165  by  a  treaty  which  retained  former  boun- 
daries, but  decreased  the  Sung  tribute.  The  southern  Emperor, 
moreover,  instead  of  being  a  vassal  to  him  of  the  north,  acquired 
the  relation  of  a  nephew  to  an  uncle.  But  in  1206  the  Sung 
Emperor  began  a  new  war  which  brought  defeat  to  him.  To 
restore  peace  he  was  forced  now  to  pay  the  original  tribute. 

About  the  middle  of  the  12th  century  the  Kins  had  chosen 
the  present  Pekin  as  their  residence;  they  called  it  Chong  tu,  or 
the  middle  capital.  Lords  over  one  third  of  China,  they  had 
adopted  the  customs  and  laws  of  that  country.  Their  dominion 
extended  on  the  north  beyond  China  proper  to  Lake  Baikal  and 
the  great  Amoor  River,  The  Kitans,  once  masters,  had  now 
become  subjects  to  the  Kin  dynasty,  but  in  1162  they  revolted; 
after  that  they  were  by  force  brought  down  to  obedience. 

Some  years  before,  the  Kins  had  had  a  struggle  with  the  Mongols 
which  for  the  Kins  proved  disastrous.  They  ended  it  by  making 
concessions.  The  Mongol  chieftain  then  took  the  title  of  Khan, 
which  he  kept  ever  after. 

Jinghis,  in  beginning  a  war  against  China,  was  really  attacking 
the  Northern,  or  Kin  dynasty,  which  had  driven  out  that  of  the 
Kitans,  hence,  very  naturally,  he  turned  for  co-operation  to  the 
Kitans.  Madaku,  the  Kin  Emperor,  died  in  November  1209, 
and  in  1210  an  envoy  informed  Jinghis  Khan  that  Chong  hei, 
the  eighth  of  the  dynasty,  had  succeeded  Madaku.  The  envoy 
demanded  that  the  vassal,  as  he  claimed  to  consider  Jinghis, 


82 


The  Mongols 


should  receive  the  announcement  while  kneeling,  in  accordance 
with  the  etiquette  of  China. 

"  Who  is  this  new  Emperor  ?  "  asked  Jinghis  of  the  envoy. 

"  Prince  Chong  hei." 

On  hearing  the  name  Jinghis  spat  toward  the  South,  and  then 
added :  "I  thought  that  the  Son  of  Heaven  must  be  lofty  and 
uncommon,  but  how  is  this  idiot  Chong  hei  to  sit  on  a  throne,  and 
why  should  I  lower  myself  in  his  presence  ?  "  Then  he  mounted 
his  steed  and  rode  away  without  further  word  or  explanation.  He 
summoned  his  leaders  at  once,  and  said  to  them :  "  My  forefathers 
suffered  very  greatly,  as  ye  know,  from  Chinese  monarchs;  and 
still  those  same  monarchs  failed  to  conquer  this  land  of  ours  after 
centuries  of  effort.  Heaven  has  granted  me  victory  over  every 
opponent  and  permitted  me  to  mount  the  highest  round  of  fortune. 
If  ye  act  with  me  faithfully,  that  same  Heaven  will  grant  a  glorious 
triumph  over  China.  Through  this  triumph  the  Mongols  will 
win  the  greatest  wealth  and  magnificence;  their  fame  will  never 
cease  among  nations." 

All  were  delighted,  all  praised  their  conquering  ruler.  They 
agreed  with  him  then  to  send  an  envoy  to  the  Altyn  Khan  (Golden 
Khan) 1  with  the  following  message :  "Of  course  it  has  come  to 
thy  knowledge  that  we,  by  Heaven's  favor,  have  been  chosen  from 
among  all  the  Mongols  to  hold  the  reins  of  Empire  and  of  guidance. 
The  fame  of  our  conquering  host  has  gone  forth,  and  is  spreading. 
We  are  planting  our  banners  over  all  the  earth's  surface,  and  soon 
every  people  and  all  nations  will  submit  without  delay  or  hesita- 
tion to  our  prosperous  direction,  and  share  in  its  many  bene- 
factions. But  should  any  rise  and  resist,  their  houses,  goods, 
property  and  dependents  will  be  ruined  without  mercy.  Praise 
and  honor  to  High  Heaven,  our  dominion  is  so  well  ordered  that 
we  can  visit  China.  With  us  will  go  instruments  of  every  sort,  and 
crushing  weapons.  With  us  will  march  an  army  which  is  like  a 
roaring  ocean.  We  can  meet  enmity  or  friendship  with  the  same 
tranquil  feeling.  If  the  Golden  Khan  in  wisdom  selects  the  way 
of  friendship  and  concord,  and  meets  us  in  congress,  we  will  secure 
to  him  the  management  of  China  in  proper  form  and  strong  pos- 
session. If  he  cannot  come  himself,  let  him  send  his  honored  sons 
to  us  as  hostages  with  treasures.  But  should  he  resist,  which 
1  Golden  Khan,  the  title  of  the  Kin  Emperor  in  Mongol. 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


83 


Heaven  forbid,  we  must  wait  for  warfare  and  for  slaughter,  which 
will  last  till  Heaven  puts  the  diadem  of  victory  and  power  on  the 
head  of  him  whom  it  chooses,  and  puts  the  rags  of  misery  and 
want  on  him  whom  it  desires  to  wear  them." 

On  receiving  these  words,  such  as  no  man  had  ever  sent  a  sover- 
eign in  China,  Chong  hei  burst  into  a  blazing  rage  and  dismissed 
the  envoy  with  contempt  and  with  injury.  "  If  Jinghis  has 
planned  war  and  slaughter  against  us,"  replied  he,  "  who  can 
prevent  him  from  tempting  fortune  ?  " 

The  last  word  had  been  uttered,  and  both  sides  made  ready  now 
for  warfare. 

Directing  Tuguchar  to  guard  home  lands  from  every  possible 
disorder,  Jinghis  moved  from  the  Kerulon  in  March,  1211,  to 
subdue  the  Chinese  Empire.  But  before  he  left  his  native  place 
he  visited  a  lofty  mountain .  On  the  summit  he  loosed  his  kaftan, 
put  his  girdle  round  his  neck  and  called  High  Heaven  to  help 
him  :  "  Boundless  Heaven,"  said  he,  "  I  am  going  to  avenge  the 
blood  of  Berkai  and  Ambagai,  my  uncles  whom  the  Altyn  Khans 
put  to  death  with  infamy  and  torture,  If  thou  favor  me  send  aid 
from  out  the  lofty  places,  but  on  earth  send  men  to  help  me ;  send 
also  spirits  good  and  eviL" 

His  four  sons,  Juchi,  Jagatai,  Ogotai  and  Tului,  accompanied 
the  Mongol  sovereign. 

This  army  of  invasion  was  held  together  by  the  sternest  disci- 
pline and  made  up  of  mounted  men  only.  The  units  of  this  force 
were  ten,  one  hundred,  one  thousand  and  ten  thousand  warriors, 
The  orders  of  the  sovereign  were  given  to  the  chiefs  of  ten  thousand, 
and  by  them  to  subordinates.  Each  man  had  a  strong  rawhide 
armor  and  helmet;  he  carried  a  lance  and  a  sabre  with  an  ax,  a 
bow,  and  a  quiver ;  he  was  followed  by  a  number  of  horses,  which 
had  no  food  save  that  which  they  found  as  they  traveled.  Im- 
mense herds  of  cattle  were  driven  in  the  rear  of  the  army.  In 
time  of  forced  marches  each  man  carried  with  him  some  milk  and 
a  small  portion  of  flesh  food. 

To  reach  the  Great  Wall  the  Mongols  crossed  a  space  of  about 
twelve  hundred  miles  consisting  in  part  of  the  desert  known 
as  Sha  mo  in  Chinese  and  as  the  Gobi  in  Mongol.  The  first 
success  of  the  invaders  was  made  easier  by  Ala  Kush  Tegin  of  the 
Onguts,  whose  duty  it  was  to  guard  the  Great  Wall  for  the  Emperor, 


84  The  Mongols 

but  who  favored  the  Mongols.  In  no  long  time  Tai  tong  fu,  called 
also  Si  king,  an  Imperial  court  northwest  of  Yen  king  or  Chong  tu, 
the  Pekin  of  the  present,  was  invested.  The  Chinese  commander 
Kin  kien  sent  Mingan,  a  trusted  officer,  to  reconnoitre  the  Mongols. 
Mingan  deserted  and  gave  all  needed  information  about  places  to 
the  enemy,  who  attacked  Kin  kien  and  routed  his  forces;  their 
mounted  men  trampled  his  infantry  and  cut  it  to  pieces.  The 
Mongols  pressed  on  toward  the  chief  Chinese  army,  which  did  not 
wait  to  engage  them. 

The  success  of  the  invasion  was  enormous.  Expeditions  were 
made  to  the  walls  of  Chong  tu  the  great  northern  capital.  The 
terror  stricken  Emperor  prepared  to  flee  southward,  but  was 
stopped  by  his  guards,  who  swore  to  fight  to  the  death  for  their 
sovereign.  During  1212  the  Mongols  succeeded  at  all  points,  and 
cut  up  the  Kin  armies  wherever  they  met  them.  Still  Jinghis 
could  not  capture  Tai  tong  fu,  though  in  August,  1212,  he  besieged 
it  in  person.  He  was  wounded  in  front  of  the  place  by  an  arrow, 
and  withdrew  to  the  north  for  a  period. 

The  Mongol  invasion  of  China  was  aided  now  by  an  insurrection 
of  Kitans.  At  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  Lyuko,  a  prince  of  the 
dispossessed  Kitan  dynasty,  an  officer  serving  in  the  Kin  army, 
fled  and  levied  men  on  his  own  account.  He  was  ready  to  add 
his  strength  to  Jinghis,  when  the  latter  sent  Antchin  Noyon  to 
conclude  an  alliance  against  the  common  enemy.  The  two  men 
ascended  Mount  Yen  to  finish  the  compact.  On  the  summit 
they  slew  a  white  stallion  and  a  black  bull  for  their  sacrifice. 
Turning  then  to  the  north  they  both  held  an  arrow  and  broke  it. 
Lyuko  pledged  his  faith  to  Jinghis,  and  Antchin,  in  the  name  of 
his  master,  swore  to  uphold  the  Kitan  prince  against  the  Kin 
sovereign. 

There  was  need  of  prompt  help,  since  an  army  sixty  thousand 
in  number  was  marching  to  annihilate  Lyuko.  Gold  and  high 
dignities  were  promised  to  him  who  should  bring  the  rebel's  head 
to  the  Emperor.  Jinghis  sent  three  thousand  warriors.  With 
these,  and  his  own  troops,  Lyuko  defeated  the  Emperor's  army, 
and  took  all  its  baggage,  which  he  sent  to  Jinghis,  and  received 
then  a  new  reinforcement.  Chepe  Noyon  was  despatched  to  give 
aid  in  winning  the  land  of  the  Kitans,  and  he  gave  it  successfully. 
Master  now  among  the  Kitans,  who  rushed  in  great  crowds  to  him, 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


85 


Lyuko,  with  the  consent  of  Jinghis,  proclaimed  himself  King  of 
Liao. 

In  1213  Jinghis  resumed  his  activity  in  China,  and  again  there 
was  slaughter  on  all  sides.  The  Mongol  armies  swept  on  till 
they  almost  touched  the  gates  of  Chong  tu,  where  bloody 
scenes  were  enacted.  The  year  before,  Hushaku,  the 
commander,  had  been  stripped  of  his  office  and  exiled.  He  was 
placed  in  command  now  in  spite  of  protests  from  the  governor, 
Tuktani,  and  others.  Hushaku  took  command  north  of  Chong 
tu,  and,  though  the  Mongols  were  near  him,  he  passed  his  time 
mainly  in  hunting.  Enraged  because  the  Emperor  cast  blame  on 
this  conduct,  he  took  a  revenge  which  he  had  planned  since  his 
own  reinstatement.  He  spread  a  report  that  Tuktani  was  rousing 
rebellion,  and  feigned  that  he,  Hushaku,  had  been  summoned  to 
the  city  to  repress  it.  Fearing  military  opposition  he  raised  a 
false  alarm  to  mask  his  real  object.  Horsemen  rushed  in  hot 
haste  to  the  city  declaring  that  Mongols  had  come  to  the  suburbs. 
Hushaku  sent  for  Tuktani,  the  governor,  as  if  to  take  counsel, 
and  then  with  his  own  hand  he  slew  him.  Next  he  replaced  the 
guard  of  the  Emperor  with  his  personal  followers,  and  transferred 
to  another  edifice  the  Emperor,  who  was  slain  that  same  day  by 
a  eunuch. 

Hushaku  wished  supreme  power  for  himself,  but  saw  soon  that 
his  plans  were  impossible.  The  throne  fell  to  Utubu,  the  late 
monarch's  brother. 

Chepe  Noyon  had  returned  from  the  Kitans  and  was  marching 
on  the  capital  at  that  time.  Hushaku  had  a  wound  in  the  foot, 
so  he  sent  Kaoki  to  meet  the  Mongols,  and  threatened  death 
should  he  come  back  defeated.  Kaoki  was  forced  to  retreat  on 
Chong  tu,  after  desperate  fighting.  Fearing  death  from  his  chief 
he  resolved  to  anticipate,  and  rushed  to  seize  his  superior  and  slay 
him.  Hushaku  tried  to  escape,  but  fell  from  his  own  garden  wall 
while  climbing  it.  Kaoki's  people  seized  the  man  and  then  cut 
his  head  off.  Kaoki  grasped  the  head,  bore  it  in  hot  haste  to  the 
palace,  and  asked  for  judgment  immediately.  The  Emperor  not 
only  gave  pardon,  but  made  Kaoki  chief  commander. 

While  the  Mongols  were  attacking  the  Kin  Empire  in  the  north, 
Tangut  was  attacking  on  the  west,  and  in  1213  took  King  chiu, 
a  border  city. 


86 


The  Mongols 


Tangut  and  China  had  passed  eighty  years  in  mutual  good 
feeling  and  friendship  when  the  Tangut  sovereign,  attacked  by 
Jinghis  for  the  third  time,  asked  aid  from  the  Kin  sovereign,  but 
having  failed  to  receive  it,  made  an  agreement  (1210)  with  the 
Mongols,  and  severed  relations  with  China.  The  Empire  was 
weakened  by  defections  so  numerous  that  Jinghis  Khan  formed 
fifty-six  brigades  of  men  with  officers  and  generals  who  had 
passed  from  the  Chinese  to  his  service.  These  were  joined  to  his 
army,  and  now  began  an  attack  on  all  those  lands  bounded  on  the 
west  and  south  by  the  Hoang  Ho  or  Yellow  River  and  on  the  east 
by  the  Hoang  Hai  or  Yellow  Sea,  and  forming  the  provinces  of 
Shan  si,  Pe  che  li  and  Shan  tung. 

The  Mongols  sacked  ninety  flourishing  cities,  and  in  all  that 
rich  and  great  region  there  were  only  nine  places  which,  through 
self-defence,  escaped  ruin.  The  booty  was  immense  in  gold  and 
silk  stuffs,  in  captives  male  and  female,  and  in  horses  and  cattle. 

This  great  raid  took  place  in  the  first  months  of  1214.  All  the 
Mongol  armies  were  assembled  with  their  booty  in  April  of  that 
year,  at  a  place  some  leagues  west  of  Chong  tu.  Jinghis  would 
permit  no  attack  on  that  capital.  To  the  Emperor  he  sent  two 
officers  with  the  following  message :  "  All  places  north  of  the  Hoang 
Ho  are  mine,  save  Chong  tu,  which  is  all  that  remains  in  thy  ser- 
vice. Heaven  has  brought  thee  down  to  this  impotence;  were  I 
to  harass  thee  still  further  I  should  dread  Heaven's  anger.  Wilt 
thou  treat  my  army  well,  and  satisfy  the  generals  ?  " 

Kaoki  wished  to  attack,  but  the  counsels  of  other  men 
triumphed.  Envoys  were  sent  to  the  invader,  and  peace  was 
concluded.  Jinghis  received  as  wife  the  daughter  of  Chong  hei, 
the  late  Emperor,  with  immense  gifts  in  gold  and  precious  objects. 
Five  hundred  youths,  as  many  maidens,  and  three  thousand 
horses  went  forth  with  his  bride  to  the  conqueror. 

Peace  now  concluded  with  Jinghis,  Utubu  proclaimed  complete 
amnesty  to  all,  but  not  feeling  safe,  he  left  his  heir  in  Chong  tu, 
and  set  out  for  Pien  king,  the  present  Kai  fong  fu,  better  known  as 
Nan  king,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Hoang  Ho.  On  the  way 
he  attempted  to  deprive  the  Kara  Kitans  in  his  escort  of  the  horses 
and  arrows  which  had  been  given  them.  They  revolted  immedi- 
ately, chose  as  leader  one  Choda  and  turned  then  toward  Chbng  tu. 
Two  leagues  from  the  capital  Choda  met  armed  resistance,  and 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


87 


though  victorious,  he  sent  envoys  at  once  to  Jinghis.  These 
envoys  tendered  submission,  and  asked  for  aid  straightway. 

The  Mongol  Khan  did  not  hesitate ;  he  sent  a  division  of  Mongols 
under  Samuka,  and  a  division  of  Jutchis  under  Mingan,  with  orders 
to  join  the  Kara  Kitans  and  capture  the  capital.  Mukuli,  the 
best  Mongol  leader  in  China,  was  sent  at  the  same  time  to  strengthen 
Lyuko,  from  whom  a  Kin  army  had  retaken  the  greater  part  of 
his  kingdom. 

When  Utubu  heard  of  this  new  Mongol  inroad  he  summoned  his 
son  to  Nan  king  immediately.  Chong  tu,  the  capital,  was  poorly 
provisioned,  the  Mongols  were  near  it,  their  ferocity  was  famous ; 
the  besieged  were  in  terror.  Utubu  hurried  forward  a  great  trans- 
port of  food  under  Li  ing,  with  a  numerous  army.  The  Mongols 
attacked  this  strong  army.  Li  ing,  who  was  drunk  when  they  fell 
on  him,  was  killed.  The  battle  was  lost,  and  the  transport  was 
seized  and  swept  off  by  the  victors.  At  news  of  this  dreadful 
disaster  the  troops  of  two  other  Kin  generals  dispersed  and  the 
men  went  home  to  their  families. 

Connection  with  the  city  was  broken.  The  investment  was 
merciless ;  want  came,  and  next  famine,  with  hunger  so  cruel  that 
the  dead  were  devoured,  and  then  living  men  killed  to  be  eaten, 
Fu  sing,  the  governor,  proposed  to  Chin  chong,  the  commandant, 
to  attack  the  Mongols  with  every  force  in  the  city,  and  die  arms 
in  hand  or  else  conquer.  Chin  chong  had  not  this  view  of  duty. 
Fu  sing,  unwilling  to  witness  the  loss  of  the  city  in  which  he  was 
governor,  made  ready  to  die  with  propriety.  He  gave  all  he  had 
to  his  servitors,  took  poison,  and  ended  his  earthly  existence. 

Chin  chong  hastened  then  to  escape  before  the  Mongols  could 
enter.  The  Imperial  princesses  implored  him  to  take  them  from 
the  city,  and  save  them,  but,  not  wishing  to  hamper  his  flight, 
Chin  chong  asked  some  time  to  prepare  for  their  journey.  Once 
beyond  the  city,  however,  he  fled  and  left  those  poor  princesses 
to  the  Mongols.  A  great  slaughter  took  place  in  the  capital. 
The  palace  was  fired,  and  burned,  as  is  said,  a  whole  month  and 
even  longer.  Jinghis  sent  three  officers  to  receive  Imperial 
plunder,  and  give  due  praise  to  Mingan  for  his  siege  work. 

Mingan  had  hardly  captured  Chong  tu  when  Jinghis  sent 
Samuka  with  ten  thousand  men  to  fall  on  Nan  king  and  capture 
the  Emperor.    Samuka  marched  up  so  close  to  the  city  that 


88 


The  Mongols 


he  was  only  two  leagues  from  it,  but  his  troops  being  few,  he  was 
forced  to  retreat  empty-handed.  He  made  a  second  attempt  the 
year  following  and  was  nearer  success  without  reaching  it. 

Meanwhile  the  Kin  dynasty  was  approaching  its  doom,  and  the 
day  of  extinction. 

In  the  spring  of  1216  Jinghis,  from  his  home  on  the  Kerulon, 
again  sent  Subotai  against  the  brother  and  three  sons  of  TuktaBijhi, 
the  last  Khan  of  the  Merkits.  Tuguchar  was  to  help  should  the 
need  come.  Subotai  met  the  Merkits  near  the  Jem  River  in  the 
Altai  and  defeated  them.  Two  sons  of  Tukta  Bijhi  and  Kutu,  his 
brother,  were  slain  in  the  action ;  the  third  son,  Kultuk  Khan,  a 
great  archer,  was  captured  and  taken  to  Juchi,  eldest  son  of 
Jinghis.  When  Juchi  asked  for  a  proof  of  his  skill,  the  young 
man  sent  an  arrow  into  a  goal,  and  then  split  that  first  arrow  with 
a  second  one.  Juchi  begged  his  father  to  spare  this  Kultuk,1  but 
in  vain.  This  great  archer,  the  last  son  of  Tukta  Bijhi,  had  to 
die  like  the  others. 

While  the  Mongol  Khan  was  in  China,  Baitulu,  who  was  chief 
of  the  Tumats,  withdrew  from  obedience.  At  command  of  Jinghis, 
Boroul  marched  in  1217  against  the  Tumats  and  crushed  them, 
but  lost  his  own  life  in  the  conflict,  which  was  close  and  very  bitter. 

Jinghis  had  asked  aid  of  the  Kirghis.  But  they  too  rose  against 
him,  and  Juchi  was  sent  to  reduce  this  recalcitrant  people.  He 
did  the  work  thoroughly  before  leaving  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Irtish  and  the  Yenissei. 

In  1214  Mukuli  had  been  sent,  as  we  remember,  to  the  Kitans, 
whose  country  had  been  greatly  overrun  by  Kin  armies.  During 
the  two  years  which  followed,  this  best  of  all  Mongol  leaders  won 
back  that  whole  region  by  excellent  strategy,  finesse,  and  grand 
fighting.  This  work  was  indispensable  in  the  conquest  of  China. 
During  1217  this  great  general  appeared  before  Jinghis  encamped 
then  on  the  Tula.  Mukuli  was  rewarded  beyond  all  other  gen- 
erals up  to  that  day,  and  after  it.  Jinghis  praised  him  in  public, 
lauded  his  great  mental  gifts,  and  his  services,  called  him  Kwe 
Wang,  or  prince  in  the  Empire,  and  made  this  title  hereditary. 
He  created  him  lieutenant  commanding  in  China,  and  gave  him 
a  seal  made  of  gold  as  a  sign  of  authority.  "  I  have  conquered 
the  North,"  said  Jinghis,  "  subdue  thou  the  South  for  me."  And 
1  One  of  the  faults  with  which  Jinghis  reproached  Juchi  was  tenderness. 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


89 


he  dismissed  him  with  an  army  of  Mongols  and  Kitans,  with  the 
Jutchis,  or  Manchus,  to  help  them. 

In  1218  Jinghis  marched  on  Tangut  for  the  fourth  time  and 
brought  it  to  obedience.  During  that  year  he  received  the  sub- 
mission of  Corea.  Next  his  activity  was  turned  to  a  new  side, 
and  soon  we  shall  see  the  opening  scenes  in  that  mighty  move- 
ment begun  by  Jinghis  and  continued  by  his  descendants,  and 
still  later  resumed  by  his  relative,  the  tremendous  Timur,  that 
World  Shaking  Limper  and  father  of  the  Mongol  rulers  of 
India. 

The  first  place  which  called  the  Grand  Khan  was  Kara  Kitai  on 
the  west,  then  conterminous  with  his  own  growing  Empire.  Kara 
Kitai  had  the  following  origin :  When  Kitan  rule  in  North  China 
was  overthrown  by  the  Kins,  Yeliu  Tashi,  a  relative  of  the  last 
Kitan  Emperor,  and  also  his  leading  commander,  took  farewell 
of  his  sovereign  in  1123,  and  with  two  hundred  men  journeyed 
westward.  Governors  and  chiefs  of  tribes  in  those  Chinese 
provinces  through  which  he  passed  showed  him  homage  as  a 
descendant  of  Apaki,  and  gave  armed  warriors  to  strengthen 
him.  At  the  head  of  these  and  his  own  men,  he  went  farther. 
Bilik,  prince  of  the  Uigurs,  from  whom  he  asked  a  passage,  went 
out  to  receive  him  at  the  boundary,  with  a  large  gift  of  sheep, 
horses,  and  camels.  Bilik  gave  also  as  hostages  a  number  of  his 
sons  and  grandsons,  and  recognized  the  renowned  man  as  over- 
lord. 

Yeliu  conquered  Kashgar,  Yarkend,  Khotan  and  Turkistan. 
Turkistan  was  at  that  time  under  Nahmud  Khan,  the  twentieth 
prince  of  his  dynasty,  a  ruler  claiming  descent  from  Afrasiab,  so 
famous  in  Persian  story.  Nahmud  was  reduced  to  the  possession 
of  Transoxiana,  and,  as  this  region  too  was  attacked  somewhat 
later  by  Kara  Kitans,  he  became  Yeliu's  vassal.  Kwaresm  met 
soon  the  same  fate  as  Transoxiana;  Yeliu's  troops  brought 
sword  and  flame  to  it,  and  Atsiz,  the  second  prince  of  the  dynasty 
of  the  Kwaresmian  Shahs,  obtained  peace  by  paying  thirty  thou- 
sand gold  coins  for  it  yearly. 

When  Yeliu  had  brought  under  his  dominion  all  regions  between 
the  Yaxartes  and  the  Gobi  desert,  and  between  the  headwaters  of 
the  Irtish  and  the  Pamir  highlands,  he  took  the  title  of  Gurkhan 
of  Kara  Kitai,  and  fixed  his  chief  residence  at  Bela  Sagun  on  the 


90 


The  Mongols 


next  large  stream  east  of  the  Yaxartes  River.  In  1136,  while 
preparing  for  war  against  the  Kin  sovereigns  to  win  back  the 
Empire  which  they  had  snatched  from  his  family,  he  died,  leaving 
only  one  son,  then  a  minor.  Till  1142  this  son  was  under  the 
tutelage  of  his  mother.  Dying  in  1155  he  left  a  son,  Chiluku,  for 
whom  his  aunt,  Pussuen,  was  regent  till  1167  when  he  came  to 
majority.  When  the  son  of  the  last  Naiman  ruler  came  in  1208 
to  seek  an  asylum  in  Kara  Kitai,  Chiluku  was  still  ruling.  He 
showed  the  fleeing  Khan  a  kind  welcome,  and  gave  him  his  daugh- 
ter in  marriage. 

Chiluku  was  occupied  mainly  in  hunting  wild  beasts,  and  in 
seeking  for  pleasure.  This  weakness  caused  the  defection  of 
great  vassals :  the  Idikut  of  the  Uigurs ;  the  Khan  of  Transoxiana ; 
the  Kwaresmian  Shah,  and  now  it  led  his  perfidious  new  son-in- 
law  to  dethrone  him. 

The  Naiman  Khan  had  attracted  some  of  Chiluku 's  com- 
manders, and  on  collecting  the  wreck  of  his  late  father's  army  he 
saw  himself  at  the  head  of  considerable  forces.  To  begin  his 
plot  easily  he  begged  leave  of  the  Gurkhan  to  assemble  the  scat- 
tered remnants  of  the  Naiman  army,  then  wandering  through 
northeastern  lands  of  the  Kara  Kitan  Empire.  These  men 
might  be  employed,  he  said,  in  Chiluku's  service.  The  weak 
and  kindly  old  sovereign  consented,  gave  his  daughter's  husband 
rich  presents,  and  confirmed  his  title  Gutchluk,  or  the  Strong 
Man.  The  false  son-in-law  went  on  his  mission.  From  Iwil, 
Kayalik  and  Bishbalik,  crowds  rushed  to  his  standard.  He  was 
joined  by  the  chief  of  the  Merkits,who  had  fled  before  the  Mongols. 
These  men  began  to  win  wealth  by  incursions  in  every  direction. 
Further  hope  of  booty  caused  other  bands  to  follow  quickly.  Still 
Gutchluk  could  not  seize  the  Empire  without  an  ally,  and  the 
Empire,  or  at  least  a  large  part  of  it,  was  his  object. 

He  turned  to  Shah  Mohammed  who  had  withdrawn  from  sub- 
jection to  Chiluku,  and  had  received  even  the  homage  of  Osman, 
the  Khan  ruling  then  over  Transoxiana  and  Samarkand.  Gutch- 
luk asked  Shah  Mohammed  to  fall  on  the  Empire,  and  seize  the 
western  part  for  this  service.  The  Shah  gave  a  favorable  answer. 
Meanwhile  a  Kara  Kitan  army  was  despatched  to  Samarkand  by 
Chiluku  to  bring  Osman  back  to  obedience.  Shah  Mohammed 
hastened  to  render  aid  to  his  vassal,  but  before  his  arrival  the 


Jinghis  Khan's  Advance 


91 


Kara  Kitans  were  recalled  to  meet  Gutchluk,  who  had  now  opened 
war  on  his  father-in-law,  the  Gurkhan. 

While  Chiluku's  army  was  absent  in  Samarkand,  Gutchluk 
seized  in  Uzkend  the  state  treasures,  and  hurried  then  by  forced 
marches  to  surprise  Bela  Sagun.  Chiluku,  though  old,  took  the 
field  promptly  in  person,  and  defeated  his  son-in-law,  who  retired 
in  despair  after  losing  a  large  force  of  warriors  who  were  killed  or 
taken  captive. 

Meanwhile  Shah  Mohammed  had  crossed  the  western  boundary 
accompanied  by  Osman,  and  met  the  Kara  Kitan  forces  com- 
manded by  Tanigu.  He  attacked  these  and  captured  the  com- 
mander. The  defeated  troops  while  marching  home  robbed 
their  own  fellow  subjects  and  plundered  without  distinction ;  Bela 
Sagun,  which  preferred  Mohammed,  would  not  open  its  gates  to 
them.  Besieged  by  the  troops  of  their  own  sovereign  they  fought 
for  sixteen  days,  hoping  daily  to  see  the  Shah's  army.  The  city 
was  taken  by  assault,  and  the  people  were  slaughtered.  Fifty- 
seven  thousand  persons  perished  under  the  sword  edge. 

As  Kara  Kitan  treasures  had  vanished,  the  state  treasury  was 
empty.  Mahmud  Bai,  an  immensely  rich  general  who  feared  for 
his  own  wealth  and  substance,  advised  the  Gurkhan  to  force  a 
restoration  of  all  that  had  been  seized  by  Gutchluk  and  his  fol- 
lowers. The  army  chiefs,  unwilling  to  yield  up  their  plunder,  were 
furious  on  hearing  this  proposal.  Gutchluk  appeared  then  on 
a  sudden,  and  seized  his  father-in-law,  the  Gurkhan.  Once 
master  of  the  sovereign's  person  he  used  sovereign  authority,  so 
Chiluku,  without  power  himself,  retained  a  vain  title  till  death 
took  him  off  two  years  later. 

In  1218  the  Mongol  Khan  marched  westward,  but  sent  Chepe 
Noyon  in  advance,  with  an  army  twenty-five  thousand  strong, 
against  the  Kara  Kitan  usurper,  his  enemy.  Gutchluk  fled  from 
Kashgar  with  a  part  of  his  forces.  On  entering  the  city  Chepe 
proclaimed  freedom  of  religion  to  all  men.  The  inhabitants 
massacred  Gutchluk 's  warriors,  who  had  been  quartered  in  their 
houses.  Chepe  hurried  off  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitive,  and  never 
drew  bridle  till  he  had  hunted  him  over  the  Pamir,  and  caught 
him  in  the  Badakshan  mountains,  where  he  cut  his  head  off. 

When  Jinghis  heard  of  this  he  commanded  Chepe  not  to  be 
proud  of  success,  for  pride  had  undone  Wang  Khan  of  the  Keraits 


92 


The  Mongols 


and  the  Taiyang  of  the  Naimans,  as  well  as  Gutchluk,  and  brought 
ruin  to  every  recent  ruler. 

This  victorious  Chepe  some  years  later  carried  Mongol  arms  to 
Armenia  across  Georgia  and  a  large  part  of  Russia.  He  was  of 
the  Yissuts,  a  Mongol  tribe  which  had  fought  against  Jinghis, 
known  at  that  time  as  Temudjin.  On  a  day  Temudjin  wrought 
a  crushing  defeat  on  the  Yissuts ;  Chepe  fled  with  some  others  to 
the  mountains,  and  hid  there  from  death,  which  he  looked  on  as 
certain  in  case  he  were  captured.  One  day  when  Temudjin  was  out 
hunting  his  beaters  inclosed  and  caught  Chepe.  The  Khan 
wished  to  slay  him,  but  Boorchu,  his  earliest  comrade  and  one  of 
his  four  chosen  leaders,  begged  for  a  combat  with  Chepe.  Temud- 
jin agreed,  and  gave  him  a  white  muzzled  horse  for  the  trial. 
Boorchu  shot  an  arrow  which  failed  to  reach  Chepe.  Chepe, 
more  adroit  than  his  enemy,  sent  a  shaft  which  brought  down  the 
horse  under  him,  and  the  next  instant  he  rushed  away  with  light- 
ning speed.  Reduced  to  want  some  time  later  Chepe  offered  his 
service  to  Temudjin,  the  strong  victor.  Temudjin  knew  the  man's 
worth  and  accepted  his  offer.  The  Khan  made  Chepe  a  chief  of 
ten  men  to  begin  with,  then  of  a  hundred,  later  on  of  a  thousand, 
and  at  last  of  ten  thousand  warriors. 

When  Chepe  brought  back  Gutchluk's  head  he  wished  to  give 
a  recompense  for  the  white  muzzled  horse  which  he  killed  when 
Boorchu  attacked  him,  so  in  Kashgar  he  collected  a  thousand 
white  muzzled  horses  and  brought  them  to  Jinghis  as  a  present. 


CHAPTER  VI 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  KWARESMIAN  EMPIRE 

THAT  immense  Kara  Kitai,  or  Black  Carthay,  or  Black 
China  was  added  to  the  Mongol  dominions  which  now  were 
conterminous  with  the  Kwaresmian  Empire.  This  Empire,  begun 
on  Seljuk  ruins,  was  increased  soon  by  other  lands,  and  in  1219 
it  extended  from  the  Syr  Darya  or  Yaxartes  to  the  Indus,  and  from 
Kurdistan  to  the  great  roof  of  the  world,  those  immense  Pamir 
highlands.  The  sovereign  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century 
was  Alai  ud  din  Mohammed,  great-great-grandson  of  a  Turk 
slave  named  Nush  Tegin.  The  master  of  this  slave  was  a  f reed- 
man  of  Melik  Shah  the  Seljuk  Sultan,  and  this  freedman  transferred 
Nush  Tegin  to  his  sovereign.  The  slave  became  cupbearer  to 
Melik  Shah,  and  prefect  of  Khwaresm  at  the  same  time  by  virtue 
of  his  office.  In  Mohammedan  history  cases  of  Turkish  slaves 
seizing  sovereignty  are  frequent.  Turkish  captives  in  Persia 
were  highly  esteemed  and  appeared  there  in  multitudes.  Through- 
out the  vast  regions  north  and  east  of  the  Caspian  various  Turk 
tribes  fought  unceasingly;  each  seized  the  children  of  an  enemy 
whenever  the  chance  came,  and  sold  them  in  the  slave  marts. 
These  children,  reared  in  the  faith  of  Mohammed,  were  trained 
to  arms  for  the  greater  part,  and  became  trusted  body-guards  of 
princes.  They  served  also  as  household  officials,  or  managers. 
Those  of  them  who  earned  favor  gained  freedom  most  frequently, 
and  next  the  highest  places  at  courts,  and  in  armies.  A  lucky 
man  might  be  made  governor,  and  when  fortune  helped  well 
enough  he  made  himself  sovereign. 

Turkish  slaves  grew  all-powerful  in  Moslem  lands,  till  those 
lands  were  invaded  at  last  by  Turk  warriors.  Persia,  lowered 
much  by  Arab  conquest,  recovered  under  Bagdad  rule  in  some 
slight  degree,  till  the  eleventh  century  saw  it  conquered  again  by 
Turk  nomads  from  those  immense  steppes  north  and  east  of  the 

93 


94 


The  Mongols 


Caspian.  Under  the  descendants  of  Seljuk  these  fierce  sons  of  wild 
herdsmen  pushed  their  way  on  to  the  Propontis  and  to  Palestine ; 
camped  in  Persia,  and  in  lands  lying  west  of  it.  These  self-seeking, 
merciless  adventurers  brought  torture,  oppression,  and  brigandage 
to  all  people  equally,  till  at  last  intestine  wars  and  social  chaos 
put  an  end  to  Seljuk  rule  toward  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century. 

Kutb  ud  din  Mohammed,  son  of  the  manumitted  slave,  Nush 
Tejin,  and  also  his  successor,  won  the  title  of  Kwaresmian  Shah, 
a  title  used  before  the  Arab  conquest.  Atsiz,  son  of  Kutb  ud  din, 
raised  arms  repeatedly  against  Sindjar,  the  son  of  Melik  Shah, 
and  was  forced  to  render  tribute  to  the  Gurkhan.  When  Sindjar 
died  (1157)  II  Arslan,  son  of  Atsiz,  seized  West  Khorassan;  his 
son,  Tukush,  took  Persian  Irak  from  Togrul,  who  fell  in  battle. 
By  the  death  of  Togrul  and  Sindjar,  both  Persian  Seljuk  lines 
became  extinct. 

Tukush  obtained  investiture  at  Bagdad  from  the  Kalif,  and 
Persia  passed  from  one  line  of  Turkish  tyrants  to  another.  Mo- 
hammed, who  succeeded  his  father  Tukush,  in  1200,  seized  the 
provinces  of  Balkh  and  Herat  and  made  himself  lord  of  Khorassan. 
Soon  after  this  Mazanderan  and  Kerman  passed  under  his  power 
and  direction.  Mohammed  now  planned  to  shake  off  the  authority 
of  the  Gurkhan  of  Kara  Kitai,  to  whom  he,  and  three  of  his  prede- 
cessors, had  paid  yearly  tribute.  Besides  he  was  urged  to  this 
step  by  Osman,  Khan  of  Samarkand  and  Transoxiana,  who, 
being  also  a  vassal  of  the  Gurkhan,  endured  with  vexation  the 
insolence  of  agents  who  took  the  tribute  in  his  provinces.  Osman 
promised  to  recognize  Mohammed  as  his  suzerain,  and  pay  the 
same  tribute  that  he  had  paid  to  the  Gurkhan.  The  Shah  accepted 
this  offer  with  gladness;  he  merely  waited  for  a  pretext,  which 
appeared  very  quickly:  An  official  came  to  receive  the  yearly 
tribute,  and  seated  himself  at  the  Shah's  side,  the  usual  place  in 
such  cases,  though  it  seemed  now  that  he  did  so  somewhat  boldly. 
Mohammed's  pride,  increased  much  by  recent  victory  over  Kip- 
chaks  living  north  of  the  Caspian,  would  endure  this  no  longer, 
so  in  rage  he  commanded  to  cut  down  the  agent  and  hack  him  to 
pieces. 

After  this  act  Mohammed  invaded  the  lands  of  the  Gurkhan 
immediately  (1208),  but  was  defeated  in  the  ensuing  battle,  and 
captured  with  one  of  his  officers.    The  officer  had  the  wit  to  de- 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire 


95 


clare  that  the  Shah,  whose  person  was  unknown  in  those  regions, 
was  a  slave  of  his.  In  a  short  time  the  amount  of  ransom  for  the 
officer  was  settled;  he  offered  to  send  his  slave  to  get  the  sum 
needed.  This  offer  was  taken  and  an  escort  sent  with  the  slave 
to  protect  him.  Thus  did  Mohammed  return  in  servile  guise  to 
his  dominions,  where  reports  of  his  death  had  preceded  him.  In 
Taberistan  his  brother,  Ali  Shir,  had  proclaimed  his  own  rule, 
and  his  uncle,  the  governor  of  Herat,  was  taking  sovereign  power 
in  that  region. 

The  following  year  Mohammed  and  Osman,  the  Samarkand 
ruler,  made  a  second  attack  on  the  Gurkhan  o  Crossing  the  Syr 
Darya  at  Tenakit,  they  met  their  opponents,  commanded  by 
Tanigu,  and  won  a  victory. 

They  conquered  a  part  of  the  country  as  far  as  Uzkend,  and 
instated  a  governor.  The  news  of  this  sudden  success  caused 
immense  joy  in  the  Kwaresmian  Empire.  Embassies  were  sent 
by  neighboring  princes  to  congratulate  the  victor.  After  his  name 
on  the  shield  was  added  "  Shadow  of  God  upon  earth."  People 
wished  to  add  also  "  Second  Alexander,"  but  he  preferred  the  name 
Sindjar,  since  the  Seljuk  prince  Sindjar  had  reigned  forty-one 
years  successfully.  After  his  return  the  Shah  gave  his  daughter 
in  marriage  to  Osman,  and  the  Gurkhan 's  lieutenant  in  Samarkand 
was  replaced  by  a  Kwaresmian  agent.  Soon,  however,  Osman 
was  so  dissatisfied  with  this  agent  that  he  gave  back  his  allegiance 
to  the  Gurkhan,  and  killed  the  Kwaresmians  in  his  capital. 

Mohammed,  enraged  at  this  slaughter,  marched  to  Samarkand, 
stormed  the  city,  and  for  three  days  and  nights  his  troops  did 
naught  else  but  slay  people  and  plunder ;  then  he  laid  siege  to  the 
fortress  and  captured  it.  Osman  came  out  dressed  in  a 
grave  shroud;  a  naked  sword  hung  from  his  neck  down  in  front 
of  him.  He  fell  before  Mohammed  and  begged  for  life  abjectly. 
The  Shah  would  have  spared  him,  but  Osman 's  wife,  the  Shah's 
daughter,  rushed  in  and  demanded  the  death  of  her  husband.  He 
had  preferred  an  earlier  wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Gurkhan,  and 
had  forced  her,  the  Shah's  daughter,  to  serve  at  a  feast  that  de- 
tested and  inferior  woman.  Osman  had  to  die,  and  with  him 
died  his  whole  family,  including  the  daughter  of  the  Gurkhan. 

Mohammed  joined  all  Osman 's  lands  to  the  Empire,  and  made 
Samarkand  a  new  capital.    He  further  increased  his  Empire 


96 


The  Mongols 


by  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Gur,  which  extended  from  Herat  to 
the  sacred  river  of  India,  the  Ganges.  m 

After  the  death,  in  1205,  of  Shihab  ud  din,  fourth  sovereign  of 
the  Gur  line,  his  provinces  passed  under  officers  placed  there  as 
prefects.  When  Mohammed  took  Balkh  and  Herat,  Mahmud, 
nephew  of  Shihab,  kept  merely  Gur  the  special  domain  of  the 
family,  and  even  for  this  he  was  forced  to  give  homage  to  the 
Kwaresmian  monarch.  Mahmud  had  reigned  seven  years  in 
that  reduced  state  when  he  was  killed  in  his  own  palace.  Public 
opinion  in  this  case  held  the  Shah  to  be  a  murderer,  and  beyond 
doubt  with  full  justice. 

Ali  Shir,  the  Shah's  brother,  who  had  proclaimed  himself  sover- 
eign so  hurriedly  when  Mohammed  was  returning,  disguised  as 
a  slave,  from  his  war  against  the  Gurkhan,  was  now  at  the  Gur 
capital ;  he  declared  himself  Mahmud 's  successor  and  begged  the 
Shah  to  confirm  him  as  vassal.  Mohammed  sent  an  officer,  as 
it  seemed,  for  this  ceremony,  but  when  Ali  Shir  was  about  to  put 
on  the  robe  of  honor  sent  him  the  officer  swept  off  his  head  with 
a  sword  stroke,  and  produced  thereupon  the  command  of  his 
master  to  do  so.  After  this  revolting  deed  the  Gur  principality 
was  joined  to  Mohammed's  dominion  (1213). 

Three  years  later,  1216,  Mohammed  won  Ghazni  from  a  Turk 
general  once  a  subject  of  Shihab  ud  din.  This  Turk  had  seized 
the  province  at  the  dissolution  of  Gur  dominion.  In  the  archives 
of  Ghazni  the  Shah  came  on  letters  from  the  Kalif  Nassir  at  Bagdad 
to  the  Gur  Khans,  in  which  he  gave  warning  against  the  Kwares- 
mian Shahs,  and  incited  to  attack  them,  advising  a  junction  with 
the  Kara  Kitans  for  that  purpose. 

These  letters  roused  the  Shah's  wrath  to  the  utmost.  The 
Kalif,  Nassir,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  1180,  had  labored 
without  success,  though  unceasingly,  to  stop  Kwaresmian  growth 
and  aggression.  He  could  not  employ  his  own  forces  to  this  end, 
since  he  had  none.  The  temporal  power  of  the  Prophet's  succes- 
sors had  shrunk  to  the  narrow  limits  of  Kuzistan  and  Arabian 
Irak.  The  other  parts  of  their  once  vast  dominions  had  passed  to 
various  dynasties  whose  sovereigns  were  supposed  to  receive  lands 
in  fief  from  the  Kalif.  If  these  sovereigns  asked  for  investiture 
it  was  simply  for  religious,  or  perhaps  more  correctly,  for  political 
reasons. 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  97 


Outside  the  bounds  of  their  own  little  state  the  Abbasid  Kalifs 
had  only  two  emblems  of  sovereignty :  their  names  were  mentioned 
in  public  prayer  throughout  Islam,  and  were  stamped  on  the  coins 
of  all  Moslem  Commonwealths.  They  were  not  masters  even 
in  their  own  capital  always. 

When  the  Seljuk  Empire,  composed  at  that  time  of  Persian 
Irak  alone,  was  destroyed  by  disorder  under  Togrul  its  last  Sultan, 
the  Kalif ,  a  man  of  quick  mind  and  adventurous  instincts,  did  much 
to  bring  on  the  dissolution  of  the  tottering  state,  through  his  in- 
trigues, and  by  calling  in  Tukush,  the  Kwaresmian  monarch.  He 
had  hoped  to  win  Persian  Irak,  but  when  Tukush  had  won  that 
great  province  he  would  cede  not  a  foot  of  it  to  any  man.  The 
Kalif  saw  himself  forced  to  invest  a  new  line  with  the  sanction  of 
sacredness,  a  line  which  threatened  Bagdad  far  more  than  that 
which  he  had  helped  so  industriously  to  ruin. 

When  Mohammed  succeeded  Tukush,  Nassir  roused  Ghiath  ud 
din  of  Gur  to  oppose  him.  This  prince,  lord  already  of  Balkh 
and  Herat,  desired  all  Khorassan,  and  began  war  to  win  it.  His 
death  followed  soon  after.  Shihab  ud  din,  the  next  ruler,  continued 
the  struggle  but  lost  his  whole  army,  which  was  slaughtered  and 
crushed  in  the  very  first  battle.  When  at  Ghazni,  Mohammed 
found  proof  of  the  Kalifs  intrigues,  he  despatched  to  Nassir  an 
envoy;  through  this  envoy  he  demanded  the  title  of  Sultan  for 
himself;  a  representative  in  Bagdad  as  governor;  and  also  that 
his  name  be  mentioned  in  public  prayers  throughout  Islam. 
Nassir  refused  these  demands  and  expressed  great  surprise  that 
Mohammed,  not  content  with  his  own  immense  Empire,  was 
coveting  also  the  capital  of  the  Kalif. 

On  receiving  this  answer  Mohammed  resolved  to  strip  the 
Abbasids  of  the  succession,  or  Kalifat.  To  do  this  he  must  obtain 
first  a  sanctioning  fetva  from  Mohammedan  theologians  (the 
Ulema).  So  he  proposed  to  that  body  the  following  questions: 
"  May  a  monarch  whose  entire  glory  consists  in  exalting  God's 
word  and  destroying  the  foes  of  true  faith,  depose  a  recalcitrant 
Kalif,  and  replace  him  by  one  who  is  deserving,  if  the  Kalifat 
belongs  by  right  to  descendants  of  Ali,  and  if  the  Abbasids  have 
usurped  it,  and  if  besides  they  have  always  omitted  one  among 
the  first  duties,  the  duty  of  protecting  the  boundaries  of 
Islam,   and  waging  sacred  wars  to  bring  unbelievers  to  the 


98 


The  Mongols 


true  faith,  or,  if  they  will  not  accept  the  true  faith,  to  pay 
tribute?" 

The  Ulema  declared  that  in  such  cases  deposition  was  justified. 
Armed  with  this  decision  the  Shah  recognized  Ali  ul  Muluk  of 
Termed,  a  descendant  of  Ali,  as  Kalif,  and  ordered  that  in  public 
prayers  the  name  of  Nassir  be  omitted.  The  Shah  assembled 
an  army  to  carry  out  the  sentence  against  Nassir. 

Ogulmush,  a  Turk  general  who  had  subdued  Persian  Irak  and 
then  rendered  fealty  to  Mohammed,  was  murdered  at  direction  of 
the  Kalif,  under  whose  control  a  number  of  Assassins  had  been  placed 
by  their  chieftain  at  Alamut.  In  Persian  Irak  the  name  of  the 
Shah  was  dropped  from  public  prayers,  after  the  slaying  of  Ogul- 
mush. The  princes  of  Fars  and  Azerbaidjan  hastened  promptly 
to  seize  upon  Irak,  at  the  instance  of  Nassir.  Sad,  prince  of  Fars, 
was  taken  captive,  but  secured  freedom  by  ceding  two  strongholds, 
and  promising  the  third  of  his  annual  income  as  tribute.  Euzbek 
of  Azerbaidjan  fled  after  defeat,  and  the  Shah  would  not  pursue, 
as  the  capture  of  two  rulers  in  the  space  of  one  year  was  unlucky. 
Euzbek,  on  reaching  home,  sent  envoys  with  presents,  and  pro- 
claimed himself  a  vassal.  Mohammed  annexed  Irak  to  the  Empire, 
and  moved  his  troops  on  toward  Bagdad. 

Nassir  sent  words  of  peace  to  his  enemy,  but  those  words  had 
no  influence,  and  the  march  continued.  Nassir  strove  to  strengthen 
Bagdad  and  defend  it,  while  Mohammed  was  writing  diplomas, 
which  turned  Arabian  Irak,  that  whole  land  of  which  Bagdad  was 
the  capital,  into  military  fiefs  and  tax-paying  districts. 

The  Shah's  vanguard,  fifteen  thousand  strong,  advanced  toward 
Heulvan  by  the  way  of  the  mountains,  and  was  followed  soon  by 
a  second  division  of  the  same  strength.  Though  the  time  was 
early  autumn,  snow  fell  for  twenty  days  in  succession,  the  largest 
tents  were  buried  under  it ;  men  and  horses  died  in  great  numbers, 
both  when  they  were  marching  through  those  mountains  and 
when  they  halted.  A  retreat  was  commanded  at  last  when  ad- 
vance was  impossible.  Turks  and  Kurds  then  attacked  the 
retreating  forces  so  savagely  that  the  ruin  of  the  army  was  well 
nigh  total.  This  was  attributed  by  Sunnite  belief  to  Divine  anger 
for  that  impious  attack  on  the  person  of  the  Kalif. 

The  reports  of  Mongol  movements  alarmed  the  Shah  greatly 
and  he  hastened  homeward,  first  to  Nishapur,  and  later  on  to 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  99 


Bukhara,  where  he  received  the  first  envoys  from  Jinghis  Khan, 
his  new  neighbor. 

It  is  well  to  go  back  to  the  time  when  the  Shah  chose  a  new 
Kalif  from  among  the  descendants  of  Ali,  the  cousin  and  son-in-law 
of  Mohammed.  In  the  Moslem  world  there  are  seventy-three 
or  more  sects,  varying  in  size  and  degree  of  importance,  but  the 
two  great  divisions  of  Islam  are  the  Sunnite  and  Shiite,  which 
differ  mainly  on  the  succession.  Among  Sunnites  the  succession 
was  from  Abbas,  the  uncle  of  Mohammed  the  Prophet  of  Islam; 
that  is  the  succession  which  took  place  in  history.  Among  Shiites 
the  succession  which,  as  they  think,  should  have  taken  place,  but 
which  did  not,  was  that  through  Ali,  the  husband  of  Fatima,  the 
daughter  of  Mohammed. 

The  Shiites  of  Persia  thought  that  the  day  of  justice  had  come 
after  six  centuries  of  abasement  and  waiting,  and  that  the  headship 
of  Islam  would  be  theirs  through  the  accession  of  Ali  ul  Muluk  of 
Termid  to  the  Kalif  at.  In  their  eyes  the  Kwaresmian  Shah  had 
become  an  agent  of  Allah,  a  sacred  person.  His  act  created  an 
immense  effect  throughout  Persia,  and  certainly  no  less  in  the 
capital  of  Islam  at  Bagdad,  where  the  Kalif  Nassir  called  a  council 
at  once  to  find  means  of  defence  against  so  dreadful  an  enemy  as 
Shah  Mohammed.  After  long  discussion,  one  sage  among  those 
assembled  declared  that  Jinghis  Khan,  whose  fame  was  sounding 
then  throughout  Western  Asia,  was  the  man  to  bring  the  raging 
Shah  to  his  senses. 

The  Kalif,  greatly  pleased  with  this  statement,  resolved  to  send 
an  envoy,  but  the  journey  was  perilous,  since  every  road  to  the 
Mongols  lay  through  Shah  Mohammed's  dominions.  Should 
the  envoy  be  taken  and  his  message  read,  the  Shah,  roused  by 
resentment  and  anger,  would  spare  no  man  involved  in  the  plot, 
least  of  all  Kalif  Nassir  and  his  servants.  To  avoid  this  chance, 
they  shaved  the  envoy's  head  and  wrote  out,  or  branded,  his 
commission  upon  it.  His  skull  was  then  covered  with  paint,  or 
a  mixture  of  some  kind.  The  entire  message  to  Jinghis  was  fixed 
well  in  the  mind  of  the  envoy,  and  he  set  out  on  his  journey. 

After  four  months  of  hard  traveling  he  reached  Mongol  head- 
quarters, delivered  his  message  in  words,  and  was  admitted  soon 
after  to  the  Khan  of  the  Mongols  in  secret.  The  envoy's  head 
was  shorn  a  second  time  and  the  credentials  traced  with  fire  on  his 


100 


The  Mongols 


crown  became  visible.  There  was  branded  in  also  an  invitation 
to  invade  the  Kwaresmian  Empire,  and  destroy  the  reigning 
dynasty. 

Jinghis  meditated  over  this  invitation.  The  thought  of  con^ 
quering  a  new  Empire  did  not  leave  him,  but  as  he  had  spoken 
not  long  before  with  its  ruler  in  friendship,  he  waited  till  a  reason 
to  justify  attack  should  present  itself. 

In  1216-17  in  Bukhara,  as  mentioned  already,  Shah  Mohammed 
received  three  envoys  from  Jinghis;  these  men  brought  ingots  of 
silver,  musk,  jade  and  costly  white  robes  of  camels'  hair,  all  crea- 
tions and  products  of  Central  Asia,  sent  as  presents  to  the  Kwares- 
mian sovereign.  "  The  great  Khan  has  charged  us,"  said  the 
envoys,  "  to  give  this  message :  '  I  salute  thee !  I  know  thy  power 
and  the  great  extent  of  thy  Empire.  Thy  reign  is  over  a  large 
part  of  the  earth's  surface.  I  have  the  greatest  wish  to  live  in 
peace  with  thee;  I  look  on  thee  as  my  most  cherished  son.  Thou 
art  aware  that  I  have  subdued  China,  and  brought  all  Turk  nations 
north  of  it  to  obedience.  Thou  knowest  that  my  country  is  swarm- 
ing with  warriors ;  that  it  is  a  mine  of  wealth,  and  that  I  have  no 
need  to  covet  lands  of  other  sovereigns.  I  and  thou  have  an 
equal  interest  in  favoring  commerce  between  our  subjects.'  " 

This  message  was  in  fact  a  demand  on  Mohammed  to  declare 
himself  a  vassal,  since  various  degrees  of  relationship  were  used 
among  rulers  in  Asia  to  denote  corresponding  degrees  of  submission. 

The  Shah  summoned  one  of  the  envoys  in  the  night-time. 
"  Has  Jinghis  Khan  really  conquered  China  ?  "  asked  he.  "  There 
is  no  doubt  of  that,"  said  the  envoy.  "  Who  is  this  who  calls  me 
his  son  ?  How  many  troops  has  he  ?  "  The  envoy,  seeing  Mo- 
hammed's excitement,  replied  that  Mongol  forces  were  not  to  be 
compared  with  his  in  any  case.  The  Shah  was  calmed,  and  when 
the  time  came  he  dismissed  the  envoys  with  apparent  good  feeling 
and  friendliness.  When  they  reached  the  boundary  of  the  Shah's 
land  they  were  safe,  for  wherever  Jinghis  Khan  became  sovereign 
there  was  safety  for  travelers  immediately,  even  in  places  where 
robbery  had  been  the  rule  for  many  ages. 

Since  Kara  Kitai  had  fallen,  Mohammed's  possessions  reached 
the  heart  of  Central  Asia,  and  touched  the  land  of  the  Uigurs, 
now  tributary  to  Jinghis,  hence  commercial  relations  were  direct 
and  of  very  great  value.    Soon  after  the  Khan's  envoys  had  made 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  101 


their  visit,  a  party  of  between  four  and  five  hundred  merchants 
from  Mongolian  places  arrived  at  Otrar  on  the  Syr  Darya.  Inald- 
juk, the  governor  of  the  city,  tempted  by  the  rich  stuffs  and  wares 
which  those  strangers  had  brought  with  them,  imprisoned  the 
whole  party,  and  declared  to  the  Shah  that  the  men  were  spies 
of  the  Mongol  sovereign.  The  Shah  gave  command  to  slay  them 
in  that  case  immediately,  and  Inaldjuk  obeyed  without  waiting. 
When  news  of  this  terrible  slaughter  was  borne  to  Jinghis  he  wept 
with  indignation  as  he  heard  it,  and  went  straightway  to  a  mountain 
top  where  he  bared  his  head,  put  his  girdle  about  his  neck,  and  fell 
prostrate.  He  lay  there  imploring  Heaven  for  vengeance,  and 
spent  three  days  and  nights,  it  is  stated,  imploring  and  prostrate. 
He  rose  and  went  down  then  to  hurl  Mongol  strength  at  the  Kwares- 
mian Empire. 

The  request  of  the  Kalif  of  Islam  ran  parallel  now  with  the  wish 
of  the  Mongols.  But  before  striking  the  Empire,  Jinghis  had 
resolved  to  extinguish  Gutchluk,  his  old  enemy,  the  son  of  Baibuga, 
late  Taiyang  of  the  Naimans.  Meanwhile  he  sent  three  envoys 
to  the  Shah  with  this  message :  "  Thou  didst  give  me  assurance 
that  thou  wouldst  not  maltreat  any  merchant  from  my  land. 
Thou  hast  broken  thy  word !  Word  breaking  in  a  sovereign  is 
hideous.  If  I  am  to  believe  that  the  merchants  were  not  slain  at 
Otrar  by  thy  order,  send  me  thy  governor  for  punishment;  if 
thou  wilt  not  send  him,  make  ready  for  conflict." 

Shah  Mohammed,  far  from  giving  Jinghis  Khan  satisfaction, 
or  offering  it,  slew  Bajra,  the  first  envoy,  and  singed  off  the  beards 
of  the  other  two.  If  Mohammed  had  wished  to  punish  or  yield 
up  Inaldjuk  he  could  not  have  done  so,  for  the  governor  was  a 
kinsman  of  Turkan  Khatun,  the  Shah's  mother,  and  also  of 
many  great  chiefs  in  the  Kwaresmian  army. 

And  now  it  is  important  to  explain  the  position  of  Turkan 
Khatun,  the  unbending,  savage  mother  of  Mohammed.  This 
woman  was  a  daughter  of  Jinkeshi,  Khan  of  the  Baijut  tribe  of 
Kankali  Turks;  she  married  Tukush,  the  Kwaresmian  Shah, 
and  became  then  the  mother  of  Shah  Mohammed.  A  large 
number  of  Kankali  chiefs  who  were  related  to  Turkan  followed 
her  with  their  tribesmen  to  serve  in  the  Kwaresmian  Empire. 

The  influence  of  this  relentless,  strong-willed  woman,  and  the 
valor  of  Turkish  warriors  raised  those  chiefs  to  the  highest  rank 


102 


The  Mongols 


among  military  leaders;  their  power  was  enormous,  since  com- 
manders of  troops  governed  with  very  wide  latitude.  Amid 
this  aristocracy  of  fighters  the  power  of  the  sovereign  was  uncertain ; 
he  was  forced  to  satisfy  the  ambition  of  men  who  saw  in  all  things 
their  own  profit  only.  The  troops  controlled  by  those  governors 
were  the  scourge  of  peaceful  people;  they  ruined  every  region 
which  they  lived  in  or  visited. 

Turkan  Khatun,  the  head  of  this  military  faction,  not  only 
equalled  her  son  in  authority,  but  often  surpassed  him.  When 
two  orders  of  different  origin  appeared  in  any  part  of  the  Empire, 
the  date  decided  which  had  authority;  that  order  was  always 
carried  out  on  which  the  date  was  most  recent,  and  the  order  of 
recent  date  was  the  order  of  that  watchful  woman.  When  Mo- 
hammed won  a  new  province  he  always  assigned  a  large  part  to 
the  appanage  of  his  mother.  She  employed  seven  secretaries  at 
all  times,  men  distinguished  for  ability.  The  inscription  on  her 
decrees  was  "  Protectress  of  the  world  and  the  faith,  Turkan, 
queen  of  women."  Her  device  was :  "  God  alone  is  my  refuge." 
"  Lord  of  the  world  "  was  her  title.  The  following  example  shows 
clearly  the  character  of  the  Shah's  mother :  She  had  obtained  from 
Mohammed  the  elevation  of  Nassir  ud  din,  a  former  slave  of  hers, 
to  the  position  of  vizir,  or  prime  minister  of  the  Empire ;  soon  the 
Shah  came  to  hate  the  man,  for  personal  and  also  other  reasons. 
His  ability  was  small,  and  his  greed  without  limit.  At  Nishapur 
the  Shah  appointed  a  new  judge,  one  Sadr  ud  din,  and  forbade 
him  to  give  the  vizir  any  presents.  Friends,  however,  warned 
the  judge  not  to  neglect  this  prime  dignitary,  so  he  sent  Nassir  ud 
din  a  sealed  purse  containing  four  thousand  gold  pieces.  The 
Shah,  who  was  watching  both  judge  and  vizir,  caused  the  latter 
to  send  the  purse  to  him.  It  was  sent  straightway,  and  the  seal 
was  intact  on  it.  The  judge  was  summoned,  and  when  he  ap- 
peared the  Shah  asked  before  witnesses  what  gift  he  had  made 
the  vizir;  he  denied  having  made  any,  persisted  in  denial,  and 
swore  by  the  head  of  his  sovereign  that  he  had  not  given  one  coin 
to  the  minister.  The  Shah  had  the  purse  brought;  the  judge 
was  deprived  of  his  dignity.  The  vizir  was  sent  home  without 
office  to  his  patroness. 

Nassir  ud  din  went  back  to  the  Shah's  mother.  On  the  way 
he  decided  every  case  that  men  brought  him.    On  the  vizir's 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  103 


approach  Turkan  Khatun  ordered  people  of  all  ranks  and  classes 
to  go  forth  and  meet  him.  The  vizir  grew  more  insolent  now 
than  he  had  been.  The  Shah  sent  an  officer  to  bring  the  recalci- 
trant minister's  head  to  him.  When  the  officer  came  to  her  capital, 
Turkan  Khatun  sent  him  to  the  vizir,  who  was  then  in  the  divan 
and  presiding.  She  had  given  the  officer  this  order :  "  Salute  the 
vizir  in  the  Shah's  name,  and  say  to  him :  4 1  have  no  vizir  except 
thee,  continue  in  thy  functions.  No  man  in  my  Empire  may 
destroy  thee,  or  fail  in  respect  to  thee.'  " 

The  officer  carried  out  the  command  of  the  woman.  Nassir 
ud  din  exercised  his  authority  in  defiance  of  Mohammed ;  he  could 
do  so  since  Turkan  Khatun  upheld  him,  and  she  had  behind  her 
a  legion  of  her  murderous  kinsmen.  The  sovereign,  who  had 
destroyed  so  many  rulers  unsparingly,  had  not  the  power  or  the 
means  to  manage  one  insolent  upstart  who  defied  him. 

The  murder  of  the  merchants  in  Otrar  was  followed  soon  by 
such  a  tempest  of  ruin  as  had  never  been  witnessed  in  Asia  or 
elsewhere.  Shah  Mohammed  had  mustered  at  Samarkand  a 
large  army  to  move  against  Gutchluk,  whom  he  wished  to  bring 
down  to  subjection  or  destroy  altogether,  but  hearing  that  a  body 
of  Merkits  was  advancing  through  Kankali  regions  lying  north  of 
Lake  Aral,  he  marched  to  Jend  straightway  against  them,  and 
learned  upon  reaching  that  city,  that  those  Merkits,  being  allies 
of  Gutchluk,  were  hunted  by  Jinghis,  and  that  Gutchluk  himself 
had  been  slain  by  the  Mongols. 

He  returned  swiftly  to  Samarkand  for  additional  forces,  and  fol- 
lowing the  tracks  of  both  armies,  found  a  field  strewn  with  corpses, 
among  which  he  saw  a  Merkit  badly  wounded;  from  this  man 
the  Shah  learned  that  the  Jinghis  had  gained  a  great  victory, 
and  gone  forward. 

One  day  later  Mohammed  came  up  with  them  and  formed  his 
force  straightway  to  attack  them.  The  Mongol  leader  (perhaps 
Juchi)  declared  that  the  two  states  were  at  peace,  and  that  he  had 
commands  to  treat  the  Shah's  troops  with  friendliness;  he  even 
offered  a  part  of  his  booty  and  prisoners  to  Mohammed.  The 
latter  refused  these  and  answered :  "If  Jinghis  has  ordered  thee 
not  to  meet  me  in  battle,  God  commands  me  to  fall  on  thy  forces. 
I  wish  to  inflict  sure  destruction  on  infidels  and  thus  earn  Divine 
favor." 


104 


The  Mongols 


The  Mongols,  forced  to  give  battle,  came  very  near  victory. 
They  had  put  Mohammed's  left  wing  to  flight,  pierced  the  center 
where  the  Shah  was,  and  would  have  dispersed  it,  but  for  timely 
aid  brought  by  Jelal  ud  din,  the  Shah's  son,  who  rushed  from  the 
right  and  restored  the  battle,  which  lasted  till  evening  and  was  left 
undecided. 

The  Mongols  lighted  vast  numbers  of  camp  fires,  and  retired  in 
the  dark  with  such  swiftness  that  at  daybreak  they  had  made  two 
days'  journey. 

After  this  encounter  the  Shah  knew  Mongol  strength  very 
clearly.  He  told  intimates  that  he  had  never  seen  men  fight  as 
they  had. 

Jinghis,  having  ended  Gutchluk  and  his  kingdom  (1218),  sum- 
moned his  own  family  and  officers  to  a  council  where  they  dis- 
cussed war  with  Mohammed,  and  settled  everything  touching 
this  enterprise  and  its  management.  That  same  autumn  the  Mon- 
gol conqueror  began  his  march  westward,  leaving  the  care  of  home 
regions  to  his  youngest  brother.  He  spent  all  the  following  summer 
near  the  Upper  Irtish,  arranging  his  immense  herds  of  horses 
and  cattle.  The  march  was  resumed  in  the  autumn,  when  he  was 
joined  by  the  prince  of  Almalik,  the  Idikut  of  the  Uigurs,  and  by 
Arslan,  Khan  of  the  Karluks. 

Shah  Mohammed  was  alarmed  by  the  oncoming  of  this  immense 
host  of  warriors,  more  correctly  this  great  group  of  armies,  though 
his  own  force  was  large,  since  it  numbered  four  hundred  thousand. 
His  troops  were  in  some  ways  superior  to  the  Mongols,  but  they 
lacked  iron  discipline  and  blind  confidence  in  leaders ;  they  lacked 
also  that  experience  of  hardship,  fatigue  and  privation,  that  skill  in 
desperate  fighting,  which  made  the  Mongols  not  merely  a  terror, 
but,  at  that  time,  invincible.  The  Kwaresmian  armies  were 
defending  a  population  to  which  they  were  indifferent,  and  which 
they  were  protecting,  hence  victory  gave  scant  rewards  in  the 
best  case,  while  the  Mongols,  in  attacking  rich,  flourishing  coun- 
tries, were  excited  by  all  that  can  rouse  human  greed,  or  tempt 
wild  cupidity.  The  disparity  in  leaders  was  still  more  apparent. 
On  the  Mongol  side  was  a  chief  of  incomparable  genius  in  all  that 
he  was  doing;  on  the  other  side  a  vacillating  sovereign  with 
warring  and  wavering  counsels.  The  Shah  had  been  crushing 
and  assassinating  rulers  all  his  reign,  and  now  he  feared  to  meet 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  105 


a  man  whom  he  had  provoked  by  his  outrages.  Instead  of  con- 
centrating forces  and  meeting  the  enemy,  he  scattered  his  men 
among  all  the  cities  of  Transoxiana,  and  then  withdrew  and  kept 
far  from  the  fields  of  real  struggle.  Some  ascribed  this  to  the 
advice  of  his  generals,  others  to  his  faith  in  astrologers,  who  de- 
clared that  the  stars  were  unfavorable,  and  that  no  battle  should 
be  risked  till  they  changed  their  positions.  It  is  also  reported  that 
Jinghis  duped  the  Shah,  and  made  him  suspect  his  own  leaders. 
The  following  is  one  of  the  stories : 

A  certain  Bedr  ud  din  of  Otrar,  whose  father,  uncle  and  other 
kinsmen  had  been  slain  by  Mohammed,  declared  to  Jinghis  that  he 
wished  to  take  vengeance  on  the  Shah,  even  should  he  lose  his  own 
soul  in  so  doing,  and  advised  the  Grand  Khan  to  make  use  of 
the  quarrels  kept  up  by  Mohammed  with  his  mother.  In  view 
of  this  Bedr  ud  din  wrote  a  letter,  as  it  were,  from  Mohammed's 
generals  to  Jinghis,  and  composed  it  in  this  style :  "  We  came  from 
Turkistan  to  Mohammed  because  of  his  mother.  We  have  given 
him  victory  over  many  other  rulers  whose  states  have  increased 
the  Kwaresmian  Empire.  Now  he  pays  his  dear  mother  with 
ingratitude.  This  princess  desires  us  to  avenge  her.  When  thou 
art  here,  we  shall  be  at  thy  orders." 

Jinghis  so  arranged  that  this  letter  was  intercepted.  The  tale 
is,  that  the  Shah  was  deceived  by  it  and  distrusted  his  generals, 
hence  separated  them  each  from  the  others,  and  disposed  them  in 
various  strong  cities.  It  is  more  likely  by  far,  that  he  and  they, 
after  testing  Mongol  strength,  thought  it  better  to  fight  behind 
walls  than  in  the  open.  They  thought  also,  no  doubt,  that  the 
Mongols,  after  pillaging  the  country  and  seizing  many  captives, 
would  retire  with  their  booty. 

The  Shah  was  light-minded  and  ignorant.  He  knew  not  with 
whom  he  was  dealing.  He  had  not  studied  the  Mongols,  and  could 
not  have  done  so ;  he  had  no  idea  whatever  of  Jinghis  Khan  and 
could  not  acquire  it ;  he  knew  not  the  immense  power  of  his  system, 
and  the  far  reaching  nature  of  his  wishes. 

Jinghis  arrived  at  the  Syr  Darya  with  his  army,  and  arranged 
all  his  troops  in  four  great  divisions.  The  first  he  fixed  near  Otrar 
and  placed  two  of  his  sons,  Ogotai  and  Jagatai,  in  command  of  it ; 
the  second,  commanded  by  his  eldest  son,  Juchi,  was  to  act  against 
the  other  cities,  from  Jend  to  Lake  Aral;  the  third  division  he 


106 


The  Mongols 


directed  against  Benakit  on  the  river,  south  of  Jend.  While 
the  three  divisions  were  taking  these  cities  on  the  Syr  Darya, 
Jinghis  himself  moved  toward  Bokhara  to  bar  Shah  Mohammed 
from  the  Transoxiana,  and  prevent  him  from  reinforcing  any 
garrison  between  the  two  rivers. 

Otrar  was  invested  late  in  November,  1218.  The  walls  had  been 
strengthened,  and  the  city,  with  its  fortress,  provisioned  very 
carefully.  The  strong  garrison  had  been  increased  by  ten  thou- 
sand horsemen.  After  a  siege  of  five  months  the  troops  and  the 
citizens  were  discouraged,  and  the  commander  thought  it  best  to 
surrender,  but  Inaldjuk,  the  governor,  could  not  hope  for  his  life, 
since  he  was  the  man  who  had  slain  the  Mongol  merchants; 
hence,  he  would  not  hear  of  surrender.  He  would  fight,  as  he 
said,  to  the  death,  for  his  sovereign.  The  chief  of  the  horsemen 
felt  differently,  and  led  out  his  best  troops  in  the  night  to  escape, 
but  was  captured.  He  and  they  offered  then  to  serve  the  be- 
siegers. The  Mongols  inquired  about  conditions  in  the  city,  and, 
when  the  chief  had  told  what  he  knew,  they  informed  him  that  he 
and  his  men,  being  unfaithful  to  their  master,  could  not  be  true 
to  another.    They  thereupon  slew  him,  and  all  who  were  with  him. 

The  city  was  taken  that  day,  April,  1219,  and  its  inhabitants 
driven  to  the  country  outside,  so  that  the  captors  might  pillage 
the  place  in  absolute  freedom.  Inaldjuk,  the  governor,  withdrew 
with  twenty  thousand  men  to  the  fortress,  and  fought  for  two 
months  in  that  stronghold.  When  the  Mongols  burst  in  he  had 
only  two  men  left;  with  these  he  retired  to  a  terrace.  The  two 
men  at  his  side  fell  soon  after.  When  his  arrows  were  gone  he 
hurled  brickbats.  The  besiegers  had  orders  to  seize  the  man 
living.  He  struggled  like  a  maniac,  but  they  caught  and  bound 
him  at  last,  and  bore  him  to  the  camp  before  Samarkand.  Jinghis 
had  molten  silver  poured  into  his  ears  and  eyes  to  avenge  the 
slaughtered  merchants.  The  surviving  inhabitants  of  Otrar  were 
spared  but  the  fortress  was  levelled. 

Juchi,  before  marching  on  Jend,  went  to  Signak  and  asked  that 
the  gates  be  thrown  open.  Scarcely  had  the  message  been  given 
when  the  furious  inhabitants  tore  Hassan  Hadji,  Juchi's  envoy, 
to  pieces  and  called  on  God's  name  as  they  did  so. 

Juchi  gave  the  order  at  once  to  attack,  and  forbade  his  men  to 
cease  fighting  till  the  city  was  captured.    Fresh  troops  relieved 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  107 


those  who  were  wearied.  After  seven  days  of  storming  the  Mon- 
gols burst  in  and  slew  every  soul  in  that  city. 

Juchi  made  a  son  of  Hassan  Hadji  commandant  of  the  ruins; 
then  he  moved  up  the  river  and  sacked  every  place  that  he  visited. 

As  the  Mongols  drew  near  to  Jend,  Katluk  Khan,  the  comman- 
dant, fled  in  the  night  time,  crossed  the  Syr  Darya  and  took  the 
desert  road  for  Urgendj  beyond  the  southern  shore  of  the  Oxus. 
Juchi  demanded  surrender  through  Chin  Timur  his  envoy.  De- 
serted by  their  chief,  the  people  were  in  doubt  what  to  do,  and  when 
Chin  Timur  came  they  wished  to  kill  him,  but  he  told  them  of 
Signak,  and  promised  to  turn  aside  Mongol  vengeance  in  case 
they  were  prudent.  The  people  then  freed  him,  but  very  soon 
saw  the  enemy  under  the  walls,  which  they  thought  proof  against 
every  besieger.  The  Mongols  scaled  those  walls  quickly,  and 
rushed  in  from  all  sides.  No  hand  was  raised  then  against  them. 
The  inhabitants  were  driven  to  the  open  country  and  left  nine 
days  and  nights  there,  while  the  pillage  continued.  Excepting 
those  who  had  abused  Chin  Timur,  the  people  were  spared,  since 
they  had  made  no  resistance. 

Meanwhile  a  detachment  of  the  army  had  seized  Yengikend, 
the  last  town  on  the  river,  and  Juchi's  work  was  done  on  the  right 
bank  with  thoroughness. 

The  third  division  of  the  army  moved  from  Otrar  to  the  left 
up  the  river,  and  attacked  Benakit  which  was  garrisoned  by 
Kankalis.  At  the  end  of  three  days  the  officers  wished  to  capitu- 
late. Their  lives  were  promised  them,  and  they  surrendered. 
The  inhabitants  were  driven  from  the  city.  The  Turks  were 
taken  out  to  one  side,  and  cut  down  to  the  last  man,  with  swords 
and  other  weapons.  Being  warriors  whom  the  Mongols  could  not 
trust,  they  were  slaughtered.  The  artisans  were  spared  and  di- 
vided among  the  Mongol  army.  Unskilled,  young,  and  strong 
men  were  taken  to  assist  in  besieging;  all  other  people  were 
slain  immediately. 

The  march  was  continued  to  Khodjend,  and  soon  the  invaders 
were  in  front  of  that  city,  and  storming  it.  In  Khodjend,  Timur 
Melik,  a  man  of  great  valor,  commanded.  He  took  one  thousand 
chosen  warriors  to  a  fort  on  an  island  far  enough  from  either  bank 
to  be  safe  from  stones  and  arrows.  The  besiegers  were  reinforced 
by  twenty  thousand  Mongols  for  conflict,  and  fifty  thousand  natives 


108 


The  Mongols 


of  the  country  to  cany  on  siege  work.  These  natives  were  em- 
ployed first  of  all  at  bearing  stones  from  a  mountain  three  leagues 
distant,  and  building  a  road  from  the  shore  to  the  fortress  in  the 
river.  Timur  Melik  meanwhile  built  twelve  covered  barges, 
protected  from  fire  with  glazed  earth,  which  was  first  soaked  in 
vinegar.  Every  day  six  of  these  boats  went  to  each  shore  and 
sent  arrows,  through  openings,  at  the  Mongols.  Night  attacks 
were  made  suddenly  and  wrought  much  harm  on  the  invaders. 

But  despite  every  effort  Timur  saw  that  failure  would  come 
if  he  stayed  there.  He  was  met  by  preponderant  and  crushing 
numbers  at  last.  So  he  put  men  and  baggage  in  seventy  strong 
boats  and  his  chosen  warriors  in  the  twelve  covered  barges; 
and  they  sped  down  the  swift  river  at  night  by  the  light  of 
many  torches  fixed  on  the  boats  of  his  flotilla.  The  boats  snapped 
a  chain  stretched  across  from  one  bank  to  the  other  by  Mongols 
near  Benakit,  and  passed  along,  hunted  by  the  enemy  on  both 
sides. 

Timur  learned  now  that  Juchi  had  posted  a  large  corps  of  men 
on  the  two  banks,  close  to  Jend,  captured  recently;  he  learned 
also  that  balistas  were  ready  and  that  a  bridge  of  boats  had  been 
made  near  the  same  place.  He  debarked  higher  up,  therefore,  and 
took  to  horse  to  avoid  capture.  Pursued  by  the  enemy,  he  gave 
battle  till  his  baggage  was  brought  near  him.  He  repeated  this 
day  after  day  till  forced  at  last  to  abandon  the  baggage.  Finally, 
having  lost  all  his  men,  he  was  alone  and  pursued  by  three  Mongols. 
He  had  only  three  arrows  left,  one  of  these  had  no  metal  point  on 
it ;  he  shot  that  and  put  out  an  eye  of  the  nearest  pursuer.  Then 
he  cried  to  the  other  men :  "  There  are  two  arrows  still  in  my 
quiver,  ye  would  better  go  back  with  your  eyesight."  They  did 
so.  Timur  Melik  made  his  way  to  Urgendj,  and  joined  Jelal  ud 
din,  whom  he  followed  till  the  death  of  that  sovereign. 

Meanwhile  Jinghis  moved  against  Bokhara  with  his  main 
forces  and  arrived  at  that  city  during  June  of  1219.  On  the  way 
he  seized  Nur  and  Charnuk,  which  he  pillaged;  then  he  took 
from  those  places  all  stalwart  men  useful  in  siege  work.  Bokhara, 
the  great  city  with  a  garrison  of  twenty  thousand,  was  invested  on 
all  sides,  and  attacked  by  relays  of  fresh  warriors,  who  gave  neither 
respite  nor  rest  to  it. 

After  some  days  the  defenders  lost  hope  of  success  and  resolved 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  109 


to  burst  through  in  the  night  time,  trusting  in  that  way  to  save 
themselves.  They  fell  on  the  Mongols  unexpectedly,  and  scat- 
tered them,  but  instead  of  pursuing  this  advantage  and  fighting, 
those  escaping  defenders  hastened  forward.  The  Mongol  troops 
rallied,  and  hunted  the  fugitives  to  the  river,  where  they  cut  down 
nearly  all  of  them. 

Next  morning  early,  the  Ulema  and  notables  came  out  to  give 
homage  to  the  great  Mongol  Khan,  and  open  the  gates  to  him. 
Jinghis  rode  in,  and  going  to  the  main  mosque  of  the  city  entered 
it  on  horseback.  Dismounting  near  the  minbar,  or  pulpit,  he 
ascended  some  steps  of  it  and  said  to  the  people  who  assembled 
there  quickly  before  him :  "  The  fields  now  are  stripped ;  feed 
our  horses  in  this  place !  " 

The  boxes  which  had  been  used  to  hold  copies  of  the  Koran 
were  taken  to  the  courtyard  to  hold  grain  for  Mongol  horses ;  the 
sacred  volumes  were  thrown  under  the  hoofs  of  those  animals  and 
trampled.  Skins  of  wine  were  brought  into  the  mosque  with 
provisions;  jesters  and  singers  of  the  city  were  summoned,  and 
while  wild  warriors  were  revelling  in  excesses  of  all  sorts,  and 
shouting  songs  of  their  own  land  and  people,  the  highest  chiefs 
of  religion  and  doctors  of  law  served  them  as  slaves,  held  their 
horses  and  fed  them.  While  thus  employed  one  great  man  whis- 
pered to  his  neighbor:  "  Why  not  implore  the  Almighty  to  save 
us  ?  "  "Be  silent,"  said  the  other,  "  God's  wrath  is  moving  near 
us ;  this  is  no  time  for  beseeching.  I  fear  to  pray  to  the  Almighty 
lest  it  become  worse  with  us  thereby.  If  life  is  dear  to  thee  hold 
their  beasts  now  for  the  Mongols,  and  serve  them." 

From  the  mosque  Jinghis  went  to  the  place  of  public  prayer 
beyond  the  city,  and  summoned  all  people  to  meet  there.  He 
stood  in  the  pulpit  and  inquired :  "  Who  are  the  richest  men  in 
this  multitude  ?  "  Two  hundred  and  eighty  persons  were  pre- 
sented; ninety  of  these  had  come  from  other  cities.  The  Khan 
commanded  all  those  wealthy  persons  to  draw  near,  and  then  he 
spoke  to  them.  He  described  the  Shah's  cruelties  and  injustice, 
which  had  brought  on  the  ruin  of  their  city:  "  Know,"  continued 
he,  "  that  ye  have  committed  dreadful  deeds,  and  the  great  people 
of  this  country  are  the  worst  of  its  criminals.  Should  ye  ask  why 
I  speak  thus,  I  answer;  I  am  Heaven's  scourge,  sent  to  punish. 
Had  ye  not  been  desperate  offenders  I  should  not  be  standing  here 


110 


The  Mongols 


now  against  you."  Then  he  said  that  he  required  no  one  to 
deliver  wealth  which  was  above  ground,  his  men  could  discover 
that  very  easily,  but  he  asked  for  hidden  treasures.  The  wealthy 
men  were  then  forced  to  name  their  agents,  and  those  agents  had 
to  yield  up  the  treasures,  or  be  tortured.  All  strong  men  were 
set  to  filling  the  moats  encircling  the  city ;  even  copies  of  the  Koran 
and  furniture  of  mosques  were  hurled  in  to  fill  ditches.  The 
fortress  was  stormed  and  not  a  man  of  its  defenders  found  mercy. 

When  the  fortress  was  taken,  all  its  inhabitants  were  driven 
from  the  city  with  nothing  but  the  clothes  which  they  had  on  their 
bodies.  Then  began  the  great  pillage.  The  victors  slew  all 
whom  they  found  in  any  place  of  hiding.  At  last  Mongol  troops 
were  sent  out  to  surround  the  inhabitants  on  the  plain,  and  divide 
them  into  parties.  Deeds  were  done  there  which  baffie  description. 
Every  possible  outrage  was  enacted  before  those  to  whom  it  was 
most  dreadful  to  be  present,  and  have  eyesight.  Some  had 
strength  to  choose  death  instead  of  looking  at  those  horrors; 
among  spectators  of  this  kind  were  the  chief  judge  of  the  city,  and 
the  first  Imam,  who  seeing  the  dishonor  of  their  women  rushed 
to  save  them,  and  perished. 

Finally  the  city  was  fired;  everything  wooden  was  consumed, 
nothing  was  left  save  the  main  mosque,  and  a  few  brick  palaces. 

Jinghis  Khan  left  the  smoking  ruins  of  Bokhara  the  Noble, 
to  march  on  Samarkand,  which  was  only  five  days  distant.  He 
passed  along  the  pleasant  valley  of  Sogd,  covered  at  that  time  with 
beautiful  fields,  orchards  and  gardens  and  with  houses  here  and 
there  in  good  number.  All  inhabitants  of  Bokhara  taken  to  toil 
in  the  coming  siege  were  driven  on  behind  the  army.  Whoso  grew 
weak  on  the  way  or  too  weary  for  marching  was  cut  down  at 
once  without  pity. 

Samarkand  was  one  of  the  great  commercial  cities  of  the  world. 
It  had  a  garrison  which  numbered  forty  thousand.  Both  the 
city  and  the  citadel  had  been  fortified  with  care,  and  all  men  con- 
sidered that  a  siege  of  that  place  would  continue  for  months,  nay, 
for  years  perhaps. 

The  three  other  army  corps  appeared  now,  for  every  place  on 
the  lower  river  had  been  taken,  and  Northern  Transoxiana  was 
subjected.  These  divisions  brought  with  them  all  captives  who 
were  young,  firm  and  stalwart,  men  who  might  be  of  service  in 


Destruction  of  the  Kwaresmian  Empire  111 


siege  work ;  there  was  an  immense  host  of  those  people  arranged  in 
groups  of  ten,  and  each  ten  had  a  banner.  Jinghis,  to  impose  on 
the  doomed  city,  paraded  his  legions  before  it;  cavalry,  infantry, 
and  at  last  those  unfortunate  captives  who  had  the  seeming  of 
regular  warriors. 

Two  days  were  spent  in  examining  the  city  defenses  and  out- 
works ;  on  the  third  morning  early  the  Mongol  conqueror  sounded 
the  onset.  A  host  of  brave  citizens  made  a  great  sally,  and  at  first 
swept  all  before  them  but  not  being  sustained  by  their  own  troops, 
who  feared  the  besiegers,  they  met  a  dreadful  disaster.  The 
Mongols  retired  before  the  onrushing  people,  who  pressed  forward 
with  vigor  till  they  fell  into  ambush;  being  on  foot  they  were 
surrounded  very  quickly  and  slaughtered  before  the  eyes  of  the 
many  thousands  looking  from  the  walls,  and  the  housetops.  This 
great  defeat  crushed  the  hopes  of  the  citizens. 

The  Kankali  troops  being  Turks  believed  that  the  Mongols 
would  treat  them  most  surely  as  kinsmen.  In  fact  Jinghis  had 
promised,  as  they  thought,  to  take  them  to  his  service.  Hence 
this  great  multitude,  the  real  strength  of  the  city,  issued  forth  that 
same  day  with  their  leaders,  their  families,  and  their  baggage,  in 
one  word,  with  all  that  belonged  to  them.  On  the  fourth  day, 
just  as  the  storm  was  to  be  sounded,  the  chief  men  of  the  city 
went  to  the  Mongol  camp,  where  they  received  satisfactory  an- 
swers concerning  themselves  with  their  families  and  dependents; 
hence  they  opened  the  gates  of  Samarkand  to  the  conqueror; 
but  they  were  driven  from  the  city  save  fifty  thousand  who  had 
put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  cadi  and  the  mufti. 
These  fifty  thousand  were  safe-guarded,  the  others  were  all 
slaughtered. 

The  night  following  the  surrender,  Alb  Khan,  a  Turk  general, 
made  a  sortie  from  the  citadel  and  had  the  fortune  to  break  through 
the  Mongols,  thus  saving  himself  and  those  under  him.  At 
daybreak  the  citadel  was  attacked  simultaneously  on  all  sides. 
That  struggle  lasted  till  the  evening,  when  one  storming  party 
burst  in,  and  the  stronghold  was  taken.  One  thousand  defenders 
took  refuge  in  a  mosque  and  fought  with  desperation.  The 
mosque  was  fired  then,  and  all  were  burned  to  death  in  it.  The 
Kankalis  who  had  yielded  on  the  third  day,  that  is  the  first  day 
of  fighting,  were  conducted  to  a  place  beyond  the  city  and  kept 


112 


The  Mongols 


apart  from  others.  Their  horses,  arms,  and  outfits  were  taken 
from  them,  and  their  hair  was  shaved  in  front,  Mongol  fashion,  as 
if  they  were  to  form  a  part  of  the  army.  This  was  a  trick  to  deceive 
them  till  the  executioners  were  ready.  In  one  night  the  Kankalis 
were  murdered  to  the  very  last  man. 

When  vast  numbers  of  the  citizens  had  been  slaughtered  a 
census  was  made  of  the  remnant:  Thirty  thousand  persons  of 
various  arts,  occupations  and  crafts  were  given  by  Jinghis  to  his 
sons,  his  wives,  and  his  officers;  thirty  thousand  more  were 
reserved  for  siege  labor;  fifty  thousand,  after  they  had  paid  two 
hundred  thousand  gold  pieces,  were  permitted  to  return  to  the 
city,  which  received  Mongol  commandants.  Requisitions  of 
men  were  made  at  later  periods  repeatedly,  and,  since  few  of  those 
persons  returned  to  their  homes,  Samarkand  stood  ruined  and 
unoccupied  for  a  long  time. 

Jinghis  Khan  so  disposed  his  forces  from  the  first,  that  Shah 
Mohammed  could  not  relieve  any  city  between  the  two  rivers; 
now  all  those  cities  were  taken,  and  the  forces  defending  them 
were  slaughtered.  The  next  great  work  was  to  seize  Shah  Mo- 
hammed himself,  and  then  slay  him,  and  with  him  his  family. 

Thirty  thousand  chosen  men  were  employed  now  in  chasing  the 
Kwaresmian  ruler.  Never  had  a  sovereign  been  hunted  like  this 
victim  of  the  Mongols.  He  fled  like  a  fox,  or  a  hare;  he  was 
hunted  as  if  he  had  been  a  dreadful  wild  beast,  which  had  killed 
some  high  or  holy  person,  or  as  if  he  were  some  outcast,  who  had 
committed  a  deed  which  might  make  a  whole  nation  shudder. 
But  here  we  must  say  a  few  words  concerning  the  hunted  man, 
and  explain  his  position. 


CHAPTER  VII 


FLIGHT  AND   DEATH  OF  MOHAMMED 

"HILE  the  Mongols  were  ruining  Northern  Transoxiana 


T  t  Mohammed  held  aloof  from  every  action,  and  was  dis- 
couraged so  deeply  that  his  weakness  affected  all  people  of  the 
Empire.  While  fortifying  Samarkand  he  passed  by  the  moat 
one  day,  and  made  this  remark :  "  The  Mongols  are  so  many 
that  they  could  fill  this  moat  with  their  horsewhips."  When 
Jinghis  had  captured  the  northern  line  beyond  the  Oxus,  Mo- 
hammed moved  southward  by  way  of  Naksheb,  telling  all  people 
to  care  for  themselves,  since  his  troops  could  not  protect  them. 
The  diversity  of  opinions  among  his  commanders  and  ministers 
increased  his  hesitation.  The  best  warriors  declared  that  Trans- 
oxiana was  lost,  but  that  Khorassan  and  Irak  must  be  guarded ; 
that  troops  must  be  concentrated,  a  general  levy  enforced,  and  the 
Amu  Darya  be  defended  at  all  costs.  Others  advised  to  fall 
back  upon  Ghazni,  and  there  meet  the  Mongols;  if  beaten  the 
Shah  might  retire  beyond  the  Indus.  This  being  the  most  timid 
course  Mohammed  favored  and  chose  it;  but,  joined  at  Balkh 
by  Amad  ul  mulk,  the  vizir,  he  altered  that  plan  at  the  instance 
of  Amad,  who  was  prime  minister  of  Rokn  ud  din,  the  Shah's 
son  who  held  Persian  Irak  as  an  appanage,  and  had  sent  Amad 
to  his  father  hoping  thus  to  be  rid  of  him. 

The  position  of  Amad  was  of  this  sort :  He  wished  to  be  near 
Shah  Mohammed,  his  protector,  and  he  was  drawn  toward  his 
birthplace,  the  home  of  his  family;  so  he  persuaded  the  Shah  to 
change  plans  and  go  to  Persian  Irak,  where  he  would  find  men  and 
means  to  force  back  the  Mongols.  Jelal  ud  din,  the  best  son  of 
Mohammed,  in  fact  the  only  brave  man  in  the  family,  was  opposed 
to  both  projects;  he  would  not  talk  of  retreat,  he  would  stop 
the  invasion  at  the  Oxus.   "  If  thou  retire  to  Irak,"  said  he,  "  give 


113 


114 


The  Mongols 


me  thy  forces.  I  will  drive  back  the  Mongols,  and  liberate  the 
Empire."  Every  discussion,  however,  was  fruitless;  the  Shah 
treated  all  his  son's  reasons  as  folly.  "  Success,"  said  Mohammed, 
"  is  fixed  from  eternity,  defeat  is  averted  by  a  change  in  the  stars, 
and  not  otherwise." 

Before  he  left  his  position  at  Balkh  Mohammed  sent  men  to 
Pendjde,  a  point  north  of  Termed,  to  collect  information  of  the 
enemy's  movements.  Tidings  came  quickly  that  Bokhara  had 
been  captured,  that  Samarkand  had  surrendered.  Delaying  his 
journey  no  longer,  the  Shah  started  off  in  hot  haste  through 
Khorassan.  Most  of  the  troops  who  went  with  him  were  Turks 
whose  chiefs  were  his  mother's  adherents  and  kinsmen;  these 
formed  a  plot  very  quickly  to  kill  him.  Forewarned  of  their 
treachery,  Mohammed  left  his  tent  during  night  hours ;  next  morn- 
ing it  was  seen  to  be  riddled  with  arrows.  His  fears  increased 
greatly,  and  he  hastened  on  till  he  reached  Nishap,  where  he 
halted,  thinking  that  the  Mongols  would  not  cross  the  river  Oxus 
in  any  case. 

From  Samarkand  Jinghis  despatched  Chepe  with  ten  thousand, 
Subotai  with  a  second  ten  thousand,  and  Tuguchar  with  a  third 
corps  of  similar  numbers.  The  order  given  these  was  to  ride  with 
all  speed  to  the  camp  of  the  Shah.  If  they  found  him  at  the  head 
of  large  forces  to  wait  till  reinforcements  came  up  to  them ;  if  he 
had  few,  to  attack  and  secure  him ;  if  fleeing,  to  pursue,  and  with 
Heaven's  help  take  and  keep  him;  to  spare  cities  which  yielded; 
to  ruin  utterly  those  which  resisted. 

The  pursuing  Mongols  swept  through  Khorassan  untiringly. 
This  splendid  province  had  four  famous  cities:  Balkh,  Herat, 
Merv  and  Nishapur.  Besides  these  there  were  others  of  con- 
siderable, though  minor,  importance.  When  the  Mongols  were 
near  Balkh  that  city  sent  forth  a  deputation  with  presents  and 
submission.  A  Mongol  governor  was  placed  in  it.  Zaveh  closed 
its  gates  and  refused  all  supplies ;  unwilling  to  lose  time  there  at 
siege  work  the  Mongols  pressed  forward,  but  since  people  mounted 
the  walls  then,  and  stood  beating  drums  and  abusing  them,  they 
turned  and  attacked  that  foolish  city  which  reviled  them.  They 
stormed  the  place,  put  to  the  sword  every  man  in  it,  and  burned 
what  they  had  not  the  power  to  take  with  them. 

On  and  on  rode  the  Mongols.    People  met  on  the  way  to 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


115 


Nishapur  were  seized  and  put  to  torture  till  they  told  what  they 
knew  of  the  fleeing  Mohammed.  Cities  were  summoned  to 
surrender;  those  that  surrendered  were  spared  and  received  new 
commandants.  If  cities  which  resisted  were  weak,  they  were 
stormed;  if  strong,  they  were  left  till  a  later  occasion,  since  the 
work  then  on  hand  was  to  capture  Mohammed. 

When  the  Shah  learned  that  the  enemy  had  entered  Khorassan 
he  left  Nishapur  with  a  small  escort  under  pretext  of  hunting. 
Consternation  filled  that  place  when  the  truth  grew  apparent. 
After  the  Shah  deserted  the  city  the  vizir  with  the  mufti  and  the 
cadi  ruled,  pending  the  arrival  of  a  governor,  who  was  on  the  way 
from  Urgendj,  the  Kwaresmian  capital.  This  man  died  when  three 
days  from  the  end  of  his  journey;  his  household  officials  kept  his 
death  secret  lest  the  escort  might  seize  all  his  movable  property. 
One  of  the  regents  went  forth  as  if  to  meet  him,  and  brought  in 
his  treasure.  The  escort,  one  thousand  in  number,  would  not 
stay  in  the  city,  but  went  in  search  of  Mohammed.  Next  day 
those  men,  when  nine  miles  from  Nishapur,  were  met  by  a  new 
host  of  Mongols  who  attacked  very  quickly  and  cut  them  to 
pieces. 

The  city  was  summoned  to  open  its  gates  and  the  three  regents 
gave  answer  as  follows :  "  When  Shah  Mohammed  is  captured, 
Nishapur  will  surrender.' '  The  first  Mongol  party  that  demanded 
provisions  received  them  and  vanished.  Day  after  day  new  bodies 
rushed  up  to  the  city,  received  what  they  asked  for  and  rode  away 
swiftly.  At  last  Chepe  came  and  commanded  the  vizir,  the 
mufti  and  cadi  to  appear  at  headquarters.  Three  supposititious 
men  were  sent  out  to  meet  him  with  gifts  and  provisions.  The 
general  gave  these  men  the  Khan's  proclamation  in  Uigur  char- 
acters, and  this  was  its  import :  "  O  commandants,  officials  and 
people !  Know  ye  that  Heaven  has  given  me  the  Empire  of  the 
earth,  both  the  east  and  the  west  of  it.  Those  who  submit  will 
be  spared ;  woe  to  those  who  resist,  they  will  be  slaughtered  with 
their  children,  and  wives  and  dependents.  Give  provisions  to  all 
troops  that  come,  and  think  not  to  meet  water  with  fire,  or  to  trust 
in  your  walls,  or  the  numbers  of  those  who  defend  them.  If  ye 
try  to  escape  utter  ruin  will  seize  you." 

The  three  bodies  of  Mongols,  ten  thousand  each  which  were 
speeding  on  now  in  pursuit  of  Mohammed  were  rushing  toward 


116 


The  Mongols 


Irak.  Subotai  passed  through  Damegan  and  Simnan,  and 
crossed  the  Kumus  River.  Chepe  Noyon,  who  had  gone  by 
Mazanderan,  rejoined  Subotai  at  Rayi.  This  place  they  took  by 
surprise,  and  then  sacked  it. 

From  Nishapur  Mohammed  hastened  on  to  Kazvin,  where  his 
son  Rokn  un  din  had  an  army;  there  he  took  counsel  with  the 
leaders  of  that  army  which  was  thirty  thousand  in  number,  and 
sent  for  Hezerasp,  prince  of  Lur,  who  advised  a  retreat  across 
the  mountain  chain  lying  between  Fars  and  Lur.  The  Shah 
wished  to  stay  in  Irak  and  increase  his  defense  there;  he  had 
just  stated  that  wish  when  news  came  that  Rayi  had  been  taken 
and  plundered.  Chiefs  and  princes  fled  straightway  on  hearing 
this.  Each  went  his  own  road,  and  the  whole  army  vanished 
immediately,  so  great  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the  onrushing 
Mongols. 

The  Shah  fled  for  safety  to  his  sons  in  Karun.  On  the  way 
Mongol  forces  were  in  sight  and  almost  caught  him,  unwittingly. 
They  sent  arrows  at  the  fleeing  man  though  not  knowing  who  he 
was  and  wounded  the  horse  which  he  was  riding,  but  the  beast 
held  out  and  bore  him  safely  to  the  fortress.  Next  morning  he 
fled  farther  along  the  road  lying  westward  toward  Bagdad.  Barely 
had  he  ridden  away  when  the  Mongols,  who  knew  now  whose 
horse  they  had  wounded,  rushed  in,  thinking  to  seize  the  hunted 
man  surely.  They  attacked  the  fort  furiously  at  first,  but  learning 
soon  that  the  Shah  had  escaped  they  hurried  after  him.  On  the 
way  they  met  men  who  professed  to  be  guides  dismissed  by  Mo- 
hammed ;  from  these  men  they  heard  that  he  was  fleeing  to  Bagdad. 
They  took  the  guides  then  and  rushed  forward,  but  the  Shah  was 
on  a  new  road  at  that  time.  The  Mongols  soon  saw  that  they  had 
lost  his  trail,  and  were  tricked,  so  they  cut  down  the  guides  and 
returned  to  Karun. 

Mohammed  had  fled  to  Serdjihan,  a  strong  place  northeast  of 
Kazvin  on  a  mountain.  Seven  days  he  remained  there;  he  then 
fled  to  Gilan,  and  next  to  Mazanderan,  where  he  appeared  stripped 
of  property  and  almost  unattended.  The  Mongols  had  preceded 
him,  having  sacked  two  towns  already,  Amol  the  capital,  and 
Astrabad  a  place  of  much  commerce.  "  Where  am  I  to  find  safety 
from  Mongols  ?  Is  there  no  spot  on  earth  where  I  can  be  free 
of  them  ?  "    Such  was  the  cry  of  Mohammed.    "  Go  to  some  little 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


117 


island  in  the  Caspian,  that  will  be  the  safest  place ! 99  said  some 
of  his  friends.  This  advice  pleased  Shah  Mohammed,  so  he 
stopped  in  a  village  on  the  seashore,  intending  to  follow  it.  He 
prayed  five  times  each  day  in  the  mosque,  had  the  Koran  read 
to  him  and  promised  God  tearfully  that  justice  would  reign  in 
his  Empire  as  never  on  earth  up  to  that  day,  should  power  ever 
come  to  him  a  second  time. 

While  Mohammed  was  thus  engaged  in  that  village,  Mongols 
appeared  on  a  sudden.  They  were  guided  by  Rokn  ud  din,  a 
small  prince  of  that  region.  This  man's  uncle  and  cousin  had  been 
killed  by  Shah  Mohammed,  who  seized  their  lands  in  the  days  of 
his  insolence  and  his  greedy  ambition.  Rokn  ud  din's  hatred  had 
sent  him  as  a  guide  to  the  Mongols,  and  thus  he  recovered  his  fam- 
ily inheritance.  The  Shah  had  barely  time  to  spring  into  a  boat 
and  push  out  from  shore  when  his  enemies  were  upon  him.  En- 
raged at  the  loss  of  their  victim,  many  horsemen  sprang  after  the 
boat,  but  they  failed  to  reach  it  and  were  drowned  in  the  Caspian. 

Mohammed,  who  was  suffering  gravely  from  pleurisy  and  weak- 
ness, declared  as  he  sailed  from  the  shore,  that  after  reigning  over 
many  kingdoms  and  lands  he  lacked  even  a  few  ells  of  earth  for 
a  resting  place.  The  fallen  man  reached  a  small  island  and  was 
childishly  joyous  at  finding  a  safe  place  of  refuge.  His  house  was 
a  tent  with  little  in  it,  but  the  people  of  the  coast  brought  him 
food,  and  whatever  else  might  be  pleasing  to  the  monarch,  as  they 
thought.  In  return  Mohammed  gave  them  brevets  of  office,  or 
titles  to  land  which  they  wrote  themselves  frequently,  since  he  had 
sent  most  of  his  small  suite  to  bring  his  sons  to  him.  Later  on, 
when  Jelal  ud  din  had  regained  some  part  of  his  possessions  he 
honored  all  gages  of  this  kind. 

The  Shah's  illness  increased,  and  he  lost  hope  of  recovery.  His 
sons  came  and  then  he  withdrew  from  Oslag  the  inheritance. 
"  Save  Jelal  ud  din  there  is  none  of  you  who  can  recover  the  Em- 
pire," declared  Mohammed.  The  failing  monarch  took  his  own 
sabre  which  he  girded  on  Jelal  ud  din,  and  commanded  the  younger 
brothers  to  show  him  obedience.  Mohammed  breathed  his  last 
some  days  later,  January  10,  1221,  and  was  buried  on  that  island. 
There  was  no  cloth  for  a  shroud,  so  he  was  buried  in  another  man's 
shirt.  His  funeral  was  small  and  the  ceremony  scant  at  his  burial. 
Such  was  the  end  which  Jinghis  gave  a  great  sovereign  who,  till 


118 


The  Mongols 


his  attack  on  the  Kalif  of  Islam,  ruled  over  a  vast  country  and  found 
success  everywhere  save  in  the  struggles  with  his  mother. 

Before  crossing  the  Oxus,  Mohammed  directed  Turkan  Khatun, 
who  governed  Urgendj,  the  modern  Khiva,  to  retire  to  Mazanderan 
and  live  there  in  the  mountains,  taking  with  her  his  harem.  Jin- 
ghis,  informed  clearly  of  the  quarrels  between  the  Shah  and  his 
mother,  sent  Danishmend,  his  chancellor,  to  that  relentless,  harsh 
woman,  and  this  was  his  message :  "  Thy  son  is  ungrateful,  I 
know  that.  If  thou  agree  with  me  I  will  not  touch  Kwaresm, 
which  thou  art  ruling.  I  will  give  thee,  moreover,  Khorassan 
when  I  win  it.  Send  a  trusty  man,  he  will  hear  this  assurance  from 
my  own  lips  directly." 

Turkan  Khatun  gave  no  answer,  but  left  Kwaresm  as  soon  as 
she  heard  that  her  son  had  fled  westward.  Before  going,  however, 
she  put  to  death  all  the  princes  whom  the  Shah  had  despoiled  and 
imprisoned ;  among  these  were  both  sons  of  Togrul,  the  last  Seljuk 
sultan  of  Irak;  the  Balkh  prince  and  his  son,  the  sovereign  of 
Termed ;  the  prince  of  Bamian ;  the  Vakhsh  prince,  the  two  sons 
of  the  lord  of  Signak,  and  the  two  sons  of  Mahmud,  last  prince  of 
Gur.  She  had  all  these  men  thrown  into  the  Oxus  and  drowned, 
sparing  only  Omar,  Khan  of  Yazer,  who  could  be  of  use  on  her 
journey,  since  he  knew  all  the  roads  which  led  to  his  own  land 
and  birthplace.  In  fact  he  served  the  woman  well,  till  they  were 
near  Yazer,  when  his  head  was  cut  off  at  her  order,  as  she  had  no 
further  use  for  him. 

When  Mohammed  had  fled  to  Mazanderan  he  directed  his 
mother,  as  we  have  seen,  to  live  in  Ilak,  the  best  stronghold  in  all 
that  great  region  of  mountain.  Later  on  Subotai,  who  was  hunting 
Mohammed,  left  a  body  of  men  to  invest  that  strong  fortress.  As 
Ilak  was  in  a  rainy,  damp  climate  no  reservoirs  had  been  made  for 
dry  periods;  while  the  place  was  invested  that  happened  which 
came  to  pass  rarely,  a  dry  season.  After  a  blockade  of  some  months 
drought  forced  a  surrender.  But  just  after  the  Mongols  had  taken 
possession,  the  sky  was  covered  densely  with  clouds  which  brought 
a  great  rainfall. 

Turkan  Khatun  and  the  harem  were  taken  to  the  camp  of 
Jinghis,  who  was  before  Talekan  at  that  time  and  besieging  it. 
She  was  held  captive  there  strictly.  All  the  sons  of  Mohammed 
found  in  the  harem  were  put  to  death  promptly.    Two  of  his 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


119 


daughters  were  given  to  Jagatai,  who  made  one  of  them  his  concu- 
bine, and  gave  the  other  as  a  present  to  his  manager ;  a  third  was 
given  as  wife  to  the  chancellor,  Danishmend.  The  widow  of 
Osman,  Khan  of  Samarkand,  she  who  had  insisted  on  the 
execution  of  her  husband,  and  was  the  daughter  of  the  Gurkhan, 
was  given  in  marriage  to  a  dyer,  but  by  another  account  she  was 
given  to  Juchi,  who  had  by  her  afterward  several  children.  Turkan 
Khatun,  the  strong,  brutal  woman,  was  taken  to  Kara  Kurum, 
the  Mongol  capital,  where  she  died  eight  years  later.  Just  before 
she  was  captured  a  eunuch  had  urged  her  to  find  refuge  with 
Jelal  ud  din,  her  own  grandson,  who  was  near  by,  he  declared,  with 
a  numerous  army.  Turkan  replied  that  captivity  of  any  kind 
was  sweeter  to  her  than  salvation  at  his  hand.  Such  was  the  hate 
which  she  felt  toward  her  grandson.  Nassir  ud  din,  the  vizir 
who  had  defied  Shah  Mohammed,  was  put  to  death  at  Talekan 
with  a  number  of  others. 

Mohammed's  three  elder  sons  made  their  way  to  Mangishlak 
by  the  Caspian  and  thence  to  Urgendj,  the  Kwaresmian  capital. 
Since  the  flight  of  their  grandmother  the  capital  had  been  without 
rule ;  in  her  haste  she  had  left  no  governor  there.  Seventy  thou- 
sand men  gathered  round  the  three  princes  immediately.  The 
commanders,  being  Kankali  Turks,  were  dissatisfied  that  Jelal 
ud  din  had  succeeded  his  father;  they  feared  his  strong  will  and 
plotted  to  kill  him.  The  new  Shah  saw  very  clearly  that  his  one 
chance  of  safety  was  flight,  and  he  seized  that  chance  quickly. 
With  three  hundred  warriors  under  Timur  Melik,  that  Khodjend 
commandant  who  had  escaped  through  the  Mongol  investment, 
he  fled  across  the  desert  to  Nessa. 

After  the  capture  of  Samarkand  Jinghis  stationed  his  troops 
between  that  place  and  Naksheb  where  they  spent  the  spring  of 
1221  and  also  the  summer.  Toward  autumn  his  forces  were 
reorganized  thoroughly.  Having  rested  they  were  strong  and  now 
ready  for  action.  The  return  of  Mohammed's  sons  at  Urgendj 
and  the  gathering  of  forces  there  roused  the  Khan's  vigilance,  so 
he  despatched  thither  an  army  at  once  under  his  sons,  Juchi,  Jagatai 
and  Ogotai.  To  cut  off  retreat  toward  the  Indus  he  formed  a  cordon 
on  the  southern  rim  of  the  desert ;  a  part  of  this  cordon  was  already 
near  Nessa  when  Jelal  ud  din  and  his  party  arrived  there.  He 
attacked  this  line  of  men  valiantly,  forced  it  to  flight  and  pushed 


120 


The  Mongols 


on  without  stopping.  This  was  the  first  victory  won  over  Mongols 
in  the  Kwaresmian  Empire.  The  two  younger  brothers,  hearing 
of  the  advance  on  Urgendj,  set  out  three  days  later,  but  failed  of 
such  fortune  as  their  brother,  and  perished  near  Nessa.  Their 
heads  fixed  on  lances  were  borne  through  Khorassan. 

When  the  Mongol  troops  arrived  before  Urgendj,  Juchi,  who  was 
in  command,  sent  to  the  capital  a  summons  to  surrender,  informing 
the  people  that  his  father  had  given  him  the  city  and  that  he  did 
not  wish  to  injure  it  in  any  way.  As  no  attention  was  paid  to  this 
summons  the  siege  was  begun  at  once.  The  Mongols  endeavored 
to  divert  the  waters  of  the  Oxus  above  the  town,  but  with  no 
success,  for  the  workmen  were  killed  by  the  garrison.  Quarrels 
between  Juchi  and  Jagatai  impeded  siege  work  very  greatly. 
Jinghis,  angered  by  this  delay,  placed  Ogotai  in  command.  Juchi 
was  enraged  at  being  thus  superseded  by  a  younger  brother,  but 
he  could  not  withdraw.  The  siege  lasted  seven  months  and  gained 
great  renown  through  the  desperate  defense  made  by  citizens. 
After  the  general  assault  which  decided  the  fate  of  the  city  the 
people  continued  resistance  with  fury;  driven  from  one  street 
they  fought  in  the  next.  Women  and  even  children  took  part  in 
these  struggles,  which  continued  seven  days  and  nights  without 
ceasing.  At  last  the  inhabitants  asked  to  capitulate.  "  We  have 
felt  thy  wrath,"  declared  they  to  the  Mongol  commander,  "  thy 
time  has  come  now  to  show  favor."  "  How  !  "  exclaimed  Ogotai. 
"  They  mention  our  wrath,  they  who  have  slain  so  many  of  our 
army  ?  We  have  felt  their  wrath  very  heavily  and  now  we  will 
show  them  what  ours  is  !  " 

He  ordered  all  the  inhabitants  to  go  forth  from  the  city  and  wait 
on  the  plain;  the  artisans  were  to  group  themselves  separately. 
These  artisans  were  spared,  but  were  sent  to  Mongolia.  Some  of 
them  fearing  such  an  exile,  joined  with  the  people  and  waited. 
Except  artisans  no  one  was  spared  unless  youthful  women,  and 
also  children;  all  were  cut  down  by  Ogotai,  without  mercy. 

After  this  slaughter  the  Mongols  plundered  Urgendj  of  every- 
thing which  had  value.  Then  they  opened  the  sluices  of  the  Oxus 
and  flooded  the  city;  those  who  were  hidden  there  perished.  In 
other  places  some  persons  saved  themselves  always,  but  here, 
those  who  escaped  Mongol  fury  and  hid  themselves  were  drowned 
by  the  water  let  in  on  them. 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


121 


Jinghis  camped  that  summer  on  the  rich  Naksheb  steppes, 
where  his  vast  herds  of  horses  found  rest  and  good  pasture .  In 
the  autumn  a  new  and  great  campaign  was  begun  by  the  siege 
laid  to  Termed.  This  city,  on  the  north  or  right  bank  of  the  Oxus, 
refused  to  surrender  and  was  taken  by  storm  on  the  tenth  day  of 
action.  All  the  inhabitants  were  driven  beyond  the  suburbs  and 
massacred;  a  certain  old  woman  stopped  the  sword  above  her 
head  and  promised  a  rare  pearl  if  they  spared  her.  When  they 
asked  for  the  treasure,  she  answered,  "  I  have  swallowed  it." 
They  ripped  her  body  open  and  found  the  costly  pearl  in  her  stom- 
ach. Thinking  that  others  might  have  swallowed  jewels  in  like 
fashion,  Jinghis  commanded  to  rip  bodies  open  thenceforward. 

The  Mongol  Khan  passed  the  next  winter  between  Balkh  and 
the  Badakshan  boundary,  subduing,  ravaging,  destroying  all  cities 
of  note,  and  every  place  of  distinction  or  value.  Before  the  winter 
had  ended  that  whole  region  north  of  the  Oxus  was  ruined,  and  was 
a  horror  to  look  upon.  In  spring  he  crossed  the  river  at  a  ford  and 
was  met  by  a  Balkh  deputation  with  gifts  and  submission.  Hu- 
mility brought  that  rich  famous  place  no  salvation.  Jinghis, 
who  knew  that  Jelal  ud  din,  the  new  sovereign,  was  at  Ghazni 
with  an  army,  would  not  leave  a  strong  fortress  behind  him. 
Under  pretext  of  making  a  census  he  directed  the  people  in  Balkh 
to  assemble  outside  near  the  suburbs.  They  went  forth  and  were 
slaughtered  most  brutally ;  the  city  was  pillaged,  then  burned,  and 
all  its  defenses  demolished. 

The  time  of  terror  came  next  to  Nusrat  i  kuh  in  the  Talekan 
district.  This  place,  strong  by  position,  by  its  works,  and  its 
garrison,  defended  itself  for  six  months  with  immense  strength,  and 
successfully.  Prisoners  in  large  numbers  were  forced  to  fight  in 
the  front  lines  of  investment.  Those  who  turned  back  were  cut 
down  without  mercy  by  the  Mongols  behind  them.  A  huge  earth 
mound  was  reared  and  catapults  placed  on  it;  with  these  the 
besiegers  battered  the  interior  of  the  fortress.  At  last  the  brave 
garrison  made  a  great  sally  on  foot  and  on  horseback ;  the  horsemen 
escaped  to  the  mountains,  but  the  foot  forces  were  like  wild  beasts 
at  bay;  they  fought  till  the  enemy  had  slain  every  man  of  them. 
The  Mongols  then  burst  into  the  city ;  they  spared  no  living  soul 
in  it  and  left  not  one  stone  on  another. 

While  the  Khan's  army  was  destroying  Nusrat  i  kuh,  Tului 


122 


The  Mongols 


returned  to  his  father  after  wasting  Khorassan,  the  richest  and  most 
beautiful  part  of  the  Empire.  When  Tului  had  set  out  for  this 
work  of  destruction  Khorassan  had  been  already  ravaged  by 
Subotai  and  by  Chepe,  who  did  the  work  only  in  part  as  they 
rushed  along  hunting  Mohammed.  These  two  chiefs  left  a  com- 
mandant in  each  place  which  yielded.  After  they  had  passed,  and 
when  news  came  of  victories  won,  as  men  said,  by  Mohammed, 
people  hitherto  terrified  recovered  their  courage.  For  instance, 
the  chief  of  militia  in  Tus  killed  the  Mongol  commandant  and 
sent  his  head  to  Nishapur,  the  next  city,  as  a  trophy ;  but  this 
chief  suffered  soon  after  for  his  levity  and  rashness.  A  strange 
captain  came  with  a  detachment  to  Tus,  put  nearly  all  native  troops 
to  the  sword,  and  forced  the  Tus  citizens  to  destroy  their  defenses. 

When  Tului  received  the  command  in  1220  to  march  on  Kho- 
rassan he  sent  forward  ten  thousand  men,  under  Togachar,  as  a 
vanguard.  This  body  went  on  toward  Nessa  and  when  approaching 
that  city  a  part  of  it  met  with  resistance.  Belgush,  its  commander, 
fell  in  the  action  which  followed.  Togachar,  to  avenge  the  death  of 
Belgush,  besieged  Nessa,  Shah  Mohammed,  when  fleeing,  had 
sent  an  official  to  advise  Nessa  people :  "  The  Mongols,"  said  he, 
"  will  abandon  the  Empire  when  they  have  plundered  it,  so  flee 
to  the  desert,  or  to  mountainous  regions,  unless  ye  wish  to  rebuild 
the  old  fortress,  which  was  razed  by  my  father  "  They  rebuilt  the 
old  fortress. 

Togachar  attacked  Nessa,  using  twenty  catapults  handled  by 
captives,  who,  whenever  they  fell  back,  were  massacred  by  Mongols 
behind  them.  On  the  sixteenth  day  at  dawn  a  breach  in  the  wall 
was  effected ;  the  Mongols  burst  through  and  drove  out  the  inhabit- 
ants. On  the  plain  near  Nessa  some  were  forced  to  bind  others; 
when  the  hands  of  each  man  were  bound  behind  his  back  the  Mon- 
gols slaughtered  all  who  were  there,  seventy  thousand  in  number. 

The  ancient  city  of  Meru,  or  Merv,  renowned  in  Persian  story, 
and  still  more  in  Sanscrit  poems,  was  the  first  place  attacked  by 
Tului  with  the  main  army.  It  was  one  of  the  four  ruling  cities, 
and  the  one  which  Melik  Shah  and  Sindjar,  the  Seljuk  Sultans, 
had  favored.  It  stood  on  a  broad,  fertile  plain  through  which 
flowed  the  Murghab,  or  Bird,  River.  When  Mohammed  fled  from 
Jinghis  he  directed  Merv  troops  and  officials  to  retire  on  Meraga, 
a  neighboring  fortress.    "  All  people  who  remain  must  receive 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


123 


Mongol  troops  with  submission, 99  this  was  his  order.  Moham- 
med's fear,  not  his  counsel,  remained  in  that  city.  His  governor, 
Behai  ul  Mulk,  did  not  think  Meraga  strong  and  found  elsewhere 
a  refuge ;  some  chiefs  returned  to  Merv,  others  fled  to  distant  places. 
The  new  governor,  a  man  of  no  value,  declared  for  submission, 
and  so  did  the  mufti,  but  the  judge  and  descendants  of  the  Prophet 
demanded  resistance.  The  governor  lost  his  place  soon  and  was 
followed  in  office  by  a  former  incumbent  named  Mojir  ul  Mulk, 
who  managed  Merv  matters  till  Tului  appeared  with  a  force 
seventy  thousand  in  number,  made  up  in  some  part  of  captives. 
Next  day  he  surrounded  the  outworks  and  within  a  week's  time 
his  whole  army  had  inclosed  that  doomed  city,  February,  1221. 

The  besieged  made  two  sorties  from  different  sides,  but  were 
hurled  back  each  time  with  great  violence.  The  assailants  then 
passed  the  whole  night  near  the  ramparts,  so  that  no  living  soul 
might  escape  them.  Mojir  ul  Mulk  sent  a  venerable  Imam  next 
morning  to  visit  headquarters.  This  holy  man  brought  back  such 
mild  words  and  fair  speeches,  that  the  governor  himself  went 
to  visit  the  camp,  bearing  with  him  rich  presents.  Tului  promised 
him  the  office  of  governor,  and  the  lives  of  all  citizens.  He  gave 
him  a  rich  robe  of  honor  and  spoke  of  the  governor's  friends  and 
adherents :  "  I  desire  to  attach  them  to  my  person,"  said  he, 
"  and  confer  on  them  fiefs  and  high  office."  The  governor  sent 
for  his  friends  and  adherents.  When  Tului  had  all  these  men  in 
his  power  he  bound  them.  He  bound  Mojir  ul  Mulk  also  and 
forced  him  to  name  the  richest  Merv  citizens.  A  list  was  drawn 
up  of  two  hundred  great  merchants  and  men  of  much  property, 
who  were  sent  to  the  Mongols  with  four  hundred  artisans.  After 
this  the  troops  entered  the  city  and  drove  out  the  people.  The 
command  had  been  given  that  each  man  must  go  forth  with  his 
family  and  all  he  had  of  most  value.  The  multitude  spent  four 
whole  days  marching  out  of  the  city. 

Tului  mounted  a  gilded  throne  on  a  plain  near  the  suburbs  and 
had  the  war  chiefs  brought  first  to  his  presence.  That  done  he 
commanded  to  hew  off  their  heads  in  presence  of  the  immense 
wailing  multitude  of  people,  for  whom  no  better  lot  was  in 
waiting. 

Men,  women,  and  children  were  torn  from  one  another  never 
to  meet  in  this  life  after  that  day.    The  whole  place  was  filled  with 


124 


The  Mongols 


groans,  shrieks  and  wild  terror;  the  people  were  given  in  groups 
to  divisions  of  the  army  whose  office  it  was  to  cut  them  down  to 
the  last  without  pity  or  exception.  Only  four  hundred  artisans 
were  set  aside  and  some  boys  and  girls  intended  for  servitude. 
Wealthy  persons  were  tortured  unsparingly  till  they  told  where  their 
treasures  were  hidden;  when  the  treasures  were  found  these 
men  were  slaughtered  as  well  as  the  others.  The  city  was  plun- 
dered to  the  utmost ;  the  tomb  of  the  Sultan,  Sindjar,  was  pillaged ; 
the  walls  of  the  ancient  city  and  the  fortress  were  made  level  with 
the  country  about  them. 

Before  he  left  that  city  of  carnage  and  terror  Tului  appointed  a 
governor,  one  of  the  inhabitants  whom  he  had  spared  for  some 
reason,  and  then  he  joined  a  Mongol  commandant  to  that  man. 
When  the  army  had  marched  away  to  destroy  Nishapur,  about 
five  hundred  persons  crept  forth  from  underground  places  of  hiding, 
but  short  was  the  breathing  space  given  them.  Mongol  troops 
following  Tului  wished  also  a  share  in  the  bloodshed.  Halting 
outside  the  dark  ruins,  they  asked  that  these  ill-fated  people  bring 
wheat  to  their  camp  ground.  The  unfortunates  were  sent  and 
were  slaughtered. 

This  corps  cut  down  every  man  whom  it  met  in  the  wake  of 
Tului. 

Nishapur  stood  twelve  days'  journey  distant  from  Merv  and  in 
attacking  it  Tului  was  preparing  to  avenge  Togachar,  his  sister's 
husband,  killed  at  Nessa.  The  Nishapur  people  had  done  what 
they  could  to  the  harm  of  the  Mongols,  and  had  prepared  to 
defend  themselves  with  all  the  strength  of  their  souls  and  their 
bodies.  They  had  mounted  three  thousand  ballistas  on  the  walls, 
and  five  hundred  catapults. 

The  siege  was  begun  by  laying  waste  the  whole  province,  of 
which  Nishapur  was  the  capital.  Three  thousand  ballistas,  three 
hundred  catapults,  seven  hundred  machines  to  throw  pots  of  burn- 
ing naphtha,  and  four  thousand  ladders  were  among  the  siege 
implements.  At  sight  of  these,  and  of  the  vast  multitude  of  savage 
warriors  surrounding  their  city,  the  leaders  felt  courage  go  from 
them. 

A  deputation  of  notables,  with  the  chief  judge  of  Khorassan, 
went  to  offer  Tului  submission,  and  an  annual  tribute. 

Tului  refused  every  offer  and  held  the  judge  captive.  Next 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


125 


morning  he  rode  round  the  walls  and  roused  his  troops  to  the  great- 
est endeavor.  They  attacked  all  sides  at  once,  fighting  that  day 
and  the  night  following.  In  the  morning  the  moats  were  full; 
in  the  walls  were  seventy  breaches;  ten  thousand  Mongols  had 
entered.  New  assailants  rushed  in  from  every  side,  and  there  were 
desperate  encounters  at  many  points.  Before  that  day  had 
ended  the  city  was  occupied.  The  assailants  took  terrible  ven- 
geance. Togachar's  widow,  one  of  Jinghis  Khan's  daughters, 
rushed  in  herself  with  ten  thousand  warriors  who  cut  down  all 
before  them.  The  slaughter  continued  four  days  without  ceasing. 
The  Mongols  destroyed  every  living  thing ;  even  the  cats  and  dogs 
in  the  city  were  killed  by  them  (April,  1221). 

Tului  had  heard  that  in  the  destruction  of  Merv  many  persons 
had  saved  their  lives  by  lying  down  among  corpses,  so  now  he 
ordained  that  all  heads  be  cut  from  the  bodies;  of  these  three 
pyramids  were  constructed,  one  of  men's  heads,  a  second  from 
heads  of  women,  and  a  third  of  children's  heads.  Fifteen  days 
did  destruction  of  the  city  continue;  the  place  disappeared  alto- 
gether, and  the  Mongols  sowed  barley  on  the  site  of  it.  Of  the 
inhabitants  only  a  few  hundred  men  were  left  living ;  these  were 
skilled  artisans.  Lest  some  should  find  refuge  in  underground 
places,  troops  were  left  near  the  ruins  to  slay  all  who  might  creep 
out  later  on  into  daylight. 

The  Mongol  army  marched  now  against  Herat,  the  last  city  left 
in  Khorassan.  The  governor,  who  had  slain  the  envoy  sent  by 
Tului  to  summon  the  place  to  surrender,  exhorted  all  men  to 
fight  desperately,  to  fight  to  the  death.  The  struggle  continued 
eight  days,  and  Herat  fought  with  immense  resolution  and  fury; 
on  that  day  the  governor  fell,  and  a  small  party  sprang  up  which 
declared  for  submission.  Tului  knowing  this  state  of  mind  in 
the  city,  promised  to  spare  the  people,  if  they  would  submit  to 
him  straightway.  The  offer  was  accepted.  He  spared  all  the 
citizens,  excepting  twelve  thousand  devoted  to  Jelal  ud  din,  the 
new  sovereign,  and  appointed  a  Mohammedan  governor,  with  a 
Mongol  commandant  to  help  him. 

Eight  days  later  Tului  received  from  Talekan  a  command  to 
go  to  his  father. 

While  Tului  was  ruining  Khorassan,  a  small  group  of  Turkmans, 
Khankalis,  who  were  living  near  Merv,  fearing  the  Mongols, 


126 


The  Mongols 


moved  westward,  and  after  some  wandering  in  Asia  Minor,  settled 
at  last  near  Angora  under  Ertogrul  their  tribe  chieftain.  They 
numbered  in  those  days  four  hundred  and  forty  families.  These 
Turkmans  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  so  famous 
in  history  until  our  day. 

After  he  had  destroyed  Talekan,  Jinghis  held  his  summer  camp 
for  a  time  in  the  neighboring  mountains.  His  sons,  Jagatai  and 
Ogotai,  returned  from  Urgendj  and  other  ruined  places  on  the 
Oxus.  Juchi  went  north  of  Lake  Aral  and  in  deep  and  unquench- 
able anger  began  to  establish  the  monarchy  of  Kipchak,  known 
later  as  the  Golden  Horde,  and  never  again  saw  his  father.  Jinghis 
learning,  toward  the  autumn  of  1221,  that  Jelal  ud  din  had  large 
forces  in  Ghazni,  directed  his  march  toward  that  city  to  crush 
him. 

The  great  Khan  was  detained  a  whole  month  at  Kerduan,  a 
firm  fortress,  but  he  destroyed  it  at  last,  with  all  its  defenders. 
He  crossed  the  Hindu  Kush  after  that  and  besieged  Bamian, 
where  he  lost  one  grandson  stricken  dead  by  an  arrow;  this  was 
Moatagan,  son  of  Jagatai.  To  avenge  this  death  Bamian  was 
stormed  promptly,  and  taken.  Jinghis  would  not  have  it  in  another 
way.  The  command  was  given  to  leave  nothing  alive,  and  take 
no  booty  of  any  kind.  Every  living  creature  had  to  die,  and  every 
thing  of  value  was  broken  or  burned.  Bamian  was  renamed 
Mobalig  (the  city  of  woe),  and  the  region  about  it  was  turned  to 
a  desert.    A  hundred  years  later  it  contained  no  inhabitants. 

Just  after  this  destruction  came  the  news  of  Jelal  ud  din's 
victory  over  a  Mongol  division,  commanded  by  Kutuku,  who  had 
been  protecting  the  Khan's  operations  and  those  of  Tului  on  the 
south  side.  This  victory  was  gained  at  Peruan,  not  far  from 
the  Bamian  boundary.  It  brought  more  harm  to  the  victor, 
however,  than  profit,  for  it  caused  a  sudden  rupture  between  his 
commanders,  some  of  whom  deserted  and  led  away  many  warriors. 
With  reduced  ranks  he  was  forced  to  fall  back  upon  Ghazni,  and 
thence  farther  south  when  he  heard  that  Jinghis  was  advancing 
rapidly  to  avenge  the  defeat  of  Kutuku,  his  general. 

The  Mongol  army  reached  Ghazni  fifteen  days  after  its  opponent 
had  retreated.  Jinghis  left  a  governor  in  the  city,  and  flew  toward 
the  Indus  with  all  the  speed  possible  to  horses  when  men  are  sitting 
on  them  and  urging  them  to  the  utmost.    But  this  time  the  great 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed 


127 


Mongol  had  to  do  with  a  man  of  more  mettle  than  he  had  met  in 
his  warfaring  thus  far.  Jelal  ud  din  had  gathered  in  forces  from 
all  sides ;  he  sent  urgent  messages  to  the  chiefs  who  had  left  him, 
but,  though  willing  to  return,  they  had  no  chance  to  do  so  at  that 
day.    Jinghis  was  between  them  and  their  leader. 

The  Mongols  urged  forward  their  horses  with  the  energy  of 
madmen.  The  great  task  was  to  stop  the  young  Shah  from 
crossing  the  Indus  with  his  army  and  his  harem  —  his  wives  and 
children  were  all  with  him.  Time  was  in  this  case  preeminent  in 
value.  The  Mongols  pressed  Jelal  ud  din  savagely,  but  he  was,  as 
ever,  unterrified.  Just  before  reaching  the  Indus  he  fell  at  night 
on  the  rear  of  his  enemy's  vanguard,  and  cut  it  down  to  a  man 
very  nearly. 

On  reaching  the  river  there  was  no  time  to  cross,  so  the  Shah 
ranged  his  army  for  battle.  The  left  wing  was  covered  by  a 
mountain,  which  ended  sheer  in  the  river.  The  mountain  could 
not  be  turned,  and  could  not  be  crossed,  as  the  Shah  thought ;  it 
protected  the  left  from  flank  attack  also ;  the  Indus  protected  the 
right  from  flank  movements,  and  Jelal  ud  din  could  be  met  straight 
in  front  only.  His  army  was  thirty  thousand,  while  that  of  his 
enemy  was  many  times  larger. 

And  now  began  the  unequal  and  desperate  encounter.  The 
Shah's  right  wing,  to  which  he  sent  reinforcements  repeatedly, 
repulsed  the  left  wing  of  the  Mongols,  and  he  himself  broke  Jinghis 
Khan's  center.  For  a  time  the  Mongol  conqueror  was  in  personal 
peril,  since  a  horse  was  killed  under  him  in  the  struggle.  Jelal 
ud  din  would  have  held  his  own,  and  perhaps  won  a  victory,  had 
not  Bela  Noyon  been  sent  with  ten  thousand  picked  men  to  pass 
the  mountain  at  all  costs.  Over  cliffs  and  on  the  edge  of  abysses 
the  Mongols  crept  carefully,  pushing  forward  till  at  last  they  were 
in  the  rear  of  the  weakened  left  wing  and  the  center  which,  at- 
tacked from  rear  and  front,  were  pierced  through  and  forced  out 
of  contact  with  each  other. 

Rallying  seven  thousand  men  around  him  Jelal  ud  din  made  a 
desperate  charge  on  the  line  of  his  enemy,  which  gave  way  for 
some  distance,  then  he  turned  quickly,  sprang  on  a  fresh  horse, 
threw  off  his  armor  and  spurring  to  the  Indus  leaped  from  a  bank 
given  variously  as  from  twenty  to  sixty  feet  higher  than  the  plain 
of  the  water.    His  shield  was  at  his  shoulder,  and  his  standard 


128 


The  Mongols 


in  his  hand.  Jinghis,  who  spurred  to  the  river  bank  swiftly  and 
gazed  at  his  fleeing  opponent,  cried :  "  How  could  Shah  Mohammed 
be  the  father  of  this  man !  " 

The  eldest  son  of  Jelal  ud  din  was  a  lad  of  eight  years.  He  with 
his  brothers  were  tossed  into  the  Indus  and  drowned  like  super- 
fluous puppies.  Jinghis  disposed  of  the  harem  and  treasures  as 
pleased  him. 

Jelal  ud  din  vanished  then  for  a  time  from  the  conflict  to  appear 
later  on  in  various  struggles  till  weakness,  treachery  and  death 
put  an  end  to  him.  Mongol  generals  crossed  the  river  and  pur- 
sued, but  returned  after  fruitless  endeavors. 

Jinghis  marched  up  the  right  bank  of  the  Indus  in  the  spring 
of  1222,  and  sent  his  son  Ogotai  to  take  Ghazni  and  destroy  it. 
Here,  as  in  most  other  places,  the  inhabitants  were  sent  from  the 
city,  as  it  were  to  be  counted,  but  were  slaughtered  most  brutally ; 
none  were  spared  except  artisans.  An  army  corps  was  sent  also 
to  ruin  Herat,  the  one  city  left  in  Khorassan.  Herat  had  risen 
in  revolt  on  hearing  of  the  Peruan  triumph  over  Mongols;  the 
people  had  had  such  action  in  view  since  the  time  of  surrender, 
and  had  stored  away  arms  and  supplies  under  pretext  that  they 
were  for  Mongol  use  should  the  need  come. 

Not  far  from  Herat  was  the  Kaliun  fortress,  known  later  on  as 
Nerretu.  To  reach  this  strong  place  men  had  to  pass  single  file 
on  the  high,  narrow  ridge  of  a  mountain  which  resembled  the  back 
of  a  colossal  hog  of  the  razor-back  species.  The  place  was  beyond 
reach  of  arrows,  or  of  stones  sent  by  catapults.  Though  they  had 
attacked  Kaliun  twice,  the  Mongols  had  failed  in  their  efforts  to 
take  it.  The  Kaliun  men,  fearing  lest  they  might  come  a  third 
time,  and  impress  Herat  people,  had  planned  to  involve  that  strong 
and  wealthy  city,  which  would  then  have  one  cause  with  them. 
They  sent  letters  to  the  Mongol  governors  ruling  in  Herat  stating : 
"  We  are  ready  to  surrender,  but  fear  Mongol  rigor;  we  beg  for  a 
written  safe-conduct." 

The  governors  answered  that  they  would  give  such  a  letter,  and 
advised  the  petitioners  to  visit  the  city  and  come  to  them.  This 
was  all  that  the  other  men  needed;  so  seventy  strong  warriors 
went  down  from  Kaliun,  disguised  as  simple  huxters;  they  had 
arms  covered  up  in  the  packs  which  they  carried.  They  entered 
the  city,  each  man  by  himself,  combined  later  on  and  slew  both. 


Flight  and  Death  of  Mohammed  129 


the  governors.  Herat  rose  immediately,  and  killed  every  partisan 
of  the  Mongols. 

In  addition  to  his  own  men  the  Mongol  commander  led  now 
fifty  thousand  impressed  from  conquered  places.  A  siege  followed 
soon  and  a  desperate  resistance.  Six  months  and  seventeen  days 
did  it  last  till  the  fall  of  the  city.  The  sword  was  turned  then 
on  all  save  the  choice  youth  of  both  sexes.  For  one  week  the  Mon- 
gols slew,  pillaged,  burned,  ruined.  It  was  said  that  one  million 
six  hundred  thousand  people  perished  in  the  conflict  and  subse- 
quent slaughter.  Jinghis  received  the  richest  of  the  plunder,  and 
with  it  went  several  thousands  of  youthful  captives. 

When  Herat  was  destroyed  the  commander  went  back  to  the 
main  army ;  somewhat  later  troops  were  sent  to  capture  all  who 
might  have  escaped  and  appeared  in  the  ruins ;  they  found  about 
two  thousand.  These  they  slew,  and  then  returned  to  those  who 
had  sent  them. 

Sixteen  persons  took  refuge  on  a  steep  mountain  peak,  and 
when  they  saw  no  Mongols  coming  back,  they  went  down  to  Herat. 
A  few  others  came  also  and  joined  them.  There  was  then  a  new 
population,  forty  persons  in  number.  Their  only  refuge  was  the 
chief  mosque  of  the  city. 

After  its  terrible  ruin,  Merv  had  been  repeopled  to  some  extent, 
but  later  five  thousand  Mongols  were  sent  to  that  city  and  they 
slaughtered  all  whom  they  found  in  it.  When  these  five  thousand 
had  done  their  work  thoroughly  a  commandant,  Ak  Melik,  was 
left  with  the  order  to  kill  all  who  might  reappear  in  the  ruins. 
This  man  did  his  best  to  find  people  and  slay  them.  He  sent 
muezzins  to  summon  to  prayer  from  the  minarets.  Whenever  a 
Moslem  crept  out  of  his  hiding  place  and  entered  the  mosque  he 
was  seized  and  his  life  taken.  Forty-one  days  did  Ak  Melik  lurk 
there  and  wait  for  more  people.  The  survivors  were  few  when 
he  left  the  ruins.  Merv  remained  a  sad  desert  till  the  days  of 
Shah  Ruk,  son  of  Tamerlane. 

Jinghis  cut  down  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus  all  who  had  been 
faithful  to  Jelal  ud  din,  the  new  Shah,  and  now  he  destroyed  all 
who  had  deserted  that  sovereign  and  been  foolishly  treacherous. 
On  deserting  Jelal  ud  din,  Agrak  had  gone  with  Azam  to  Bekerhar. 
After  a  visit  there  he  set  out  for  Peshawur,  and  from  the  first 
halting  place  sent  back  this  message :  "  Let  not  my  mortal  enemy 


130 


The  Mongols 


remain  in  thy  country."  This  enemy  was  Nuh  Jaudar,  the  chief 
of  five  or  six  thousand  Kolluj  families.  Azam  sent  back  this 
answer :  "  Never  has  there  been  among  Moslems  such  need  as  there 
now  is  not  to  quarrel."  And  taking  an  escort  of  fifty,  Azam 
followed  to  make  peace  between  Agrak  and  Jaudar.  He  could  not 
move  Agrak  or  persuade  him;  they  ate  together  and  also  drank 
wine ;  Agrak's  brain  grew  excited,  he  mounted,  took  one  hundred 
men  and  rode  to  the  camp  of  the  Kollujes.  Jaudar  thinking  that 
Agrak  wished  peace  rode  forth  with  his  son  to  greet  him. 
On  seeing  his  enemy  Agrak  drew  his  sabre  as  if  to  strike,  and 
was  cut  down  by  Jaudar's  men  the  next  moment.  When  Agrak's 
adherents  heard  that  their  leader  had  been  slain  they  thought  that 
Jaudar  and  Azam  had  plotted  his  ruin,  and  right  away  they  slew 
Azam.  Then  they  attacked  Jaudar's  camp,  where  they  massacred 
him  and  his  children.  Soon  after  this  they  encountered  the  Gur 
men  and  killed  a  great  number.  As  a  close  to  this  tragic  insanity  of 
action  a  corps  of  mounted  Mongols  fell  upon  all  and  slew  them 
indiscriminately ;  a  small  remnant  fled  in  various  directions. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


DEATH  AND   BURIAL  OF  THE  CONQUEROR 

JINGHIS  had  passed  the  winter  of  1222-3  near  the  Indus,  and 
in  the  spring  of  1223  he  resolved,  rather  suddenly  as  it  seemed, 
to  march  up  the  Indus  and  return  through  Tibet  to  Tangut  and 
China.  The  reasons  given  by  historians  for  this  move  are  various. 
There  were  troubles  in  Tangut  and  there  was  no  imperative 
reason  for  remaining  in  Kwaresm,  since  that  Empire  was  utterly 
helpless ;  it  had  been  depopulated  and  ruined  in  most  parts. 

Some  people  thought  that  Jinghis,  if  not  horrified,  was  at 
least  set  to  thinking  by  the  boundless  slaughters  committed  at 
his  direction.  We  have  two  accounts  touching  this  matter  which 
are  of  interest,  though  both  bear  the  myth  stamp,  and  are  opinions 
of  other  men  as  to  Jinghis,  not  the  great  Khan's  own  thoughts  as 
expressed  by  his  words  or  his  actions.  In  the  Chinese  history 
"  Tung  KianKangMu,"  the  following  cause  is  given  for  his  sudden 
decision :  When  Jinghis  was  at  the  Iron  Gate  of  North  India  his 
guards  saw  a  creature  which  resembled  a  deer,  but  its  head  was  like 
that  of  a  horse  with  one  horn  on  its  forehead,  and  there  was  green 
hair  on  its  body.  This  creature  had  power  of  speech,  for  it  said 
to  the  guards:  4 e  It  is  time  for  your  master  to  return  to  his  own 
land."  Jinghis,  troubled  by  this  message,  consulted  Ye  liu  chu 
tsai,  who  said :  "That  creature  is  Kotwan,  it  knows  every  language. 
It  appears  as  a  sign  that  bloodshed  is  needless  at  present.  For  four 
years  the  great  army  is  warring  in  western  regions.  Heaven, 
which  has  a  horror  of  bloodshed,  gives  warning  through  Kotwan. 
Spare  the  Empire  for  Heaven's  sake.  Moderation  will  give 
boundless  pleasure." 

The  other  account  is  quite  different  in  character  and  import : 
"  I  Was,"  says  a  Gurjistan  cadi,  "  in  Herat  on  a  tower,  which 
stood  just  in  front  of  Tului's  headquarters.    Arrows  came  in 
131 


132 


The  Mongols 


such  numbers  that  I  went  down  and  was  lost  in  the  dust,  among 
Mongols.  They  seized  and  took  me  then  to  Tului.  When  he 
heard  my  adventure  he  wondered :  1  An  angel,  or  it  may  be  a 
demon,  is  trifling  with  thee,'  said  he.  *  Neither,'  replied  I.  *  How 
then  art  thou  here  ?  '  asked  he.  '  I  looked  at  all  things  with  the 
eye  of  a  sovereign/  was  my  answer,  *  hence  no  harm  struck  me/ 
This  answer  so  pleased  Tului  that  he  showed  me  much  favor. 
'  Take  this  gift,'  added  he,  *  for  thou  art  a  man  of  rare  wisdom. 
Be  true  to  Jinghis  the  great  Khan,  for  thou  wilt  now  serve  him.' 
He  sent  me  then  to  his  father,  who  received  me  in  Talekan  with 
high  favor.  Jinghis  spoke  to  me  of  Turkish  sufferings  repeatedly. 
6  Dost  thou  think,'  asked  he  one  day,  '  that  the  blood  which  I  have 
shed  will  be  remembered  against  me  by  mankind  ?  '  He  held  a 
dart  in  his  hand  while  he  looked  in  my  face  and  put  questions. 
*  I  will  answer,'  replied  I,  6  if  your  majesty  secures  life  to  me.' 
'  Speak,'  said  the  Khan,  and  I  answered :  *  If  your  majesty  slays 
as  many  persons  as  you  please,  men  will  give  you  whatever  fame 
pleases  them.'  His  face  colored  at  these  words,  and  he  shouted 
in  rage  till  the  dart  dropped  from  his  fingers.  I  felt  death  standing 
near  me  that  moment,  but  he  soon  recovered  and  said :  ' 1  have 
thought  on  the  wisdom  of  sages,  and  see  that  I  have  plundered  and 
slain  without  the  right  knowledge  in  that  region  where  Moham- 
med's horse  lost  his  way ;  but  what  care  I  for  men  ?  '  and  he  went 
from  the  chamber.  I  could  remain  in  those  places  no  longer,  such 
was  my  fear  in  that  horde,  and  I  fled  from  it." 

Before  starting  for  home  Jinghis  gave  command  to  kill  all 
superfluous  prisoners,  that  is,  all  who  had  done  the  work  because 
of  which  they  had  been  spared  from  death  on  the  day  when  they 
were  taken ;  only  artisans  were  left,  men  needed  for  their  skill  in 
Mongolia.  This  command  was  not  carried  out,  however,  till  the 
captives  had  hulled  an  immense  store  of  rice  for  the  Mongols; 
that  done  they  were  slain  in  one  night  without  any  exception. 

The  Mongols  took  the  road  toward  Tibet,  but  after  some  days 
they  turned  back  from  that  difficult  region  and  went  to  Peshawur, 
where  were  the  roads  along  which  they  had  come  in  the  first  place. 
As  he  passed  Balkh  on  the  Samarkand  road  Jinghis  Khan  issued 
orders  to  slay  all  who  had  made  their  way  back  to  that  city. 

After  the  death  of  Shah  Mohammed,  Chepe  Noyon  and  Subotai, 
two  of  the  three  who  had  hunted  him  down  to  extinction,  plundered 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror  133 


Persian,  that  is  Eastern,  Irak  and  ruined  it,  and  also  the  lands 
between  that  vast  province  and  the  Caspian.  On  the  west  they 
went  great  distances  inland,  including  parts  of  Armenia,  and  also 
Georgia  as  far  as  Tiflis.  In  1222  those  commanders  received 
from  Jinghis  reinforcements  with  a  command  to  conquer  the 
Polovtsi,  a  people  akin  to  the  Mongols. 

These  Polovtsi  led  a  nomad  life  in  that  region  which  stretches 
westward  from  the  Caspian  to  the  Dnieper;  they  were  neighbors 
of  the  Russians  whom  they  had  harassed  for  centuries.  The 
Mongols  had  obtained  from  the  Shirvan  Shah  ten  guards  to  con- 
duct them.  The  commanders  began  very  strangely.  They  cut 
off  the  head  of  one  of  these  ten  and  declared  that  the  other  nine 
would  die  by  the  same  kind  of  death  if  they  should  deceive  them 
or  use  any  treachery.  Despite  this  cruel  act  the  guides  led  the 
army  into  ambush  among  northern  foothills  of  the  Caucasus,  and 
slipped  away  safely. 

The  Mongols,  astray  in  mountains  and  woods,  were  attacked 
upon  all  sides  by  various  strong  peoples;  among  these  were  the 
Polovtsi,  to  whom  they  were  bringing  destruction.  Pressed  hard 
at  all  points  they  sent  to  those  Polovtsi  this  message :  "Ye  and 
we  are  one  people,  why  war  with  us  ?  Make  peace.  We  will  give 
all  the  gold  that  ye  need,  and  many  rich  garments.  Ye  and  we 
can  work  together  with  great  profit." 

Seduced  by  these  words  and  by  presents  the  Polovtsi  gave 
help  and  aid  to  the  Mongols,  gave  them  victory  first,  and  then  led 
them  out  to  the  open  country.  When  towns  in  the  Caucasus 
foothills  and  near  them  were  ruined  the  Mongols  turned  on  the 
Polovtsi,  slew  their  chief  men  and  numbers  of  others,  took  back 
the  bribes  to  treachery,  took  every  other  thing  of  value  and  cut 
down  and  slaughtered  on  all  sides.  The  Polovtsi  fled  and  spread 
terror  with  their  accounts  of  the  Mongols.  The  whole  people 
left  the  best  pastures  and  moved  toward  their  northern  and  western 
boundaries.  Ten  thousand  families  passed  into  Byzantine 
regions.  John  Ducas,  the  Emperor,  took  those  people  then  to 
his  service  and  gave  them  land  in  Macedonia  and  Thrace.  Great 
numbers  fled  into  Russia,  which  for  two  centuries  had  been 
scourged  with  their  raids  and  their  outrages.  Among  the  fugi- 
tives was  Kotyan,  a  Khan  whose  daughter  had  married  the  Ga- 
litch  prince  Mystislav  the  Gallant.    Kotyan  implored  his  son-in- 


134 


The  Mongols 


law  to  help  him :  "  To-day,"  said  he,  "  the  Mongols  have  taken 
our  land,  they  will  take  yours  to-morrow.  Assist  us;  if  not  we 
shall  be  beaten  on  one  day  and  you  the  day  following." 

Mystislav  called  the  Russian  princes  to  a  council,  at  which 
they  resolved  to  give  aid  to  the  Polovtsi.  "  Unless  we  help  them," 
said  Mystislav,  "  they  will  go  with  the  Mongols  and  strengthen 
them."  A  deputation  went  north  to  ask  aid  of  the  princes  in 
Suzdal.  Troops  were  collected  and  the  Russian  princes  moved 
against  the  enemy  in  confidence.  On  the  way  they  met  Mongol 
envoys  who  delivered  this  message:  "We  have  heard  that,  con- 
vinced by  the  Polovtsi,  ye  are  marching  against  us,  but  we  have 
not  come  to  attack  you.  We  have  come  against  our  own  horse 
boys  and  slaves,  the  vile  Polovtsi;  we  are  not  at  war  with  you. 
If  the  Polovtsi  flee  to  your  country  drive  them  out  of  it,  and  seize 
all  their  property.  They  have  harmed  you,  as  men  tell  us;  they 
have  harmed  us  also ;  that  is  why  we  attack  them."  The  Russian 
princes  gave  answer  by  killing  the  envoys. 

Some  distance  down  that  great  river  the  Dnieper,  a  new  Mongol 
embassy  met  the  Russian  princes  with  these  words :  "  If  through 
obedience  to  the  Polovtsi  ye  have  cut  down  our  envoys,  and  are 
now  bringing  war  on  us,  Heaven  will  judge  your  action ;  we  have 
not  harmed  you."    This  time  the  princes  spared  the  envoys. 

When  the  Russians  and  Polovtsi  had  assembled  at  the  Dnieper 
Mystislav  crossed  with  one  thousand  men.  He  attacked  the 
Mongol  outposts  and  scattered  them.  After  some  hesitation  the 
Mongols  retired.  Moving  eastward,  they  lured  on  the  Russians, 
who  soon  met  a  larger  detachment  of  warriors.  These  they 
attacked  and  defeated,  driving  them  far  into  the  steppe  land 
and  seizing  all  their  cattle.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  the 
Russians  moved  forward  eight  days  in  succession  till  they  neared 
the  river  Kalka.  Then  came  an  action  with  outposts  and  a  third 
Russian  victory.  Mystislav  ordered  Daniel  of  Galitch,  son  of 
Roman,  to  cross  the  Kalka;  after  him  went  all  the  other  princes 
and  encamped  on  the  steppe  beyond  the  river.  The  Polovtsi 
were  posted  in  advance,  some  of  them  serving  as  sentries.  Mys- 
tislav rode  forward  to  reconnoitre.  Being  satisfied  with  what 
was  revealed  to  him  he  returned  hastily,  ordered  out  his  own  men 
and  also  Daniel,  giving  no  command  to  other  princes  who  were 
left  in  their  camp  awaiting  orders ;  there  was  keen  rivalry  between 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror  135 


him  and  them.  Mystislav  thought,  as  it  seems,  to  win  victory 
without  them  and  believed  that  he  had  power  thus  to  win  it.  He 
knew  not  that  he  was  to  meet  Chepe  Noyon  who  had  hunted  to 
death  both  Gutchluk  and  Mohammed,  the  sovereigns  of  two 
Empires;  he  knew  nothing  of  the  Mongols,  their  numbers,  their 
power  or  their  methods. 

The  battle  was  opened  by  Daniel  who,  in  the  forefront  himself, 
attacked  with  great  valor  and  was  wounded  very  early  in  the 
action,  which  was  obstinate.  Observing  the  danger,  Mystislav 
supported  him,  and  the  Mongols  were  repulsed  to  some  extent. 
At  this  point,  for  some  unknown  cause,  the  whole  force  of  the 
Polovtsi  stampeded,  turned,  rushed  back  in  panic  terror  and  filled 
the  Russian  camp  with  disorder.  The  Mongols  rallied  quickly, 
brought  up  fresh  forces,  and  swept  all  before  them.  The  Russians, 
not  engaged  for  the  greater  part,  were  waiting  near  the  river.  The 
Polovtsi  not  only  left  the  field,  but  in  fact  helped  the  enemy, 
hence  victory  was  perfect  for  the  Mongols.  "  Never  in  Russia," 
states  the  chronicler, "  was  there  a  defeat  so  disastrous  as  this  one 
(1224)." 

Three  Russian  princes,  who  had  not  taken  part  in  the  battle,  held 
their  ground  firmly  near  the  river,  on  a  hill  which  they  fortified 
with  palisades.  They  fought  there  with  two  divisions  of  Mongols, 
which  remained  at  the  Kalka  —  the  others  followed  Mystislav 
toward  the  Dnieper.  Three  days  did  those  brave  men  fight  at  the 
river,  till  assured  that  they  would  be  freed  on  surrender,  if  ran- 
somed. They  trusted  the  plighted  word  of  the  Mongols  and 
yielded. 

The  Mongol  chiefs  bound  those  three  princes  hand  and  foot, 
and  laid  them  side  by  side  on  the  ground  at  some  distance  one 
from  another.  They  then  placed  a  heavy  platform  upon  them, 
sat  on  that  platform  and  ate  and  drank  while  the  princes  were  lying 
beneath  in  desperate  torture.  Thus  the  three  Russians  died  while 
the  Mongols  were  feasting  above  them. 

Six  princes  and  a  great  number  of  their  men  perished  while 
fleeing  toward  the  Dnieper.  Mystislav,  and  those  in  his  com- 
pany, including  Daniel,  reached  the  river  and  crossed  it.  The 
prince  burned  his  boats  on  the  west  bank,  or  had  them  cut 
into  pieces  lest  the  enemy  might  follow  him  farther,  but  the 
Mongols  turned  back  before  reaching  the  Dnieper.    The  north- 


136 


The  Mongols 


era  contingent,  commanded  by  the  Rostoff  prince,  Vassilko, 
heard  at  Chernigoff  of  the  Kalka  disaster  and  returned  home, 
being  too  weak,  as  they  thought,  to  face  such  an  enemy. 

On  their  way  eastward  the  Mongols  used  fire  and  sword  without 
mercy  wherever  they  found  men  and  property.  They  filled  south- 
ern Russia  with  terror;  they  swept  through  the  Crimea  and 
ravaged  it;  they  captured  Bulgar  on  the  Volga  and  ruined  that 
opulent  city.  Sated  with  bloodshed  and  laden  with  booty  they 
returned  that  same  year  to  headquarters  east  of  the  Caspian. 
Thus  one  division  of  Jinghis  Khan's  great  army  overran  an  im- 
mense part  of  Europe  without  meeting  effective  resistance  in  any 
place. 

On  leaving  Samarkand  for  Mongolia  Jinghis  gave  command 
to  the  mother,  the  widows  and  the  kinsfolk  of  Shah  Mohammed 
to  stand  at  the  roadside  and  take  a  farewell  look  at  their  native 
land.  They  did  this  and  wailed  in  loud  voices  as  they  saw  it  for 
the  last  time. 

In  February  of  1225  the  mighty  manslayer  had  returned  to  his 
homeland  between  the  rivers,  where  we  may  leave  him  for  a  time 
and  turn  to  China: 

After  Jinghis  left  the  Kin  Empire  in  1216  the  Kins  reoccu- 
pied  the  land  seized  from  them  excepting  Chong  tu  and  the  northern 
rim  of  Pe  che  li  and  Shan  si.  Mukuli,  the  great  Mongol  general, 
reentered  China  in  1217.  During  that  year  and  the  five  years 
which  followed  he  conquered  all  the  lands  of  the  Kin  dynasty 
excepting  one  province,  Honan,  which  lies  south  of  the  Hoang  Ho 
and  extends  from  the  bend  of  that  river  at  Tung  kwan  to  its 
mouth  at  the  Yellow  Sea.  Mukuli  died  in  April,  1223,  leaving  his 
title  and  command  to  his  only  son,  Boru. 

After  the  death  of  this  renowned  warrior  both  Chinese  dynasties 
became  increasingly  active  and  hostile.  The  king  in  Tangut 
followed  also  their  counsel  and  influence.  Beyond  doubt,  it  was 
to  meet  this  new  growth  of  enmity  that  Jinghis  had  returned  to 
Mongolia.  The  Kin  Emperor  had  sent  an  embassy  to  Jinghis 
in  the  west  with  the  offer  to  yield  up  all  places  north  of  the  Hoang 
Ho,  and  to  be  a  younger  brother.  This  was  refused.  Jinghis 
answered  that  the  Kin  Emperor  must  be  content  with  the  title 
of  Prince  of  Honan,  and  the  position  of  a  vassal.  During  the 
two  years  following  there  rose  great  and  very  active  resistance. 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror 


137 


Tangut  favored  the  Kins,  and  its  monarch  prepared  for  armed 
action  against  the  Mongols. 

In  view  of  this  Jinghis  toward  the  end  of  1225  left  his  head- 
quarters to  make  war  on  Tangut.  His  formal  complaint  was  that 
foes  of  the  Mongol  Khan  had  been  favored  and  taken  into 
service  by  the  King  who  had  refused  also  to  send  his  son  as  a 
hostage. 

Jinghis  entered  Tangut  in  1226,  during  Februarys  Between 
that  time  and  the  autumn  following  he  passed  from  north  to  south, 
harassing  the  country  most  savagely .  He  laid  siege  to  Ling 
chau,  the  capital.  Li  ti,  the  king,  died  in  August,  leaving  the 
throne  to  Li  hien,  his  son  and  successor.  A  new  Tangut  army 
was  sent  to  strengthen  Ling  chau,  Jinghis  returned  northward, 
put  that  new  army  to  flight,  stormed  Ling  chau,  took  the  city, 
sacked  it  and  slaughtered  its  inhabitants.  Leaving  a  corps  there 
he  advanced  to  the  south ;  seized  Si  ning  with  Lin  tao  and  sacked 
both  those  cities.  Establishing  headquarters  in  Western  Shen  si 
he  captured  places  all  around  in  that  region  till  the  hot  summer 
came  when  he  retired  to  the  Liu  pan  mountains  and  rested.  The 
condition  of  the  country  at  that  time  as  described  by  Chinese 
annalists  is  as  follows: 

"  Men  strive  in  vain  to  hide  in  caverns  and  in  mountains. 
As  to  the  Mongol  sword,  hardly  two  in  a  hundred  escape  it.  The 
fields  are  covered  with  the  bones  of  slaughtered  people." 

In  the  month  of  July,  1227,  Li  hien  sent  an  embassy  with  sub- 
mission. He  asked  merely  one  month  in  which  to  surrender  his 
capital.  The  favor  was  granted,  and  Jinghis  promised  to  regard 
him  as  his  son  in  the  future. 

Soon  after,  the  Mongol  manslayer  was  taken  ill  and  died  eight 
days  later.  He  had  time,  however,  to  instruct  his  sons  how  to 
live,  and  his  generals  how  to  capture  Nan  king,  and  destroy  the 
Kin  dynasty.  He  told  them  also  how  to  deal  with  Tangut  and  its 
sovereign. 

They  were  to  hide  the  death  of  Jinghis  very  carefully,  and  when 
Li  hien  came  out  of  his  capital  at  the  time  fixed  for  surrender, 
they  were  to  slay  him  and  put  all  people  of  that  city  to  the  sword, 
without  exception. 

Jinghis  died  August  18,  1227,  when  sixty-six  years  of  age.  He 
had  reigned  twenty-two  years. 


138 


The  Mongols 


The  order  to  slay  the  Tangut  sovereign  and  the  people  of  the 
city  was  carried  out  strictly,  and  the  kingdom  of  Tangut  was  added 
to  the  Mongol  Empire. 

"  Since  the  beginning  of  time,"  writes  the  Chinese  historian, 
"  no  barbarous  people  have  ever  been  so  mighty  as  the  Mongols 
are  at  present.  They  destroy  empires  as  a  man  plucks  out  herbs  by 
the  roots,  such  is  the  power  in  their  possession.  Why  does  Heaven 
let  them  have  it  ?  " 

The  remains  of  the  great  Khan  were  taken  back  to  his  birth- 
place. Lest  his  death  might  be  known  the  troops  who  conducted 
them  slew  every  person  whom  they  met  as  they  traveled.  Only 
when  they  arrived  at  the  home  of  Jinghis  was  his  death  published 
to  all  men. 

As  the  life  of  Jinghis  was  unique  and  original,  so  were  the 
circumstances  of  his  death  and  the  details  of  his  funeral.  A  great 
number  of  causes  were  given  for  his  death.  It  was  ascribed  to 
an  arrow,  to  poison,  to  drowning,  to  lightning,  to  the  witchery 
of  Kurbeljin  Goa  the  Tangut  queen,  who  had  the  fame  of  great 
beauty,  and  whom  Jinghis  had  taken  as  it  seems  from  her  husband 
and  added  to  the  number  of  his  many  wives.  It  is  stated  by  some 
historians  that  he  had  more  than  400  wives  and  concubines.  But 
Bortai,  the  mother  of  Juchi,  Jagatai,  Ogotai  and  Tului  always 
held  the  first  place.  Ssanang  Setzen,  the  chronicler,  a  descendant 
himself  of  Jinghis,  describes  the  last  days,  death  and  funeral  of 
his  ancestor.  This  account  reads  like  one  of  those  myth  tales 
which  I  found  in  Siberia.  First  we  have  the  life  and  death  struggle 
between  Jinghis  and  the  King  of  Tangut  whose  name  in  the 
chronicle  is  Shidurgo.  Shidurgo  opens  the  struggle  by  becoming 
a  serpent,  Jinghis  becomes  king  of  all  birds,  and  then  Shidurgo 
turns  into  a  tiger,  Jinghis  changes  at  once  to  a  lion ;  at  last  Shid- 
urgo is  a  boy  and  Jinghis  appears  as  chief  of  the  Tengeri  or  heav- 
enly divinities,  and  Shidurgo  is  at  his  mercy.  "  If  thou  kill  me," 
said  Shidurgo,  "  the  act  will  be  fatal  to  thee;  if  thou  spare  me  it 
will  be  fatal  to  thy  children."  Jinghis  struck,  but  the  blow  did  not 
harm  his  opponent.  "  There  is  only  one  weapon  in  the  world 
that  can  kill  me,  a  triple  dagger  made  of  magnet  which  is  now 
between  my  first  and  second  boot  soles."  With  that  the  Tangut 
king  drew  forth  the  blade  and  gave  it  to  his  enemy.  "  Kill  me; 
if  milk  comes  from  the  wound  it  will  foretoken  ill  to  thee,  if  blood 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror 


139 


ill  to  thy  posterity.  Before  taking  Kurbeljin  Goa,  my  wife,  look 
to  her  previous  life  very  carefully." 

Jinghis  stabbed  Shidurgo  in  the  neck,  blood  flowed  and  he 
died.  Next  the  queen  was  brought  in.  All  wondered  when  they 
saw  her.  "  I  had  much  greater  beauty  before,"  said  she.  "  I 
am  grimy  from  dust  now,  but  when  I  bathe  in  the  river  my  beauty 
will  come  to  me."  She  went  to  the  Kara  Muren  (the  Hoang  Ho) 
and  plunged  into  it.  When  she  returned  she  had  all  her  former 
great  beauty.  The  following  night  while  Jinghis  lay  asleep  she 
bewitched  him ;  he  grew  feeble  and  ill  and  never  gained  strength 
again.  She  left  him,  went  down  to  the  Kara  Muren  and  disap- 
peared in  that  river. 

Jinghis  lay  helpless  in  bed  and  at  last  death  was  near  him. 
He  spoke  then  to  Kiluken,  his  old  comrade,  the  gray  hero :  "  Be 
thou  a  true  friend  to  my  widow  Bortai  Fudjin,  and  to  my  sons 
Ogotai  and  Tului,  be  thou  true  to  them  fearlessly.  The  precious 
jade  has  no  crust,  the  polished  dagger  no  dirt  on  it ;  man  born  to  life 
is  not  deathless,  he  must  go  hence  without  home,  without  resting 
place.  The  glory  of  a  deed  is  in  being  finished.  Firm  and  un- 
bending is  he  who  keeps  a  plighted  word  faithfully.  Follow  not 
the  will  of  another  and  thou  wilt  have  the  good- will  of  many.  To 
me  it  is  clear  that  I  must  leave  all  and  go  hence  from  you.  The 
words  of  the  boy  Kubilai  are  very  weighty;  note  what  he  says, 
note  it  all  of  you.  He  will  sit  on  my  throne  some  day  and  will, 
as  I  have  done,  secure  high  prosperity." 

Kiluken  and  many  princes  went  to  bear  the  corpse  of  their  mighty 
leader  back  to  the  Kentei  Khan  region,  through  the  greater  part 
of  Tangut  and  across  the  broad  Gobi.  A  long,  an  immense  train 
of  people  followed  it.  As  they  marched  they  wailed  and  raised 
their  voices  together  lamenting,  Kiluken  leading,  as  follows : 

"  In  times  which  are  gone  thou  didst  swoop  like  a  falcon  before 
us.    To-day  a  car  bears  thee  on  as  it  rumbles  advancing. 

O  thou  my  Khan ! 

Hast  thou  left  us  indeed,  hast  thou  left  wife  and  children, 

O  thou  my  Khan  ? 

Hast  thou  left  us,  hast  thou  left  the  Kurultai  of  thy  nation, 

O  thou  my  Khan  ? 
Sweeping  forward  in  pride,  as  sweeps  forward  an  eagle  thou 
didst  lead  us  aforetime, 


140 


The  Mongols 


O  thou  my  Khan, 
But  now  thou  hast  stumbled,  and  art  down,  like  a  colt  still 
unbroken, 

O  thou  my  Khan. 
Thou  didst  bring  peace  and  joy  to  thy  people  for  sixty  and  six 
years,  but  now  thou  art  leaving  them, 

O  thou  my  Khan." 

When  the  procession  had  reached  the  Mona  Khan  mountains 
the  funeral  car  stopped  in  blue  miry  clay  and  the  best  horses 
could  not  move  it.  All  were  discouraged  and  grief  stricken,  when 
a  new  chant  rose,  led  by  Kiluken  the  gray  hero : 

"  O  lion  of  the  Tengeri,  thou  our  lord,  wilt  thou  leave  us  ?  Wilt 
thou  desert  wife  and  nation  in  this  quagmire?  Thy  firmly  built 
state,  with  its  laws  and  its  much  devoted  people;  thy  golden 
palace,  thy  state  raised  on  justice,  the  numerous  clans  of  thy 
nation,  all  these  are  awaiting  thee  off  there. 

"  Thy  birth  land,  the  rivers  in  which  thou  didst  bathe,  all  these 
are  awaiting  thee  off  there. 

"  Thy  subjects  the  Mongols  devoted  and  fruitful  are  awaiting 
thee  off  there. 

"  Thy  chiefs,  thy  commanders,  thy  great  kinsfolk  are  awaiting 
thee  off  there. 

"  Thy  birthplace,  Deligun  Bulak  on  the  Onon,  is  awaiting  thee 
off  there. 

"  Thy  standard  of  Yak  tails,  thy  drums,  fifes  and  trumpets,  thy 
golden  house  and  all  that  is  in  it,  are  awaiting  thee  off  there. 

"  The  fields  of  the  Kerulon,  where  first  thou  didst  sit  on  thy 
throne  as  Jinghis,  are  awaiting  thee  off  there. 

"  Bortai  Fudjin,  the  wife  of  thy  youth,  Boorchu  and  Mukuli 
thy  faithful  friends,  thy  fortunate  land  and  thy  great  golden 
mansion,  that  wonderful  building,  are  awaiting  thee  off  there. 

"  Wilt  thou  leave  us  now  here  in  this  quagmire,  because  this  land 
pleases  thee?  because  so  many  Tanguts  are  vanquished?  be- 
cause Kurbeldjin  Goa  was  beautiful? 

"  We  could  not  save  thy  noble  life  in  this  kingdom,  so  let  us  bear 
thy  remains  to  their  last  home  and  resting  place.  Let  us  bear 
thy  remains  which  are  as  fair  as  the  jade  stone.  Let  us  give 
consolation  to  thy  people." 

After  this  chant  the  car  moved  from  the  blue  clay,  went  forward, 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror 


141 


passed  over  the  mountain  range  easily  and  across  the  immense 
Gobi  desert.  It  moved  on  amid  wailing  and  chanting,  and 
at  last  reached  the  home  of  the  mighty  and  merciless  man- 
slayer. 

The  body  was  buried  in  a  Kentei  Khan  forest  near  a  majestic 
tree  which  had  pleased  Jinghis  Khan  very  greatly  in  his  lifetime. 
There  were  many  smaller  trees  near  this  single  large  one,  but 
soon  after  the  burial  all  trees  in  the  forest  had  grown  equal  in 
size  and  appearance,  so  that  no  man  knew  or  could  learn  where 
the  body  of  the  conqueror  was  hidden. 

Jinghis  Khan  is  one  of  the  great  characters  of  history,  perhaps 
the  greatest  that  has  appeared  in  the  world  to  the  present  day. 
A  man  who,  never  hampered  by  conscience,  advanced  directly 
toward  the  one  supreme  object  of  his  life,  —  power.  His  execu- 
tive ability  was  wonderful,  as  was  also  his  utter  disregard  for  human 
life.  Beginning  with  a  few  huts  on  the  Kerulon  he  drew  in  tribe 
after  tribe,  country  after  country,  till  at  his  death  he  was  master 
of  more  territory  than  had  ever  been  ruled  by  one  sovereign.  He 
stands  forth  also  as  the  greatest  manslayer  the  world  has  ever 
known.  From  1211  to  1223  in  China  and  Tangut  alone  Jinghis 
and  his  assistants  killed  more  than  eighteen  million  five  hundred 
thousand  human  beings.  He  demanded  blind  obedience  from 
all  men,  the  slightest  infringement  was  punished  with  death ;  even 
his  most  distinguished  generals  submitted  to  the  bastinado,  or  to 
execution. 

In  Jinghis  Khan's  Code  of  Laws  the  homicide,  the  adulterer, 
the  cattle  thief,  and  the  person  who  for  the  third  time  lost  a  prisoner 
confided  to  his  care  was  put  to  death.  Torture  was  used  to  force 
confession.  When  an  animal  was  to  be  slaughtered  it  must  be 
thrown  on  its  back,  an  incision  made  in  its  breast  and  the  heart 
torn  out.  This  custom  prevails  among  the  Mongols  of  the  Baikal 
(the  Buriats)  to  the  present  day  when  killing  animals  for  sacrifice. 

Jinghis  Khan  left  great  possessions  to  each  of  his  sons  and  heirs. 
To  Juchi,  the  eldest,  he  left  that  immense  region  north  of  Lake 
Aral  and  westward  to  the  uttermost  spot  on  which  the  hoof  of 
a  horse  had  been  planted  by  Mongols  at  any  time.  The  dominions 
of  Jagatai  extended  from  Kayalik  in  the  Uigur  land  to  the  Syr 
Darya,  or  Yaxartes. 

Ogotai  received  the  country  watered  by  the  Imil,  while  Tului, 


142 


The  Mongols 


the  youngest,  inherited  his  father's  home  places  between  Kara 
Kurum  and  the  Onon  River  region. 

These  dispositions,  made  somewhat  earlier,  agreed  with  Mongol 
custom  and  usage,  by  which  elder  sons  received  portions  as  they 
came  to  maturity;  his  father's  house  and  all  that  belonged  to  it 
fell  to  the  youngest  son  always. 

When  the  last  rites  had  been  rendered,  and  the  last  honors  paid 
to  the  great  conqueror,  each  of  the  four  sons  returned  to  his  posses- 
sions, and  it  was  only  after  two  years  that  the  family  held  the 
Kurultai  of  election.  In  the  spring  of  1229  all  assembled  again  on 
the  Kerulon.  They  were  met  and  received  by  Tului,  acting  as 
regent  till  they  should  choose  a  new  sovereign. 

From  the  regions  north  and  west  of  Lake  Aral  came  the  descend- 
ants of  Juchi,  that  eldest  son  who  had  dared  to  defy  his  own 
terrible  father.  Jagatai  brought  his  sons  and  grandsons  from  the 
Hi ;  and  Ogotai  came  from  the  Imil  near  which  he  had  been 
living. 

After  three  days  of  the  Kurultai  had  been  passed  in  feasting  and 
pleasure,  the  assembly  proceeded  to  choose  a  Grand  Khan,  or 
sovereign.  Many  were  in  favor  of  Tului,  but  Ye  liu  chu  tsai,  the 
great  sage  and  minister,  begged  them  to  settle  on  Ogotai,  the  choice 
of  Jinghis,  and  avoid  all  dissensions  and  discord.  Tului  did  not 
hesitate  in  following  this  counsel  and  read  immediately  the  ordi- 
nance of  his  father  in  which  Ogotai  was  named  as  sovereign. 

The  princes  turned  then  to  Ogotai  and  declared  him  the  ruler; 
Ogotai  answered  that  his  brothers  and  uncles  were  far  better  fitted 
than  he  for  the  sovereignty.  He  mentioned  especially  as  the  right 
man  Tului  who  had  remained  with  his  father,  or  near  him  at  all 
times,  and  was  trained  beyond  any  in  the  wisdom  of  the  conqueror. 
"  Jinghis  himself  has  chosen  thee !  "  cried  the  others  to  Ogotai, 
"  how  act  against  his  command  and  his  wishes  ?  " 

Ogotai  still  resisted,  and  forty  days  passed  in  feasting  ere  he 
yielded.  On  the  forty-first  day,  which  was  pointed  out  by  magi- 
cians as  the  time  most  propitious,  he  was  conducted  to  the  throne 
by  Jagatai  and  by  Utchuken  his  uncle,  Jinghis  Khan's  youngest 
brother.  Tului  gave  him  the  goblet  used  on  occasions  of  that 
kind,  and  then  all  who  were  in  the  pavilion,  and  those  outside, 
bared  their  heads,  put  their  girdles  on  their  shoulders  and  fell 
prostrate.    Nine  times  did  they  fall  before  Ogotai,  invoke  on  him 


Death  and  Burial  of  the  Conqueror  143 


prosperity,  and  salute  him  with  his  title  Kha  Khan,  or  Khaan,  the 
White  Khan  of  the  Mongols. 

The  newly  made  monarch,  followed  by  the  assembly,  went  out 
then  and  bowed  down  three  times  to  the  sun  in  due  homage.  The 
immense  throngs  of  people  there  present  gave  the  like  homage 
also.  When  Ogotai  reentered  the  tent  a  great  foast  was  served 
straightway. 

In  choosing  Ogotai  the  family  swore  to  adhere  to  his  descend- 
ants, and  the  following  strange  words  were  used  by  them:  "  We 
swear  not  to  seat  on  the  throne  another  branch  of  our  family  so 
long  as  there  shall  be  of  thy  descendants  a  morsel  of  flesh  which, 
cast  upon  grass,  might  stop  a  bullock  from  eating,  or  cast  into  fat 
might  stop  a  dog  from  devouring." 

Jinghis  Elian's  treasures  were  spoils  from  a  great  part  of  Asia, 
and  Ogotai  commanded  to  bring  them  before  him;  that  done  he 
distributed  those  precious  objects  to  the  princes,  commanders, 
and  warriors. 

During  three  entire  days  they  made  offerings  to  the  shade  of 
Jinghis,  their  great  ancestor.  Ogotai  chose  from  the  families  of 
princes  and  commanders  forty  most  beautiful  virgins;  he  had 
them  attired  in  the  richest  of  garments,  and  adorned  with  rare 
jewels.  These  forty  virgins  were  slain,  and  thus  sent  to  attend 
the  mighty  conqueror  in  that  world  which  he  occupied.  With 
the  virgins  were  slain  and  sent  also  the  best  and  the  costliest 
stallions  of  northern  Asia. 

The  first  work  of  Ogotai  was  to  establish  the  code  of  Jinghis, 
and  pardon  offences  committed  since  the  death  of  the  conqueror. 
Ye  liu  chu  tsai,  the  sage  who  had  exercised  on  Jinghis  so  much 
influence,  and  whose  power  still  continued,  prevailed  then  on 
Ogotai  to  fix  the  rank  of  each  officer  and  official,  and  to  define 
every  difference  between  princes  of  Jinghis  Khan's  house  and  other 
subjects.  He  wished  also  to  restrain  the  boundless  power  of 
Mongol  chiefs  in  conquered  places.  Those  men  disposed  of  human 
life  as  each  whim  of  theirs  shaped  itself;  whenever  they  chose  to 
condemn  a  man  he  died,  as  did  also  his  family. 

At  Chu  tsai's  advice  Ogotai  refixed  all  forms  of  action  in  cases 
of  this  kind.  The  amount  of  yearly  tribute  was  settled  for  the 
first  time  since  the  Mongol  conquest.  In  the  west  it  was  a  tax 
on  every  male  person  of  legal  age.    In  China  the  system  of  the 


144 


The  Mongols 


country  was  chosen  and  the  tribute  was  levied  on  houses.  Lands 
taken  from  the  Kin  dynasty  were  divided  into  ten  provinces  in 
each  of  these  was  established  a  tribunal  for  assessment  and  col- 
lection of  tribute.  Chu  tsai  even  proposed  to  the  White  Khan  to 
use  in  governing  his  possessions  the  rules  of  Confucius.  "  The 
Empire  has  been  conquered  on  horseback,"  said  the  sage,  "  but 
no  man  can  rule  it  from  the  saddle." 

The  advice  was  listened  to  with  benevolence,  and  scholars  were 
placed  by  degrees  in  public  office. 

Now  that  the  Mongols  again  had  a  sovereign  they  gave  more 
force  to  their  conquests  along  those  vast  lines  of  action  which 
Jinghis  had  explained  on  his  deathbed.  Three  great  expeditions 
were  arranged  at  the  Kurultai  of  election:  An  army  of  thirty 
thousand  was  sent  to  destroy  the  rising  power  of  Jelal  ud  din,  who 
had  returned  from  lands  south  of  the  Indus  and  regained  some 
part  of  his  father's  dominions.  A  second  army  of  similar  numbers 
was  sent  under  Kuyuk  and  Subotai  to  conquer  the  Kipchaks  and 
other  peoples.  This  Juchi  would  have  done  had  he  followed  the 
advice  of  his  father.  On  the  third  expedition  Ogotai  the  Grand 
Khan  set  out  with  Tului  and  other  princes  to  end  the  Kin  Empire. 
These  expeditions  we  will  follow  in  the  order  mentioned. 


CHAPTER  IX 


PERSIA  AT  THE  TIME  OF  JINGHIS  KHAN's  DEATH 

WHEN  Jinghis  had  returned  to  his  birthplace  Persia  was 
left  as  a  desert  behind  him.  This  was  true  of  all  Eastern 
parts  of  it,  especially.  "  In  those  lands  which  Jinghis  Khan 
ruined,"  exclaims  the  historian,  "  not  one  in  a  thousand  is  left 
of  the  people.  Where  a  hundred  thousand  had  lived  before  his 
invasion  there  are  now  scarce  one  hundred.  Were  nothing  to 
stop  the  increase  of  population  from  this  hour  till  the  day  of  Judg- 
ment it  would  not  reach  one  tenth  of  what  it  was  before  Jinghis 
Khan's  coming." 

The  ruin  inflicted  by  that  dreadful  invasion  spread  terror  on  all 
sides.  People  stunned  by  the  awful  atrocities  committed  in 
Persia,  believed  that  the  Mongols  were  dog-headed  and  devoured 
human  flesh  as  their  daily  and  usual  nourishment. 

Mohammed, the  Shah  of  Persia, had  three  sons  to  whom  portions 
had  been  given.  Jelal  ud  din,  the  eldest  of  these  sons,  had  sought 
a  refuge  at  Delhi.  At  Sutun  A  vend  Rokn  ud  din,  the  second  son, 
had  been  slain  by  the  Mongols,  while  Ghiath  ud  din,  the  third  son, 
had  retired  to  Karun,  a  Mazanderan  stronghold,  and  saved  himself. 

When  the  Mongols  had  gone  from  the  country  Persian  Irak  was 
the  cause  of  a  conflict  between  the  two  Turk  leaders  Edek  Khan 
and  Togan  Taissi  the  Atabeg.  These  rivals  divided  the  province 
between  them  at  last,  and,  since  Ispahan  fell  to  the  former,  Ghiath 
ud  din  wished  to  win  him  as  a  vassal.  He  therefore  promised 
Edek  his  sister  in  marriage,  but  while  settling  the  terms  of  agree- 
ment Edek  was  slain  by  his  rival,  the  Atabeg,  Togan. 

Ghiath  marched  against  Ispahan  promptly,  received  Togan 's 
homage,  and  gave  him  the  sister  just  promised  to  Edek.  In 
quick  time  he  thus  found  himself  master  of  Irak,  Mazanderan  and 
Khorassan. 

145 


146 


The  Mongols 


Jelal  ud  din  when  defeated  at  the  Indus,  which  he  swam  with 
such  daring,  had  been  pursued  fiercely  in  India  by  Jinghis  Khan's 
warriors  until  he  was  very  near  Delhi. 

The  sovereign  at  that  capital  was  Shems  ud  din  Uetmish,  a 
Turkman  and  once  a  slave  of  the  Sultan  of  Gur,  the  last  ruler  of 
his  line  in  that  country.  When  the  Gur  dynasty  fell,  Iletmish 
seized  a  good  part  of  north  India  and  was  ruling  unchallenged. 
He  feared  now  the  coming  of  so  brave  and  incisive  a  man  as 
Jelal  ud  din,  hence  he  sent  him  rich  gifts  and  declared  that  the 
climate  of  Delhi  was  unwholesome.  Jelal  would  find,  he  felt 
certain,  a  far  better  residence  in  Multan  and  a  much  more  salu- 
brious climate.  Jelal  withdrew,  but  he  gathered  much  booty  of 
value  as  he  traveled. 

Meanwhile  from  Irak  came  many  generals  who  were  enraged 
at  Ghiath  ud  din,  his  brother.  They  brought  with  them  warriors 
who  were  ready  for  service  since  service  meant  plunder.  Jelal 
could  meet  now  the  Scinde  prince,  Karadja,  whom  he  hated.  He 
entered  Karadja's  dominions,  sacked  many  cities  and  routed  his 
army.  Hearing  that  Iletmish  was  advancing  to  strengthen  Karadja 
he  set  out  at  once  to  encounter  the  Sultan  of  Delhi. 

But  Iletmish  offered  peace,  and  the  hand  of  his  daughter  instead 
of  hostilities;  Jelal  took  peace  and  the  woman.  Still  Iletmish 
made  a  league  with  Karadja  and  others  to  drive  out  the  Kwares- 
mian  if  need  be.  Jelal,  who  could  not  make  head  against  all, 
took  advice  of  his  generals.  Those  who  had  quitted  his  brother 
wished  a  return  to  home  regions.  It  would  be  easy,  they  told  him, 
to  snatch  command  from  Ghiath  his  brother,  a  weakling,  and 
foolish.  But  Euzbeg,  one  of  the  generals,  declared  that  Jelal 
should  remain  where  he  was  in  full  safety  from  Mongols  who  were 
more  to  be  feared  than  all  the  princes  in  India.  Jelal  ud  din, 
swept  off  by  the  hope  of  regaining  his  father's  dominion,  decided 
on  going  to  Persia.  He  left  Euzbeg  to  watch  over  his  fortunes 
in  India  and  to  Vefa  Melik  he  gave  the  whole  government  of  Gur 
and  of  Ghazni. 

While  crossing  the  desert  lying  north  of  the  Indus  Jelal  lost 
a  part  of  his  army  by  disease,  exhaustion  and  hunger,  and  when  he 
reached  Kerman,  his  whole  force  had  shrunk  to  four  thousand. 
A  Turk  commander  named  Borak,  with  the  surname  Hadjib, 
that  is  Chamberlain,  had  won  that  whole  region.    Borak  had 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  147 


served  Shah  Mohammed  as  chamberlain,  hence  the  surname 
Hadjib  from  his  service.  Later  on  Ghiath  ud  din  gave  him 
office  in  Ispahan,  making  him  governor,  but,  embroiled  in  the 
sequel  with  Ghiath's  vizir,  Borak  got  permission  to  go  to  Jelal 
then  in  India.  While  crossing  Kerman  the  Kevashir  governor 
attacked  him,  incited  to  do  so  by  Ghiath,  who  wished  at  that 
juncture  to  seize  all  the  baggage  and  women  belonging  to  Borak's 
assistants. 

The  aggressor  was  beaten,  put  to  flight  and  driven  into  a  neigh- 
boring fortress,  where  Borak  killed  him.  Borak  not  satisfied  yet 
with  this  outcome  had  attacked  Kevashir  where  the  son  of  the 
recent,  but  then  defunct,  governor  was  commanding.  While 
thus  engaged  he  heard  all  at  once  that  Jelal  was  in  Kerman. 
Borak  sent  rich  gifts  to  his  visitor  straightway  and  hurried  off  to 
receive  him.  He  offered  one  of  his  daughters  while  greeting  the 
Sultan,  who  took  her  in  marriage  without  hesitation.  When  Jelal 
stood  before  Kevashir  the  place  yielded  and  opened  its  gates  to 
him. 

The  Sultan  had  passed  a  whole  month  in  Kerman  when  he 
learned  that  his  father-in-law  was  pondering  treason.  Orkhan, 
a  general,  advised  the  arrest  of  Borak  and  a  seizure  of  all  his 
possessions,  but  the  vizir,  Khodja  Jihan,  declared  that  if  haste 
were  exhibited  in  punishing  the  man  who  had  been  the  first  to 
acknowledge  the  Sultan  many  minds  would  be  shaken,  since  there 
was  no  chance  to  prove  clearly  the  existence  of  treason. 

Jelal  chose  to  feign  ignorance,  and  continued  his  journey. 
Borak  remained  master  of  Kerman.  After  him  nine  of  his  family 
during  eighty-six  years  succeeded  in  authority.  These  formed 
the  Kara  Kitan  dynasty  of  Kerman,  so  called  because  of  this 
Borak,  the  Hadjib,  its  founder. 

Jelal  advanced  into  Fars  where  for  twenty-four  years  had  been 
reigning  the  Atabeg,  Sad,  son  of  Zengwi,  a  prince  who  claimed  his 
descent  from  a  Turk  chief  named  Salgar.  Sankor,  the  grandson 
of  Salgar,  was  established  in  Fars,  and  when  the  Seljuks  had  fallen 
he  made  himself  master  of  that  region,  and  princes  descended  from 
Salgar,  that  is  the  Salgarids,  thus  gained  dominion. 

On  nearing  Shirez,  Jelal  announced  his  arrival  to  the  Atabeg, 
who  sent  his  son  with  five  hundred  horsemen  to  welcome  the 
Sultan,  and  excused  himself  saying  that  he  had  once  made  a  vow 


148 


The  Mongols 


not  to  meet  any  person  whatever.  Jelal  accepted  the  statement. 
He  knew  that  the  Atabeg  was  hostile  to  Ghiath,  who  had  invaded 
his  country  a  short  time  before  and  had  even  retained  certain 
parts  of  it.  Jelal  gave  back  those  parts  then  to  Sad  and  to  gain 
the  man  thoroughly  married  his  daughter. 

The  Sultan  made  a  brief  stay  in  Shiraz,  being  eager  to  win  back 
Irak  from  his  brother,  for  Ghiath  could  not  restore  peace  to  those 
countries  given  up  to  disorder  and  anarchy  since  the  return  of 
Jinghis  to  Mongolia.  Each  little  district  had  its  own  cruel  master 
and  those  petty  tyrants  completed  in  great  part  the  ruin  begun 
with  such  terror  by  the  Mongols.  Ghiath 's  name  was  repeated  at 
prayer  in  the  mosques,  but  no  man  gave  him  tribute.  Having  no 
money  to  pay  his  Turk  troops  he  was  forced  to  permit  them  to 
take  what  they  could  from  the  people  and  thus  strip  the  country. 
When  an  officer  of  rank  came  for  pay  to  the  Sultan,  the  man  had 
to  take  the  next  higher  title,  an  emir  was  made  melik,  and  a  melik 
made  khan.  That  was  the  reward  for  his  service.  He  was 
forced  next  to  subsist  by  real  robbery  in  some  shape. 

After  Jelal  had  reached  Ispahan  he  set  out  very  quickly  with  a 
picked  band  for  Rayi  near  which  his  brother  was  recruiting  an 
army.  He  had  given  all  his  horsemen  white  banners  like  those 
used  by  the  Mongols.  When  Ghiath  saw  those  white  banners  he 
thought  that  Mongols  were  advancing  to  attack  him,  and  he  took 
to  flight  straightway,  but  returned  soon  with  a  force  thirty  thousand 
in  number.  Jelal  had  recourse  now  to  a  stratagem.  He  sent  to 
his  brother,  through  an  equerry,  this  message :  "  Having  suffered 
cruel  hardships  I  have  come  to  find  rest  here,  but  since  you  meet 
me  with  swords,  I  withdraw  to  other  places." 

Ghiath  believing  this  message,  and  thinking  besides  that  his 
brother  was  powerless  to  harm  him,  came  back  to  Rayi  and  dis- 
missed his  large  forces. 

Jelal  sent  out  an  agent  who  gave  immense  promises  to  the 
generals  of  his  brother,  and  gave  them  rings  also  in  proof  of  his 
favor.  Many  yielded  while  others  went  promptly  to  Ghiath  and 
showed  the  rings  given  them.  He  had  his  brother's  agent  arrested. 
But  Jelal,  feeling  that  most  of  the  warriors  were  with  him,  ad- 
vanced with  only  three  thousand  picked  horsemen.  This  advance 
was  successful;  Ghiath  fled  to  a  fortress  but  reassured  by  mild 
messages  he  left  his  asylum  and  went  to  his  brother's  headquarters. 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  149 


The  supremacy  of  Jelal  was  generally  acknowledged;  com- 
manders came  to  him  each  with  a  shroud  on  his  shoulders,  and  fell 
at  his  feet  to  win  pardon.  The  Sultan  treated  these  men  with  a 
kindness  which  scattered  their  fears  and  attached  them  to  his 
fortunes.  Soon  he  saw  also  at  his  court  that  entire  horde  of  small 
tyrants  who  had  sprung  into  power  during  anarchy  in  all  parts  of 
Persia.  These  men,  in  great  dread  lest  they  lose  their  sweet 
morsels,  came  of  their  own  will  to  render  him  homage.  Those 
who  were  best,  or  at  least  those  whom  he  thought  best  for  his  own 
interests,  got  permission  to  return  to  their  places. 

Jelal 's  first  campaign  after  securing  power  was  against  Nassir, 
the  Kalif  of  Islam,  and  the  enemy  of  his  father.  Marching  to 
Kuzistan  quickly  he  laid  siege  to  Shuster,  the  chief  place  of  that 
province.  His  army  lacked  all  things  and  rushed  through  the 
country  in  various  small  parties  to  find  what  they  needed.  They 
drove  back  great  numbers  of  horses  and  mules ;  they  found  what 
provisions  were  requisite,  but  at  the  end  of  two  months  the  siege 
was  abandoned,  and  the  Sultan  moved  upon  Bagdad  directly. 
He  halted  at  Yakuba,  seven  parasangs 1  distant  from  the  capital. 

Kalif  Nassir  strengthened  Bagdad.  He  gave  one  million 
dinars  2  to  his  troops  before  sending  them  to  battle ;  that  done  he 
waited. 

Jelal  begged  by  letter  Moazzam,  the  Prince  of  Damascus  and 
nephew  of  Saladin,  to  aid  him  in  this  struggle  with  Nassir  who 
had  brought,  as  he  stated,  savage  people  to  Persia,  and  destroyed 
Shah  Mohammed.  Moazzam  replied  that  he  would  make  com- 
mon cause  with  the  Sultan  in  everything  save  only  a  struggle 
against  the  high  chief  of  all  Moslems. 

Kush  Timur  led  the  forces  of  Bagdad  which  were  twenty 
thousand  in  number.  A  pigeon  was  sent  to  Mozaffar  who  was 
prince  then  in  Erbil  with  an  order  to  attack  the  Sultan's  rear  guard 
and  bar  retreat  to  him.  Since  Jelal's  forces  were  small  he  sent  a 
message  to  Kush  Timur  saying  that  he  had  not  come  as  an  enemy ; 
he  desired  the  good-will  of  the  Kalif  whose  aid  was  to  him  indis- 
pensable in  that  great  struggle  with  the  enemy  who  menaced  all 
Islam.  If  the  Kalif  would  act  and  agree  with  him  he,  the  Sultan, 
could  be  the  safe-guard  of  Persia. 

Kush  Timur's  single  answer  was  to  range  his  men  in  order  of 
1  About  twenty-seven  miles.      2  A  dinar  is  the  fiftieth  part  of  a  cent. 


150 


The  Mongols 


battle.  Jelal,  forced  to  fight  with  an  enemy  greatly  superior,  put 
a  part  of  his  small  army  in  ambush ;  he  charged  thrice  after  that 
with  a  troop  of  five  hundred  and  fled,  as  it  were,  in  disorder.  The 
enemy  followed,  fell  into  the  trap,  and  were  attacked  on  both 
flanks  with  great  fury.  Kush  Timur  was  cut  down  in  the  struggle ; 
his  army  was  broken  and  then  pursued  to  the  gates  of  the  capital. 

Jelal  after  winning  this  victory  captured  Dakuka  (1225),  and 
sacked  it.  Next  he  moved  against  Takrit,  and  learning  that 
Mozaffar,  the  Prince  of  Erbil,  was  approaching  with  an  army, 
and  had  gone  ahead  with  a  small  force  to  surprise  and  take  him, 
he  set  out  with  a  handful  of  heroes  and  captured  Mozaffar,  whom 
he  freed  afterward  on  his  promise  to  return  to  his  own  lands  and 
stay  in  them. 

Jelal  dropped  all  his  plans  against  Bagdad;  Azerbaidjan  was 
the  place  which  now  lured  him.  Marching  first  to  Meraga  he 
fell  to  clearing  away  the  ruins,  but  left  that  task  quickly  on  hearing 
that  Togan  Taissi,  his  uncle  on  the  mother's  side,  and  also  his 
brother-in-law,  was  moving  from  Azerbaidjan  to  take  Hamadan 
and  the  neighboring  districts,  the  investiture  of  which  had  been 
given  him  by  the  KaliL  Togan  had  spent  the  whole  winter  in 
Arran  and  on  his  journey  through  Azerbaidjan  he  pillaged  that 
country  a  second  time. 

Jelal  arrived  about  midnight  near  the  camp  ground  of  Togan, 
around  which  were  gathered  vast  numbers  of  sheep,  mules,  horses, 
asses,  and  cattle. 

When  this  Turk  general,  who  thought  that  the  Sultan  was  then 
in  Dakuka,  saw  his  troops  after  daybreak,  and  knew  by  the  regal 
umbrella  that  Jelal  himself  was  there  with  them,  he  was  so  dis- 
concerted that  he  forgot  every  idea  save  the  single  one  of  winning 
favor.  He  sent  his  wife,  Jelal's  sister,  to  make  peace  if  possible. 
She  made  it  and  Togan  thereupon  ranged  his  troops  with  the 
Sultan's  and  under  his  banners ;  after  that  they  returned  to  Meraga. 

Euzbeg,  who  was  ruler  in  Azerbaidjan,  had  gone  from  Tebriz 
to  Gandja  the  capital  of  Arran.  In  spite  of  the  dangers  which 
threatened  his  country  he  passed  his  time  drinking,  leaving  all 
cares  of  State  to  his  consort,  a  daughter  of  Sultan  Togrul,  the  last 
Seljuk  ruler  in  Irak.  She  had  remained  in  Tebriz,  and  Jelal,  who 
was  eager  to  win  that  famed  city,  laid  siege  to  it.  After  five  days 
of  fighting  and  just  as  he  was  ready  to  storm  it,  the  inhabitants 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death 


151 


asked  to  surrender.  The  Sultan  reproached  them  with  murdering, 
a  year  earlier,  certain  warriors  of  his  father,  and  sending  their 
heads  to  the  Mongols.  They  assured  him  that  not  they  but 
their  ruler  had  to  answer  for  that;  they  had  been  powerless  to 
stop  him. 

The  Sultan  accepted  this  statement  and  spared  them.  They 
begged  him  to  guarantee  Euzbeg's  wife  the  possession  of  Kho'i, 
and  a  few  other  places.  Jelal  consented,  and  sent  an  escort  to 
convey  her  to  Kho'i. 

When  Jelal  had  taken  Tebriz  he  stayed  for  some  days  in  that 
city.  Meanwhile  his  men  seized  the  neighboring  districts.  Then 
he  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Georgia  (1226). 

Since  Euzbeg  was  neglectful  and  indolent  the  Georgians  made 
raids  into  Arran  and  Azerbaidjan;  they  ravaged  Erzerum  also, 
and  later  on  Shirvan.  They  had  scourged  the  Moslems  of  these 
regions  severely.  Eager  for  vengeance  Jelal  had  no  sooner  made 
himself  master  at  the  Caspian  than  he  declared  war  on  the  Geor- 
gians, who  sent  back  this  answer :  "  We  have  measured  our  strength 
with  the  Mongol,  who  took  all  his  lands  from  thy  father  and 
destroyed  him.  He  was  a  man  of  more  courage  and  power  than 
art  thou.  Those  Mongols  who  killed  him  met  us,  and  ended  by 
fleeing." 

Jelal  began  by  the  capture  of  Tovin,  which  the  Georgians  had 
seized  some  years  earlier;  next  he  marched  against  the  main 
Georgian  army,  seventy  thousand  in  number,  attacked  it  in  the 
valley  of  Kami  near  Tovin,  and  put  it  to  flight  with  a  loss  of 
twenty  thousand.  Many  generals  were  captured,  among  others 
Shalove,  the  master  of  Tovin.  The  chief  commander,  Ivane, 
escaped  to  the  fortress  of  Keghe,  which  the  Sultan  invested  while 
the  rest  of  his  army  spread  out  over  Georgia,  bringing  fire  and  the 
sword  to  all  places.  He  would  have  begun  a  real  conquest  had  he 
not  thought  that  he  must  go  to  Tebriz.  When  ready  to  march  into 
Georgia  the  Sultan  got  news  from  his  vizir  that  a  plot  had  been 
formed  in  Tebriz  to  give  back  the  country  to  Euzbeg.  The 
Sultan  kept  this  knowledge  secret  and  only  when  Georgia  was 
crushed  did  he  tell  the  whole  tale  to  his  generals.  He  gave  then 
command  of  his  army  to  Ghiath  his  brother,  hastened  back  to 
Tebriz,  put  its  mayor  to  death,  and  arrested  the  ringleaders  of  the 
conspiracy.    When  he  had  strengthened  thus  his  authority  he 


152 


The  Mongols 


married  Euzbeg's  wife,  and  while  in  Tebriz  urged  forward  troops 
who  took  Gandja,  the  capital  of  Arran,  whence  Euzbeg  made 
his  way  to  Alandja. 

Tebriz  and  Gandja  being  brought  to  obedience,  Jelal  returned 
quickly  to  Georgia,  whose  people  meanwhile  had  raised  a  new 
army  in  which  were  found  Alans,  Lesgians,  Kipchaks  and  others. 
This  army  struck  now  by  Jelal  lost  heavily  and  was  scattered. 
After  the  victory  Jelal  marched  on  Tiflis,  which  he  captured  through 
aid  from  Mohammedans  who  lived  in  that  city.  All  Georgians 
were  put  to  the  sword  except  those  who  acknowledged  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Sultan.  Women  and  children  fell  to  the  conquerors, 
the  city  was  yielded  to  pillage.  Jelal  took  full  vengeance  on  the 
Georgians  for  all  that  they  had  done  to  Mohammedans.  His 
troops  were  enriched  by  the  property  of  Christians,  he  slew  a 
vast  number  of  those  "  infidels,"  as  he  thought  them,  and  drove 
their  children  and  wives  into  slavery. 

Leaving  Georgia,  a  desert  in  great  part  he  turned  his  face  next 
to  Khelat  on  the  north  of  Lake  Van  in  Armenia.  This  city  be- 
longed to  Ashraf,  an  Eyubite  prince,  lord  over  Harran  and  Roha. 
His  brother,  Moazzam,  the  prince  of  Damascus,  who  defended 
himself  against  Ashraf,  and  Kamil,  his  eldest  brother,  who  was 
Sultan  of  Egypt,  had  sent  his  chief  confidant,  an  officer,  to  Jelal 
then  in  Tiflis,  and  begged  him  to  make  an  attack  upon  Khelat, 
and  give  in  this  way  assistance.  Moazzam  admired  the  Kwares- 
mian  Sultan  immensely,  and  held  it  an  honor  to  wear  a  robe  which 
had  come  from  him,  and  ride  on  a  steed  which  Jelal  had  thought 
proper  to  send  him.  During  night  banquets  Moazzam  never 
swore  except  by  the  head  of  the  Sultan. 

The  Kwaresmian  warriors  laid  siege  to  Khelat  very  willingly 
since  the  place  promised  booty  in  abundance.  But  they  had  barely 
arrived  at  the  walls  of  the  city  when  advice  came  to  Jelal  that 
Borak,  the  governor  of  Kerman,  had  withdrawn  from  allegiance, 
and  even  sent  men  to  the  Mongols  to  explain  the  increase  and 
importance  of  Jelal's  new  army. 

The  Sultan  abandoned  the  siege  and  set  out  for  Kerman.  Bo- 
rak, who  had  learned  that  he  was  coming,  withdrew  to  a  stronghold 
and  sent  words  of  feigned  loyalty  and  obedience.  It  would  have 
been  difficult  to  capture  the  stronghold,  so  Jelal  thought  it  best  to 
dissemble,  to  receive  at  their  literal  value  the  words  brought  to 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  153 


him;  hence  he  sent  a  rich  robe  of  honor  from  Ispahan  to  the 
faith-breaking  Borak,  and  confirmed  him  in  office. 

Meanwhile  news  came  from  Sherif  ul  Mulk,  the  vizir,  of  hostile 
action  by  Ashraf  against  a  corps  of  Kwaresmians  which  he  had 
beaten. 

The  Sultan's  troops  left  in  Georgia  lacked  almost  everything. 
They  made  an  incursion  toward  Erzerum,  drove  away  flocks  and 
herds  and  took  many  women.  While  on  the  way  back  from  this 
forage  they  passed  near  Khelat ;  the  commandant  rushed  out  from 
his  fortress  and  seized  all  their  booty.  The  vizir  in  alarm  begged 
the  Sultan  to  hasten  with  assistance. 

Jelal  moved  to  Tiflis  by  swift  marches,  and  thence  farther  to 
Ani;  he  attacked  this  old  city  and  Kars  also  with  its  very  strong 
fortress .  Returning  soon  to  Tiflis  he  made  a  long  march  to 
Abhasia,  October,  1226,  as  it  were  to  subdue  it.  This  was  merely 
a  feint  to  rouse  false  security  in  Khelat.  Ten  days  only  did  he 
stay  in  Abhasia  and  turned  then  with  great  speed  toward  Khelat, 
which  he  would  have  captured  had  not  the  commandant  been 
advised  two  days  earlier  by  his  confidants  who  were  serving  in  the 
suite  of  the  Sultan. 

Jelal  hurled  his  force  on  the  city  the  day  that  he  reached  it ;  a 
second  assault  was  made  the  day  following.  His  troops  took  the 
outskirts  which  they  pillaged,  but  were  forced  to  withdraw  from 
them.  After  some  days  of  rest  the  assault  was  renewed,  but 
resistance  was  so  resolute  that  this  plan  was  abandoned.  The 
people  knowing  well  the  ferocity  of  Kwaresmians,  and  the  deeds 
which  they  did  in  each  captured  city,  resisted  with  desperate  valor. 
Ashraf  went  to  Damascus,  moreover,  and  swore  obedience  to 
Moazzam,  his  brother,  begging  him  meanwhile  to  stop  Jelal  from 
ruining  Khelat,  but  Jelal  remained  till  the  cold  and  deep  snow 
drove  him  from  the  place.  Azerbaidjan  also  called  him.  A 
large  horde  of  Turkmans  were  pillaging  the  people,  and  plunder- 
ing caravans. 

The  Sultan  made  a  swift  march  and  came  on  them  suddenly, 
shutting  off  their  retreat  to  the  mountains.  Surrounding  the 
robbers  he  cut  them  to  pieces.  Their  families  and  all  the  rich 
booty  which  they  had  taken  fell  to  the  Sultan  who  retired  to  Tebriz 
with  his  captives.  The  Kwaresmians  had  abandoned  Tiflis  for 
the  winter,  so  the  Georgians  at  Ani,  Kars  and  other  places  united. 


154 


The  Mongols 


They  moved  on  Tiflis  in  a  body  and  put  to  death  all  Moham- 
medans, and  since  they  despaired  of  defending  the  city  against 
Jelal  they  fired  it. 

The  Ismailians,  that  is,  the  Assassins  of  Persia,  had  just  killed 
a  general  to  whom  the  Sultan  had  given  Gandja  and  the  lands 
which  went  with  it.  To  inflict  vengeance  for  this  act  Jelal  took 
fire  and  sword  to  the  land  of  those  death  dealing  sectaries.  A 
division  of  Mongols  meanwhile  had  moved  westward  toward 
Damegan.  Against  this  force  the  Sultan  marched  swiftly;  he 
repulsed  and  then  hunted  it  for  many  days  in  succession. 

While  Jelal  on  the  east  was  thus  occupied  Hussam  ud  din  Ali, 
Ashraf 's  commander  at  Khelat,  appeared  in  the  west  unexpectedly, 
invited  to  Azerbaidjan  by  those  of  the  people  who  liked  not  the 
Sultan's  strange  ways,  and  who  were  brought  down  to  need  by 
the  greed  of  his  warriors.  Euzbeg's  former  wife  too  was  active. 
She  had  had  her  own  way  with  her  first  husband.  Fixed  now  to 
Jelal  through  marriage  she  could  not  endure  the  effacement  that 
came  from  this  union.  She  remembered  the  past  and  joining  the 
people  of  Khoi  took  action.  She  invited  Hussam  to  seize  that 
whole  region.  He  consented  and  took  many  places;  that  done, 
he  marched  back  to  Khelat,  Jelal's  new,  but  dissatisfied,  consort 
going  with  him. 

But  there  was  need  soon  to  face  a  more  serious  opponent.  The 
Mongols  were  moving  in  force  toward  Irak  and  soon  appeared  at 
its  border.  Jelal  sent  four  thousand  horsemen  toward  Rayi  and 
Damegan  to  watch  them.  Pressed  by  the  Mongols  these  four 
thousand  fell  back  upon  Ispahan,  where  the  Sultan  had  fixed  his 
headquarters.  The  enemy  following  stopped  one  day's  march 
from  the  city,  and  east  of  it.  The  Mongol  force,  made  up  of  five 
divisions,  was  commanded  by  Tadji  Baku,  Anatogan,  Taimaz  and 
Tainal.  Astrologers  counseled  the  Sultan  to  wait  four  days  before 
fighting;  he  complied  and  showed  confidence  of  a  kind  to  rouse 
courage  in  all  who  came  near  him. 

At  the  first  news  of  that  Mongol  approach  his  generals  were 
alarmed  and  repaired  to  the  palace  in  a  body.  He  received  them 
in  the  courtyard,  and  talked  long  of  things  which  concerned  not 
attack  on  the  city,  to  show  that  he  was  in  no  way  uneasy.  Then 
he  seated  them  and  discoursed  on  the  order  of  battle.  Before  the 
dismissal  he  made  all  take  an  oath  not  to  turn  from  the  enemy 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death 


155 


or  prefer  life  to  the  death  of  a  hero.  He  took  the  same  oath  him- 
self, and  appointed  a  day  for  the  struggle.  Command  was  then 
given  the  chief  judge  and  the  Ispahan  mayor  to  review  the  armed 
citizens. 

Since  Jelal  did  not  move  from  the  city  the  Mongols  supposed 
that  he  had  not  strength  or  even  courage  to  meet  them,  hence  they 
prepared  for  a  siege  and  sent  two  thousand  horse  into  Lur  to 
collect  provisions.  The  Sultan  hurried  three  thousand  men  after 
them.  These  took  every  defile  in  the  rear  of  the  foragers,  and 
barred  retreat ;  many  Mongols  were  killed  and  four  hundred  were 
captured.  Jelal  gave  some  of  these  men  to  the  populace,  by  whom 
they  were  massacred  in  the  streets  of  the  city.  The  Sultan  cut  off 
with  his  own  hand  the  heads  of  others  in  the  courtyard  of  his 
palace;  and  their  bodies  were  hurled  out  to  be  eaten  by  vultures 
and  dogs. 

August  26,  1227,  was  the  day  fixed  for  battle  —  Jinghis  had 
died  in  Tangut  eight  days  earlier.  While  the  Sultan  was  ranging 
his  men  for  the  conflict  Ghiath,  his  own  brother,  betrayed  him,  — 
deserted.  Jelal  did  not  seem  to  take  note  of  the  defection.  Even 
when  he  saw  the  Mongols  in  order  of  battle  he  thought  that  his 
men  were  more  than  sufficient  to  conquer  such  an  enemy,  and 
ordered  the  Ispahan  guards  to  reenter  the  city.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  conflict  the  two  wings  of  the  Sultan's  forces  were  too  far 
from  each  other  for  mutual  assistance.  During  a  fierce  onset 
his  right  wing  pierced  the  left  of  the  enemy,  and  pursued  it  to 
Kashin.  The  left  had  not  yet  been  in  action.  The  sun  was 
declining  and  Jelal  was  resting  at  the  edge  of  a  defile.  Just  then 
Han  Buga,  an  officer,  approached  Jelal  and  said  with  animation : 
"  We  have  long  implored  Heaven  for  a  day  such  as  this  to  take 
vengeance  on  those  outcasts.  Success  is  now  with  us,  and  still 
we  neglect  it.  To-night  this  vile  enemy  will  make  a  long  two  days' 
journey,  and  we  shall  repent  when  too  late  that  we  let  them  escape 
us.    Ought  we  not  to  make  this  day's  victory  perfect?  " 

Struck  by  these  words  the  Sultan  remounted,  but  hardly  had  he 
crossed  the  ravine  when  a  chosen  corps  of  the  enemy  hidden  by  a 
height,  rushed  on  the  left  wing,  rolled  it  back  on  the  center  and 
broke  it.  The  generals  of  that  wing  now  kept  their  oath  faithfully 
and  died  weapons  in  hand,  except  three  of  them. 

The  Sultan  remained  in  the  center,  which  then  was  surrounded 


156 


The  Mongols 


completely.  He  had  only  fourteen  of  the  guards  near  his  person, 
and  he  slew  with  his  own  hand  his  standard  bearer  who  was 
fleeing ;  then  he  himself  cut  a  way  through  the  enemy.  Fugitives 
from  the  center  and  left  rushed  in  every  direction.  Some  fled 
toward  Fars,  others  toward  Kerman,  while  Azerbaidjan  was  a 
refuge  for  a  third  group.  Those  who  had  lost  their  horses  in  the 
battle  went  back  on  foot  to  the  city.  At  the  end  of  two  days  the 
right  wing  came  from  Kashan,  believing  the  rest  of  the  army 
victorious.    When  they  heard  of  its  defeat  they  disbanded  at  once. 

Though  the  Mongols  won  the  battle,  their  sufferings  and 
losses  were  greater  than  those  of  the  Moslems.  Advancing  to 
the  gates  of  the  city  they  were  repulsed  and  pursued  with  such 
speed  that  in  three  days  of  flight  they  reached  Rayi  whence  by 
the  Nishapur  road  they  fled  farther.  On  this  retreat  they  lost 
many  men  both  in  killed  and  in  prisoners. 
I  No  one  knew  whither  the  Sultan  had  vanished.  Some  sought 
for  his  corpse  on  the  battle-field,  others  thought  that  the  enemy 
had  captured  him.  At  Ispahan  people  talked  of  a  new  sovereign, 
while  the  mob  wished  to  seize  the  women  and  goods  of  the  Kwares- 
mians.  But  the  cadi  prevailed  upon  all  to  wait  a  few  days  till 
the  Bairam  feast  opened.  He  agreed,  however,  with  the  principal 
citizens  that  should  the  Sultan  not  come  to  the  prayer  on  that  feast 
day  they  would  choose  as  ruler  Togan  Taissi,  who  through  his 
virtues  deserved  supreme  power  before  others. 

When  the  people  had  assembled  on  the  feast  day  Jelal  came  to 
the  prayer  and  caused  great  rejoicing.  Fearing  lest  he  might  be 
besieged  in  the  city  he  had  not  returned  to  it  when  the  battle  was 
over,  but  had  waited  on  the  Luristan  side  till  the  enemy  had 
vanished.  The  Sultan  now  stayed  some  days  waiting  for  fugitives 
and  rewarding  chiefs  of  the  right  wing  by  giving  the  title  of  khan 
to  those  who  were  meliks.  He  gave  high  rank  also  to  simple 
warriors  who  had  deserved  fame  for  their  action  in  the  battle. 
Certain  cowardly  generals  were  led  through  the  city  with  veils  on 
their  faces  in  the  manner  of  women. 

Ghiath  ud  din,  JelaFs  brother,  had  retired  to  the  mountains 
and  was  striving  to  win  back  dominion  through  assistance  from 
the  Kalif .  Hatred  between  the  two  brothers  had  been  intensified 
by  murder.  Mohammed,  son  of  Karmil,  of  a  family  illustrious 
in  Gur,  was  in  very  high  favor  with  Jelal  who,  charmed  with  his 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death 


157 


manners  and  speech,  had  admitted  that  youth  to  his  intimate 
reunions.  Some  days  before  the  late  battle  Mohammed  had 
taken  a  few  men  to  his  service  from  the  corps  under  Ghiath.  These 
men  had  left  Jelal's  brother  since  no  pay  had  been  given  them. 
One  evening  when  Ghiath  and  Mohammed  were  at  a  feast  given 
by  Jelal,  Ghiath  asked  Mohammed  if  he  would  send  back  his 
guardsmen.  "  They  desire  food,"  was  the  answer,  ' '  and  serve 
him  who  will  give  it."  Ghiath  was  roused  by  this  statement,  and 
the  Sultan,  who  noted  his  anger,  asked  Mohammed  to  withdraw 
from  the  table.  The  young  man  obeyed,  but  a  few  moments 
later  Ghiath  went  out  also,  entered  the  man's  dwelling  and  stabbed 
him.  Mohammed  died  some  days  later.  The  Sultan  grieved 
greatly  for  his  favorite,  and  sent  this  message  to  Ghiath :  "  Thou 
hast  sworn  to  be  a  friend  to  every  friend  of  mine,  and  an  enemy 
of  my  enemies,  but  thou  hast  killed  my  best  friend  without  reason. 
Thou  hast  broken  thy  oath  and  agreement.  I  am  bound  to  thee 
no  longer.  I  will  let  the  law  do  its  work,  if  the  brother  of  thy 
victim  comes  to  me  begging  for  justice." 

The  Sultan  commanded  that  the  funeral  procession  move 
twice  past  the  gate  of  the  assassin.  Tortured  by  this  public 
punishment  Ghiath  took  vengeance  on  the  day  of  the  battle  by 
deserting.  From  his  Kuzistan  place  of  retirement  he  sent  his 
vizir  to  Bagdad  to  declare  that  he  had  gone  from  his  brother.  He 
then  proffered  proofs  that  his  reign  had  been  friendly  to  the  Kalif, 
while  Jelal  had  acted  with  enmity,  and  had  brought  fire  and  sword 
to  the  suburbs  of  Bagdad.  He  begged  aid  of  the  Kalif  in  recover- 
ing his  dominions,  and  promised  true  obedience  to  the  heir  of  the 
Prophet. 

The  vizir  was  received  with  distinction,  and  a  subsidy  of  thirty 
thousand  dinars  was  then  given  him,  but  after  the  retreat  of  the 
Mongols  Ghiath  did  not  think  himself  safe  from  his  brother. 
Jelal  sent  a  corps  of  mounted  warriors  to  follow  the  Mongols  to 
the  Oxus,  and  hurried  himself  to  Tebriz  for  a  season.  He  was 
playing  ball  with  a  mallet  on  the  square  of  the  city  when  he  heard 
that  his  brother  was  returning  to  Ispahan.  He  set  out  at  once 
for  that  city,  but  learning  on  the  road  that  Ghiath  was  on  his  way 
to  the  land  of  the  Assassins  he  changed  his  route  quickly  to  follow, 
and  ask  the  Alamut  chief  to  surrender  the  fugitive.  "  Your 
brother,"  said  the  chief,  "  is  here  in  asylum;  he  is  a  Sultan  him- 


158 


The  Mongols 


self  and  his  father  was  a  Sultan,  —  we  cannot  surrender  him,  but 
he  will  not  take  your  dominions,  we  guarantee  that.  Should  he 
commit  any  act  of  hostility  you  are  free  to  treat  us  as  may  please 
you." 

This  statement  seemed  satisfactory  to  Jelal,  and  an  oath  added 
strength  to  it.  Jelal  on  his  part  swore  to  give  the  past  to  oblivion, 
and  the  question  was  ended.  But  Ghiath  himself  went  from 
Alamut  to  seek  refuge  in  Kerman.  Some  days  after  his  arrival 
Borak  showed  a  wish  to  marry  Ghiath 's  mother,  Beglu  Ai,  who 
had  come  with  him.  They  were  both  in  Borak's  power  and 
resistance  would  have  been  futile.  Still  the  princess  yielded  only 
after  much  resistance.  Conducted  to  Kevashir  the  capital  of 
Kerman,  the  mother  and  son  had  hardly  arrived  when  two  relatives 
of  Borak' proposed  to  assassinate  that  governor  and  install  Ghiath. 
Ghiath  rejected  the  offer,  but  Borak,  hearing  that  his  relatives 
had  made  it,  tortured  the  two  men  so  cruelly  that  they  confessed 
to  him.  They  were  then  cut  to  pieces  in  the  presence  of  Ghiath 
who,  confined  straightway  in  the  citadel,  was  strangled  with  a 
bowstring.  His  mother,  who  had  rushed  in  at  his  cries,  met  her 
death  in  the  same  way.  The  five  hundred  followers  who  had 
come  with  him  were  cut  down  every  man  of  them. 

Borak  sent  the  head  of  his  victim  to  Ogotai  Khan  who  received 
it  with  gladness.  This  gift  secured  Mongol  friendship  and  Borak 
was  confirmed  in  his  Kerman  possessions. 

The  Kankali  Turks  and  the  Kipchaks  had  been  closely  connected 
with  the  reigning  Kwaresmian  family  by  marriages;  because  of 
this  fact,  Jinghis  Khan  had  attacked  both  those  peoples  inflexibly, 
and  Jelal  now  sought  their  friendship  with  growing  endeavor. 
After  his  Ispahan  failure  the  Sultan  sent  to  get  men  and  aid  from 
the  Kankalis.  They  agreed,  as  it  seems,  with  much  readiness 
to  give  them.  Kur  Khan,  one  of  their  leaders,  embarked  with  three 
hundred  men  on  the  Caspian  and  passed  the  next  winter  with  the 
Sultan  on  the  plain  of  Mughan,  a  rich  pasture  land  in  that  season. 
It  was  decided  that  Jelal  was  to  gain  the  strong  fort  at  Derbend 
with  its  one  narrow  pass  and  retain  it.  By  this  pass  alone  could 
large  armies  go  south  of  the  Caucasus  from  Kipchak.  A  force  of 
fifty  thousand  from  the  north  was  to  aid  in  securing  this  road  near 
the  sea,  while  Jelal  was  to  give  the  prince  ruling  Derbend  other 
fiefs  in  payment  for  it.    The  plan  failed,  however.    Jelal  secured 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death 


159 


now  the  district  Gushtasfi  between  the  rivers  Kur  (Cyrus)  and 
Araxes.  This  land  was  a  part  of  the  Shirvan  Shah's  kingdom, 
and  he  had  given  it  to  his  son  Jelal  ud  din  Sultan  Shah  and  sent 
him  to  Georgia  to  marry  the  daughter  of  Rusudan,  the  famous 
and  beautiful  queen  of  that  country.  Detained  there  perforce  he 
was  freed  when  Jelal  took  Tiflis  and  laid  waste  the  country. 

Jelal  claimed  tribute  now  from  the  Shirvan  Shah  for  all  his 
possessions.  This  was  done,  since  JalaPs  house  had  succeeded 
the  Seljuks,  to  whom  when  in  power  those  Shirvan  Shahs  had  paid 
tribute. 

The  unquiet  ambition  of  Jelal  had  forced  many  people  of  the 
Caucasus  to  a  league  with  the  Georgians  against  him.  An  army 
made  up  from  nine  nations  and  forty  thousand  in  number  had 
gathered  north  of  Arran.  The  Sultan  marched  against  this 
army  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Mendur.  Since  his  forces  were 
greatly  inferior  in  number  to  those  of  the  enemy,  Sherif  ul  Mulk, 
his  vizir,  advised  at  a  council  to  limit  all  action  to  stopping  provi- 
sions and  meeting  the  enemy  with  advantage  when  want  came. 
This  advice  enraged  Jelal  so  seriously  that  he  struck  his  vizir  on 
the  head  with  a  writing  case.  "They  are  mere  sheep;  would  a 
lion  be  troubled  by  the  number  of  such  weak  little  animals  ?  " 
cried  he,  and  he  fined  the  vizir  fifty  thousand  dinars  for  daring  to 
offer  such  counsel. 

Next  day  the  armies  were  facing  each  other.  The  Sultan,  to 
encourage  his  men,  gave  them  presents,  and  shared  with  some  his 
best  horses.  From  the  top  of  a  hill  he  saw  two  tumans  of  Kipchaks 
who  had  come  to  give  aid  to  the  Georgians.  By  an  officer  he  sent 
bread  and  salt  to  those  Kipchaks  and  told  them  that  he  had  saved 
the  lives  of  many  of  their  people  taken  captive  by  his  father. 
"  Will  you  now  raise  the  sword  to  repay  me  with  bloodshed  ?  " 
asked  he. 

The  Kipchaks  withdrew  on  receiving  this  statement.  The 
Georgians  advanced,  but  Jelal  sent  this  message  to  their  leader: 
"  Your  men  must  be  wearied  by  long  marches;  if  they  wish  rest 
for  to-day  the  best  warriors  from  both  sides  may  amuse  themselves 
by  trying  their  strength  and  address  in  the  presence  of  the  armies." 
This  proposition  was  accepted. 

One  of  the  bravest  of  Georgia's  great  veterans  rode  forth  to  the 
space  between  the  two  forces.    The  Sultan  rushed  to  meet  this 


160 


The  Mongols 


strong  champion,  and  pierced  him  through  with  one  lance  thrust. 
Three  sons  of  the  man  came  forth  then  to  avenge  him  and  were 
killed  in  succession  by  Jelal.  Next  came  a  fifth  man,  enormous 
in  stature.  The  Sultan's  horse  was  wearied,  there  was  no  time  for 
a  change,  and  had  it  not  been  for  his  marvelous  skill  in  escaping 
from  blows  and  in  parrying,  Jelal  would  have  seen  his  last  hour  in 
that  conflict.  But  when  the  Georgian  was  rushing  lance  in  rest 
at  him,  the  Sultan  sprang  to  the  ground,  disarmed  the  oncoming 
giant,  and  killed  him.  He  gave  with  his  whip  then  a  signal  for 
the  onset,  and,  in  spite  of  the  truce,  his  whole  army  rushed  at 
the  Georgians,  surprised  and  defeated  them0 

Free  of  his  enemies  now  Jelal  marched  in  1229  on  Khelat  to 
besiege  it  a  second  time.  He  remained  all  the  winter  before  it, 
but  was  forced  by  keen  cold  and  deep  snow  to  lodge  a  great  part 
of  his  troops  in  the  villages  of  that  region.  To  his  camp  came  the 
Erzerum  prince,  Rokn  ud  din  Jihan  Shah,  who  belonged  to  a 
branch  of  the  Seljuks  of  Rum.  This  prince,  having  had  quarrels 
before  that  with  Jelal,  wished  now  to  arrange  them,  show  homage, 
and  give  presents  ten  thousand  dinars  in  value. 

The  Sultan  received  him  with  every  distinction,  and  in  taking 
farewell  asked  for  siege  engines.  Rokn  ud  din  sent  a  great  cata- 
pult, shields  and  many  engines  of  value.  The  princes  of  Amid 
and  Mardin  sent  their  submission  through  envoys.  Next  came 
an  embassy  from  Bagdad.  Nassir,  the  Kalif,  had  died  during 
1225  in  the  forty-sixth  year  of  his  rule,  the  longest  rule  of  any  man 
in  the  whole  line  of  Abbasids.  Zahir,  Nassir 's  son  and  successor, 
had  been  only  nine  months  in  office  when  he  died.  Mostansir, 
his  son,  then  succeeded.  Mostansir  now  sent  an  envoy  to  make 
two  demands  upon  Jelal;  first  that  the  Sultan  would  claim  no 
rights  of  a  sovereign  in  Mosul,  Erbil,  Abuye  and  Jebal  whose 
princes  were  vassals  of  the  Kalif;  second  that  he  would  restore 
the  name  of  the  Kalif  in  all  public  prayers  throughout  Persia. 
Shah  Mohammed,  his  father,  had  abolished  this  practice  when  he 
was  marching  on  Bagdad,  and  had  not  restored  it.  The  Sultan 
granted  both  requests  straightway  and  commanded  that  in  all 
his  states  every  Moslem  should  pray  for  Mostansir.  When  the 
envoy  returned  a  chamberlain  of  the  Sultan  went  with  him.  This 
chamberlain  came  back  with  two  officials,  who  brought  from  the 
Kalif  a  robe  of  investiture  to  Jelal,  and  splendid  presents  to  him 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  161 


and  his  highest  officials.  Jelal  asked  earnestly  for  the  title  of 
Sultan.  Bagdad  refused,  having  given  thus  far,  as  was  stated, 
that  title  to  no  ruler,  but  while  investing  him  the  Kalif  gave  the 
title  Shah  in  Shah  (Shah  of  Shahs) .  In  letters  after  that  Jelal 
styled  himself  servant  of  the  Kalif  whom  he  called  lord  and  master. 

While  besieging  Khelat  the  Sultan  commanded  to  adorn  Ispa- 
han with  a  college,  and  a  domed  mausoleum  of  rich  structure. 
This  building  was  to  hold  the  sarcophagus  of  his  father  which 
meanwhile  would  rest  on  the  Demavend  mountain  in  Erdehan, 
a  strong  fortress  three  days'  journey  from  Rayi  toward  the  Caspian. 
He  requested  by  letter  his  aunt,  Shah  Khatun,  a  widow  of  the 
Mazanderan  prince  named  Ardshir,  to  attend  the  "  great  Sultan's  99 
remains  to  the  fortress.  The  chief  men  of  her  country  and  the 
Moslem  Ulema  were  to  go  with  her.  Mohammed  of  Nessa,  who 
indited  the  letter  with  this  request,  declares  that  he  sent  it  unwil- 
lingly, since  he  knew  well  that  Mohammed's  remains  were  far 
safer  on  that  island  in  the  Caspian  than  they  ever  could  be  in  the 
fortress;  for  the  Mongols  burned  the  corpses  of  all  kings  whose 
graves  they  found,  believing  them  of  the  Kwaresmian  dynasty. 
They  dug  up  in  Gur  the  remains  of  Mahmud,  son  of  Sebak  Tegin, 
though  this  prince  had  been  dead  two  whole  centuries.  "  The 
event  failed  not  to  justify  my  fears,"  adds  Mohammed  Nessavi. 1 
"  After  Jelal  had  been  slain  the  Mongols  took  the  Erdehan  strong- 
hold and  sent  the  body  of  Mohammed  to  Ogotai  who  burned  it." 

Before  beginning  the  siege  of  Khelat,  Jelal  sent  an  envoy  from 
Meraga  to  the  Sultan  of  Rum,  Alai  ed  din  Kei  Kubad,  with  a  letter 
expressing  his  wish  for  relations  of  friendship,  and  showing  the 
need  of  close  union,  since  they  were  one  in  the  East  and  the  other 
in  the  West,  the  two  bulwarks  of  Islam  against  raging  infidels. 
Kei  Kubad  read  this  letter  with  favor,  and  to  strengthen  an  alliance 
proposed  that  Jelal  give  a  daughter  in  marriage  to  his,  Kei  Kubad 's, 
son,  Kei  Kosru.  Two  envoys  from  Kei  Kubad  came  bringing 
friendly  expressions  to  Jelal  while  he  was  in  front  of  Khelat,  and 
besieging  it. 

These  envoys  were  forced  to  deliver  their  presents  just  as  did 
subjects  when  bringing  gifts  to  their  sovereign.  They  asked  a 
daughter  of  Jelal  for  Kei  Kubad 's  son,  and  received  a  refusal. 

1  Mohammed  of  Nessa.  Nessavi  means  of  Nassa  and  applies  specially  to  the 
historian. 


162 


The  Mongols 


They  complained  of  hostility  shown  Kei  Kubad  by  his  cousin  and 
vassal,  the  Erzerum  prince,  and  asked  that  Jelal  yield  this  prince 
up,  and  let  Kei  Kubad  take  his  country.  This  request  roused 
Jelal,  who  answered  with  spirit :  "  Though  I  have  complaints 
against  Jihan  Shah,  he  has  come  to  my  court  and  now  is  a  guest  in 
it.  It  would  not  be  proper  for  me  to  deliver  him  to  an  enemy/ ' 
Discontent  in  the  envoys  was  heightened  immensely  by  insolence 
from  Jelal 's  vizir. 

One  day  when  Nessavi  was  visiting  this  minister  he  heard  rude 
speech  and  boasting :  "  If  the  Sultan  permitted  I  would  enter 
your  country  and  subject  it  with  the  troops  at  my  order,' '  said 
Sherif.  "  When  the  envoy  had  gone  I  asked  the  vizir,"  says 
Nessavi,  "  for  the  cause  of  his  rudeness,  since  Kei  Kubad  had 
testified  friendship.  '  The  presents  brought  by  those  envoys/ 
replied  the  vizir,  *  are  not  equal  to  two  thousand  dinars.'  " 

The  envoys,  accompanied  by  three  others  from  Jelal,  went  home 
little  pleased  with  their  mission.  When  they  arrived  at  the  boun- 
dary of  Rum  the  two  hurried  on  in  advance  to  their  sovereign.  On 
hearing  their  narrative  Kei  Kubad  despatched  one  of  them  straight- 
way to  make  an  alliance  with  Ashraf . 

After  six  months  of  siege  work  Jelal  stormed  Khelat  and  took 
it  April  2,  1230.  He  wished  that  his  men  should  not  pillage  and 
ruin  the  city,  but  his  generals  declared  that  the  siege  had  been 
long,  that  the  warriors  had  lost  many  horses  with  cattle  and 
property,  that  if  he  forbade  pillage  no  new  campaign  would  be 
possible  at  any  time;  all  might  desert  in  a  body.  The  generals 
insisted  so  firmly  that  Jelal  had  to  yield  to  them. 

Khelat  was  given  up  for  a  time  to  the  army ;  for  three  days  and 
nights  did  wild,  savage  men  work  their  will  on  it.  A  great 
many  people  expired  under  torture  inflicted  to  force  them  to  tell 
where  their  treasures  were  hidden.  Women  and  children  were 
saved  for  captivity.  The  Georgian  wife  of  Prince  Ashraf  was 
taken  by  Jelal,  who  made  her  his  concubine. 

Two  younger  brothers,  Yakub  and  Abbas,  fell  into  the  power  of 
the  conqueror  also.  The  Sultan  now  had  the  walls  of  the  city 
repaired,  and  gave  land  in  that  region  to  his  generals.  Jelal  was 
preparing  to  strike  Manazguerd  when  the  Erzerum  prince,  who 
during  the  siege  of  Khelat  had  given  him  provisions,  and  thus 
earned  the  hatred  of  Ashraf,  came  to  inform  him  that  Ashraf 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  163 


and  the  Sultan  of  Rum  were  concluding  a  treaty,  hence  he  advised 
with  all  earnestness  to  forestall  the  two  princes  by  attacking  their 
forces  before  they  could  possibly  unite  them. 

After  the  death  of  Moazzam  of  Damascus  Ashraf  had  received 
from  his  brother  Kamil,  who  was  Sultan  of  Egypt,  Damascus  in 
barter  for  Surud,  Harran,  Roha  and  three  other  districts.  When 
he  heard  of  the  fall  of  Khelat  and  the  capture  of  his  consort,  Ashraf 
rushed  away  to  his  brother  Kamil,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Rakka. 
Ashraf  met  there  that  envoy  from  the  Sultan  of  Rum  who  was 
charged  with  concluding  a  treaty  with  him  against  Jelal.  The 
Khelat  Prince  took  advice  from  Kamil  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  who 
favored  the  alliance,  but  Kamil  himself  hurried  back  straightway 
to  Cairo  on  learning  that  Salih,  his  son  whom  he  had  left  there,  was 
plotting  to  dethrone  him. 

Ashraf  set  out  with  seven  hundred  horsemen  for  Harran.  There 
he  demanded  contingents  from  Aleppo,  Mosul  and  the  lands 
lying  between  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  When  those  troops  had 
appeared  he  went  at  the  head  of  them  to  join  Kei  Kubad  at  Sivas 
whence  they  would  march  with  combined  armies  on  Khelat. 

Jelal  had  resolved  to  advance  on  Kharpert,  hoping  to  attack 
the  first  of  the  armies  which  moved  to  join  the  other.  He  sum- 
moned his  troops  to  Kharpert  and  went  thither  himself  in  advance 
of  them,  but  falling  ill  at  that  place  he  was  in  such  straits  that  the 
generals  thought  his  life  lost  and  were  ready  the  moment  breath 
left  him  to  rush  off  and  seize  each  man  the  province  that  pleased 
him.  Jelal  recovered,  but  meanwhile  his  enemies  had  united  their 
forces.  His  army  was  small  if  compared  with  the  troops  ranged 
against  it.  He  had  not  summoned  in  men  from  Arran,  Azerbaidjan, 
Irak  or  Mazanderan  who  had  gone  on  leave  somewhat  earlier. 
His  vizir's  corps  was  at  Manazguerd,  another  corps  also  was 
attacking  Berkeri,  still  he  moved  on  and  in  Erzendjan  met  the 
enemy. 

Kei  Kubad 's  force  was  twenty  thousand,  Ashraf 's  only  five, 
but  all  chosen  warriors.  Jelal  was  defeated  most  cruelly,  and 
lost  many  warriors.  Among  prisoners  was  the  Erzerum  prince 
who  had  promised  Jelal  a  good  part  of  Kei  Kubad's  kingdom, 
but  who  was  forced  then  to  yield  up  strong  places  and  treasures 
of  his  own  to  his  cousin.  The  victors  beheaded  all  the  Kwaresmian 
officers  whom  they  captured. 


164 


The  Mongols 


Jelal  fled  to  Manazguerd,  and  taking  the  troops  then  besieging 
that  fortress  marched  on  Khelat  which  he  stripped  of  all  that 
had  value  and  was  movable ;  that  done  he  burned  the  remainder. 
Then,  taking  with  him  the  Georgian  wife  of  Prince  Ashraf  and 
Ashraf's  two  brothers,  Yakub  and  Abbas,  he  moved  into  Azer- 
baidjan.  The  vizir  with  his  troops  was  posted  in  Sekman  Abad 
to  follow  the  movements  of  the  enemy;  he  himself  halted  near 
Kho'i.    His  generals  had  deserted. 

Jelal's  enemies  did  not  pursue.  On  the  contrary  his  vizir  got 
a  letter  from  Ashraf,  who  had  parted  with  Kei  Kubad  after  the 
victory,  and  gone  to  Khelat,  which  he  found  a  sad  ruin  and  de- 
serted. "  Your  master,"  wrote  he  to  Sherif,  "  is  the  Sultan  of 
Moslems,  the  first  rampart  of  Islam  against  Mongol  enemies. 
We  know  that  to  weaken  him  signifies  ruin  to  religion,  that  his 
losses  will  affect  every  Moslem.  Why  do  you  with  your  wonderful 
experience  not  give  him  peace-loving  counsels?  I  guarantee  to 
the  Sultan  true  friendship  with  the  strong  aid  of  Kei  Kubad,  and 
my  brother,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt." 

These  propositions  were  followed  by  discussion,  and  the  two 
princes  made  peace.  The  Sultan  agreed  to  cease  all  attacks  upon 
Khelat,  but  despite  every  effort  he  would  make  no  promise  re- 
garding Kei  Kubad.  He  could  not  forgive  him  the  alliance  with 
Ashraf.  He  knew  only  later  how  his  vizir  had  offended 
that  prince's  envoys.  But  when  he  learned  that  the  Mongols 
were  entering  Irak  he  swore  to  respect  all  the  lands  of  Kei 
Kubad. 

This  Mongol  army,  thirty  thousand  in  number,  was  taken 
from  all  the  troops  under  Ogotai.  It  was  led  by  Chormagun, 
whom  the  Grand  Khan  had  deputed  to  finish  the  conquest  of 
Persia  and  establish  himself  there  with  his  warriors.  Chormagun, 
who  wished  first  of  all  to  hunt  Jelal  to  death,  as  Jinghis  the  great 
Khan  had  hunted  Jelal's  father,  moved  through  Khorassan  very 
swiftly  by  the  Esferain  road,  and  past  Rayi. 

Jelal,  who  had  gone  from  Khoi  to  Tebriz,  hoped  that  these 
Mongols  would  winter  in  Irak ;  he  needed  delay  of  that  length  to 
gather  in  forces  and  concentrate .  He  despatched  a  Pehlevan 
straightway  to  Irak  to  watch  all  the  movements  of  the  Mongols. 
This  man  met  a  vanguard  of  the  enemy  between  Zendjan  and 
Ebher.   He  fled  with  fourteen  men,  all  he  had,  and  was  the  only 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  165 


survivor  so  fiercely  did  the  Mongols  rush  after  him.  He  came 
alone  to  Tebriz  with  his  tidings  to  the  Sultan. 

Jelal  did  not  delay ;  he  left  the  place  at  once  for  the  steppes  of 
Mugan  on  the  Caspian  to  gather  in  forces.  Not  having  time  to 
secure  proper  safety  for  his  harem,  it  remained  at  Tebriz.  He 
spent  that  winter  in  Mugan  and  in  Shirvan.  Two  officers  of 
distinction  from  Mazanderan  and  Khorassan  were  sent  forward 
to  have  a  keen  eye  on  the  enemy,  report  to  Jelal,  and  keep  relays 
of  good  horses  at  Firus  Abad  and  at  Ardebil. 

While  waiting  for  his  warriors,  summoned  through  heralds  who 
presented  red  arrows,  Jelal  with  a  body-guard  of  only  one  thousand 
amused  himself  at  hunts  during  daylight,  and  spent  his  evenings 
drinking  with  his  intimates.  One  night  two  officers  of  the  vanguard 
whom  he  had  trusted  to  warn  him  let  a  Mongol  division  pass 
without  challenge  or  notice.  They  surprised  Jelal  on  a  hill  close 
to  Shirkebut  and  he  barely  escaped  from  the  peril  by  rushing  on 
toward  the  river  Araxes.  The  Mongols  thought  that  he  had 
crossed  it  and  they  hurried  on  farther  toward  Gandja,  the  capital 
of  Arran,  but  Jelal  had  turned  back  toward  Azerbaidjan  and  sent 
Prince  Yakub  his  prisoner  to  explain  to  Ashraf,  Yakub 's  brother, 
the  great  need  of  sending  men  promptly  to  drive  back  the  Mon- 
gols, whose  plan  was  to  crush  down  and  ruin  the  whole  world  of 
Islam. 

Yakub  was  conducted  to  Sherif  ul  Mulk,  Jelal's  vizir,  who  had 
been  directed  to  send  with  him  an  envoy  having  proper  instructions. 
Sherif  ul  Mulk,  who  was  now  a  full  traitor,  had  a  vizir  of  his  own 
whom  he  sent,  but  with  orders  entirely  opposed  to  those  given  by 
the  Sultan.  JelaFs  harem  left  in  Tebriz  unprotected  was  sent 
now  to  Arran  by  Sherif  and  lodged  in  Sind  Suruk,  a  strong  fortress, 
while  his  treasures  were  hidden  in  various  castles  which  belonged 
to  the  chief  of  the  Turkmans  of  Arran.  That  done,  Sherif  went 
to  Khizan  and  raised  there  the  banner  of  rebellion.  He  was  angry 
since  the  Sultan,  because  of  Sherif's  immense  outlays,  had  taken 
from  him  command  of  the  taxes,  and  income  of  all  sorts.  Thinking 
Jelal  lost  when  he  had  fled  in  Mugan  and  had  been  almost  cap- 
tured, he  wrote  to  Kei  Kubad  and  Ashraf  declaring  that  if  they 
would  leave  Azerbaidjan  to  him  coupled  with  Arran  he  would 
render  homage  for  both  and  have  the  two  princes'  names  men- 
tioned at  all  publie  worship,    "  Fallen  Tyrant  "  was  the  name 


166 


The  Mongols 


given  the  Sultan  in  this  letter.  Many  missives  which  were  similar 
to  this  one  in  part  went  to  governors  to  corrupt  them.  One  of 
these  was  sent  to  the  Sultan  who  knew  now  that  Sherif  stopped 
all  Kwaresmian  officers  who  came  near  his  fort  and  wrung  their 
possessions  from  them  by  torture.  He  learned  also  that  Sherif 
had  instructed  the  Turkman  chief  not  to  yield  up  the  harem  or 
treasures  of  the  Sultan  to  any  one,  not  even  to  Jelal  himself  should 
he  come  for  them.  In  this  letter  also  he  styled  him  "  Fallen 
Tyrant."  The  Sultan,  knowing  now  the  vizir  and  his  treason,  had 
orders  sent  to  disregard  his  authority. 

Jelal,  who  remained  all  the  winter  (1231)  in  Mugan,  went  to 
Arran  in  the  spring  upon  hearing  that  the  Mongols  were  moving 
from  Odjan  to  find  him.  When  near  Sherif's  castle  he  sent  for 
the  traitorous  vizir  and  feigned  to  know  nothing  of  his  treason. 
Sherif  came  with  a  shroud  on  his  neck.  Jelal  had  wine  brought 
to  him,  an  act  not  agreeing  with  etiquette,  since  the  Kwaresmian 
sultans  never  admitted  vizirs  to  their  banquets.  Sherif  thought 
himself  then  at  the  summit  of  favor,  but  soon  he  had  reason  to 
think  otherwise,  for  though  he  followed  the  Sultan  the  latter  as- 
signed him  no  duties. 

The  bad  condition  of  Jelal's  affairs  affected  the  people  of  the 
two  Caspian  provinces  recently  subjected.  In  Tebriz  the  popula- 
tion, roused  to  anger  by  the  men  who  commanded  in  the  name  of 
the  Sultan,  were  ready  to  massacre  all  the  Kwaresmians  and  thus 
win  good  grace  from  the  Mongols.  Revolts  broke  out  in  many 
places  of  Azerbaidjan  and  of  Arran.  Men  in  the  service  of  the 
Sultan  were  killed  and  their  heads  carried  off  as  presents  to  the 
enemy. 

Jelal  wishing  to  assemble  the  troops  of  Arran,  and  unable  to 
trust  any  Turkman  in  his  service,  prevailed  on  Mohammed  of 
Nessa  to  accept  this  most  delicate  mission,  which  he  carried  out 
with  such  thoroughness  and  so  deftly  that  Jelal  soon  had  a  strong 
force  at  his  command.  At  report  of  this  exploit  the  Mongol 
division  which  had  marched  into  Arran  withdrew  to  the  main 
camp  at  Odjan.  An  envoy  sent  to  the  Bailecan  governor  to  effect 
his  surrender  was  brought  before  Jelal  immediately.  On  being 
asked  touching  Chormagun's  army,  and  promised  his  life  if  he 
told  the  truth  sacredly  (the  man  was  a  Moslem),  he  declared  that 
the  army  roll  counted  twenty  thousand  on  the  day  of  review  near 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death 


167 


the  Bokhara  suburbs.  Jelal,  lest  his  troops  lose  their  courage 
and  scatter,  had  the  man  killed  at  once. 

Then,  fearing  that  the  vizir  might  rush  away  on  a  sudden  and 
rouse  many  men  to  rebellion,  the  Sultan  set  out  for  Jaraper  fol- 
lowed still  by  the  traitor.  He  ordered  then  the  commandant  of 
the  Jaraper  fortress,  a  cruel  old  Turkman,  to  arrest  the  vizir  and 
put  him  in  irons  the  moment  that  he,  the  Sultan,  moved  farther. 
This  was  done,  and  soon  after,  the  old  Turkman  sent  six  guards 
to  take  life  from  Sherif .  The  moment  he  saw  the  men  coming  the 
vizir  knew  that  his  last  hour  was  present.  He  begged  a  short 
respite  during  which  to  implore  the  Almighty.  He  made  his 
ablutions,  then  prayed,  read  some  lines  in  the  Koran,  and  said  that 
the  guards  might  enter.  On  reappearing  they  asked  him  which 
he  preferred,  the  cord  or  the  sabre.  "  The  sabre,"  answered 
Sherif.  "  It  is  not  the  usage  that  great  people  die  by  the  sabre," 
said  the  guard,  "  and  death  by  the  cord  is  far  easier."  "  The  task 
is  yours,"  replied  Sherif.  "  Do  what  seems  best  to  you.  I  receive 
that  which  comes  to  him  always  who  trusts  the  ungrateful." 
These  were  the  last  words  of  Sherif.   He  was  strangled. 

Jelal's  next  move  was  a  quick  march  on  Gandja,  where  the  popu- 
lace had  slain  all  Kwaresmians  in  the  city.  He  pitched  his  camp 
at  the  wall  and  strove  to  persuade  the  seditious  to  obedience  by 
pleasant  messages  and  mildness;  but  the  crowd  grew  more  in- 
solent and  rushed  forth  to  fall  on  him.  The  Sultan  charged  fiercely. 
The  populace  fled,  and  returned  through  the  gate  in  disorder. 
The  victors  were  eager  for  plunder,  but  the  Sultan  restrained 
them.  He  wished  above  all  to  discover  the  leaders  of  the  outbreak. 
Thirty  were  named  and  Jelal  cut  their  heads  off. 

The  Sultan  remained  fifteen  days  in  the  city,  thinking  on  action. 
At  last  he  resolved  to  ask  aid  a  second  time  of  Ashraf .  He  hated 
to  do  this,  but  yielded  to  counsel. 

Ashraf,  on  hearing  that  envoys  were  coming  from  Jelal,  took  a 
journey  to  Egypt.  The  envoys  were  made  to  delay  at  Damascus, 
where  the  Syrian  prince  forced  them  to  loiter  and  amused  them  by 
letters  declaring  that  he  would  return  soon  from  Cairo  with  troops 
for  their  master. 

At  last  Jelal's  envoys  sent  word  to  him  that  Ashraf  would  stay 
in  Egypt,  as  they  thought,  till  the  whole  Mongol  question  was 
settled  without  him.    Jelal  sent  his  chancellor  then  to  Mozaffer, 


168 


The  Mongols 


who  had  received  Khelat  from  Ashraf  his  brother.  He  invited 
this  prince  to  come  with  his  own  troops  and  bring  with  him  also 
the  princes  of  Mardin  and  Amid,  with  their  forces.  He  said  that 
then  he  could  win  without  Ashraf.  His  envoy  was  to  explain  to 
Mozaffer  with  all  clearness  possible  that  if  they,  with  God's 
favor,  should  conquer  the  Mongols  he  would  put  Mozaffer  in  a 
country  compared  with  which  Khelat  and  its  lands  were  as  nothing. 
This  was  said  by  Jelal  in  the  presence  of  his  generals,  but  to 
Mohammed  of  Nessa  when  alone  with  him  his  speech  was  as 
follows :  "  I  have  no  faith  in  the  people  to  whom  you  are  going, 
but  these  here,"  meaning  his  Turkman  commanders,  "  are  satis- 
fied only  with  visions,  and  their  highest  desire  is  to  escape  serious 
fighting.  Thus  have  they  baffled  every  plan  made  by  me.  I  send 
you  now  on  this  mission  knowing  well  that  you  will  bring  back  an 
answer  taking  from  them  all  hope  of  aid." 

The  Sultan  had  fixed  on  Ispahan  the  capital  as  his  stronghold. 
At  his  command  six  thousand  men  went  to  pillage  in  Rum  whence 
they  drove  back  immense  herds  of  cattle. 

When  Mohammed  of  Nessa  gave  Mozaffer  the  message,  that 
prince  replied  in  this  fashion :  4 4  If  I  have  given  an  oath  to  Jelal, 
I  have  given  one  also  to  Kei  Kubad ;  I  know  too  that  your  sovereign 
has  ravaged  Kei  Kubad 's  country,  and  that  is  not  what  he  promised 
on  the  day  of  the  oath  taking.  Besides  I  am  not  my  own  master; 
I  depend  on  my  brothers,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  and  the  ruler  of 
Syria,  I  could  not  help  any  man  unless  those  two  permitted.  More- 
over what  aid  could  my  little  army  give  Jelal,  or  others  ?  As  to 
the  princes  of  Mardin  and  Amid,  they  are  not  my  dependents. 
They  are  discussing  with  the  Sultan  touching  aid.  I  know  that, 
I  know  too  that  he  is  trying  them.  He  will  find  soon  that  they  are 
not  truthful,  while  Ashraf  is  eager  in  the  interest  of  the  Sultan,  and 
is  faithful  to  promises.  His  only  object  in  going  to  Egypt  is  to 
get  troops  and  lead  them  back  with  him." 

At  the  end  of  some  days  Mohammed  took  leave  of  Mozaffer 
while  declaring  that  whatever  the  end  was  the  latter  would  regret 
his  decision.  "  If  Jelal  triumphs,"  said  he,  "  you  can  never  be 
reconciled ;  if  he  is  conquered  the  Mongols  will  bring  bitter  grief 
on  you  if  not  destruction."  The  Khelat  prince  answered  that  he 
doubted  not  the  words  of  the  envoy,  but  added,  "  I  am  not  my 
own  master." 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  169 


A  letter  borne  by  a  pigeon  from  Perkri  announced  that  the 
Mongols  were  searching  for  the  Sultan,  and  had  passed  by  that 
city.  Jelal  went  to  Hany,  but  rinding  there  only  the  women  and 
baggage,  he  set  out  for  Jebal  Jor  without  waiting.  A  Mongol 
escaping  from  punishment  had  come  to  the  Kwaresmians  and 
declared  that  the  Mongols  were  advancing.  The  man  was  a  com- 
mander of  one  thousand  who  would  not  endure  reprimands  from 
superiors,  hence  had  fled  from  them.  Following  the  advice  of 
this  runaway  Jelal  left  his  baggage  at  the  wayside,  and  settled  in 
ambush  near  by  to  fall  on  the  Mongols  while  they  were  pillaging 
it.  Otuz  Khan,  one  of  his  generals,  with  four  thousand  horsemen, 
was  to  move  on  the  enemy,  engage  and  then  flee  after  fighting,  thus 
luring  them  on  into  ambush,  Otuz  Khan  being  neither  keen  nor 
courageous,  came  back  and  declared  that  the  Mongols  had  gone 
toward  Manazguerd.  On  hearing  this  false  statement  the  Sultan 
came  out  of  his  ambush  and  went  on  to  Hany  where  he  was  met 
by  Mohammed  of  Nessa  whom  he  commanded  to  report  in  the 
presence  of  all,  on  the  outcome  of  his  mission. 

Convinced  after  listening  to  this  report  that  no  help  would 
come  from  any  one,  all  resolved  straightway  to  fall  back  on 
Ispahan,  taking  only  those  of  their  children  and  wives  who  were 
dearest  to  them. 

Two  days  later,  came  an  envoy  from  Prince  Massud  of  Amid. 
That  prince  wished  the  Sultan  to  make  himself  master  in  Rum, 
a  conquest  which  he  declared  would  be  easy.  Master  of  Rum  and 
strong  through  the  Kipchaks  who  were  firmly  attached  to  him, 
Jelal  could  make  himself  terrible  to  the  Mongols.  Massud 
promised  to  strengthen  the  Sultan  with  four  thousand  horsemen 
and  stay  with  him  till  Rum  should  be  conquered. 

This  entire  plan  of  that  Amid  prince  was  caused  by  his  rage  at 
Kei  Kubad,  who  had  snatched  away  some  of  his  castles. 

JelaFs  ambition  was  roused  to  activity.  He  abandoned  the 
Ispahan  journey  and  started  off  toward  Amid  without  waiting. 
Pitching  his  camp  near  that  city  he  passed  the  whole  evening  in 
drinking.  At  midnight  a  Turkman  rushed  in  with  tidings  that  he 
had  seen  foreign  troops  at  the  place  where  the  Sultan  had  passed 
the  night  previous.  Jelal  declared  this  a  lie,  and  a  trick  of  the 
Amid  prince  to  force  him  from  the  country  at  the  earliest.  But  at 
daybreak  the  Mongols  were  present.   They  surrounded  the 


170 


The  Mongols 


Sultan's  pavilion  while  he  was  still  sleeping  off  his  carousal.  One 
general,  Orkhan,  galloped  up  with  his  troops  and  drove  the  enemy 
away.  The  officers  of  Jelal's  own  household  strove  hard  in  this 
trial ;  they  had  barely  time  to  give  Jelal  a  light  colored  tunic,  and 
put  him  on  horseback.  He  thought  at  that  moment  of  one  of  his 
wives  who  was  with  him,  a  daughter  of  the  Fars  prince,  and 
commanded  two  of  his  principal  officers  to  guard  her  while  fleeing. 

Seeing  that  the  Mongols  were  terribly  swift  in  pursuing,  Jelal 
ordered  Orkhan  to  rush  in  another  direction  with  his  forces,  and 
draw  off  the  enemy.  He  himself  took  the  road  to  Amid  with  one 
hundred  horsemen.  The  gates  of  that  city  were  closed  to  him. 
Persuasion  was  powerless  to  open  them,  hence  he  fled  on  toward 
the  Tigris,  but  soon  turning  aside  he  rushed  back,  and  thus  fol- 
lowed the  counsel  of  Otuz  Khan,  who  declared  that  the  best  way 
to  flee  from  the  Mongols  was  to  double  back  and  be  behind  them. 
He  reached  a  small  village  in  the  region  of  Mayafarkin  and  stopped 
for  the  night  at  a  granary.  While  he  was  sleeping  Otuz  Khan 
slipped  away,  and  deserted.  At  daybreak  the  Mongols  caught 
up  with  the  Sultan,  who  had  barely  the  time  to  mount  and  be  off 
while  his  guards  fought  the  enemy. 

Most  of  Jelal's  men  were  slain  while  defending  their  master 
that  morning.  Fifteen  of  the  Mongols,  on  learning  that  he  who 
had  fled  was  the  Sultan,  rushed  along  after  him  madly.  Two 
reached  the  swift  rider,  but  he  slew  both  of  them.  The  others 
could  not  come  up  with  the  fugitive  whose  horse  beyond  doubt 
was  superior. 

Jelal  hurried  on  alone  now,  and  made  his  way  into  the  moun- 
tains. There  he  was  captured  by  Kurds,  whose  work  was  to  strip 
every  wayfarer  and  slay  him.  They  stripped  the  Sultan  at  once 
and  were  going  to  kill  him  when  he  told  their  chief  secretly  who  he 
was,  asking  the  man  to  conduct  him  to  the  Erbil  prince,  Mozaffer, 
who  would  load  him  with  benefits  for  doing  so ;  if  not  to  conduct 
him  to  some  place  in  the  Sultan's  own  kingdom.  The  Kurd  chose 
the  latter  and  taking  with  him  to  his  own  habitation  the  Sultan, 
whom  he  left  in  the  care  of  his  wife,  he  went  out  to  find  horses. 
Meanwhile  another  Kurd  came  in,  and  inquired  of  the  woman 
who  the  Kwaresmian  was,  and  why  they  had  not  killed  him. 
She  replied  that  he  was  under  her  husband's  protection,  and 
added,  that  he  was  the  Kwaresmian  Sultan.    "  How  know  that 


Persia  at  Jinghis  Khan's  Death  171 


he  is  telling  you  the  truth  ?  "  asked  the  Kurd.  "  But  if  he  is  the 
Sultan,  he  killed  at  the  siege  of  Khelat  my  own  brother,  a  far 
better  man  than  he  is."  With  that  he  sprang  at  Jelal  ud  din, 
pierced  him  with  his  javelin,  and  killed  him.    Aug.  15,  1231. 

With  Jelal  ud  din  perished  the  Kwaresmian  dynasty. 

"  Jelal  ud  din,"  says  Mohammed  of  Nessa,  "  was  of  medium 
stature.  He  had  a  Turk  face,  his  complexion  was  very  dark,  for  his 
mother  was  from  India.  He  was  brave  to  excess,  calm,  grave  and 
silent,  never  laughing  except  at  the  points  of  his  lips.  He  spoke 
Turkish  and  Persian."  Jelal  ud  din  was  no  statesman,  he  had 
neither  foresight  nor  wisdom ;  attached  to  his  whims  he  reconciled 
no  man.  Music  and  wine  gave  him  most  of  his  pleasure.  He 
always  went  to  bed  drunk,  even  at  times  when  the  Mongols  were 
hunting  him  like  bloodhounds.  He  did  not  retain  the  affection 
of  his  warriors,  who  receiving  no  pay  had  to  live  on  the  country 
and  ruin  it.  Reckless  conduct  estranged  from  him  those  who  might 
have  upheld  him.  A  wise  and  strong  leader  could  have  raised 
up  and  directed  a  resistance  which  would  have  stopped  Hulagu 
in  his  conquests.  What  might  have  come  afterwards  is  of  course 
a  new  problem. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  this  Sultan,  Prince  Mozaffer  sent  men 
to  collect  his  effects.  They  found  his  horse,  saddle  and  sabre. 
These,  being  shown  to  his  generals,  were  recognized.  Mozaffer 
then  had  his  corpse  brought  and  put  in  a  mausoleum. 

In  after  years  report  ran  that  Jelal  had  been  seen  in  various 
places  of  Iran.  A  man  at  Ispidar  gave  himself  out  as  the  Sultan. 
The  Mongol  commanders  called  in  men  who  had  seen  Jelal  ud 
din.  The  imposter  was  discovered  and  put  to  death  promptly. 
Twenty-two  years  after  this  death  of  the  Sultan  a  poor  man  dressed 
as  a  fakir  while  crossing  the  Oxus  spoke  to  the  boatmen  as  follows : 
"  I  am  Jelal  ud  din  the  Kwaresmian  Shah  reported  as  killed  by 
the  Kurds  in  the  mountains  of  Amid.  It  was  not  I  who  was  killed 
then,  but  my  equerry.  I  have  wandered  about  many  years  without 
letting  men  know  me."  Taken  by  the  boatmen  to  an  officer  of 
the  Mongols  close  to  that  river  he  was  tortured,  but  insisted  till 
death  that  he  was  Jelal  ud  din  the  Kwaresmian  Sultan. 


CHAPTER  X 


CONDITION  OF  PERSIA  IN  1254,  WHEN  HULAGU  CAME  TO 
CONQUER  AND  TO  SLAUGHTER 

SAD  was  the  fate  of  the  people  in  Rum  through  disunion, 
stupidity  and  thoughtlessness.  After  Jelal  ud  din  lost  his  life  in 
the  mountains  his  warriors  dispersed  and  were  finished  by  land 
tillers,  by  Kurds,  and  by  Beduins.  The  Mongols  fell  straightway  to 
ravaging  Amid,  Erzerum  and  Mayafarkin.  After  a  siege  of  five 
days  they  captured  Sarad,  two  days'  journey  from  Mardin,  and  east 
of  it,  and  though  the  city  had  surrendered  they  slaughtered  its 
inhabitants  to  the  number  of  fifteen  thousand,  as  is  stated.  Tanza 
met  the  same  fate  as  also  did  Mardin,  whose  sovereign  took  refuge 
in  the  fortress.  The  district  of  Nisibin  was  changed  to  a  desert, 
though  the  city  itself  was  not  taken  by  the  Mongols  who,  entering 
the  country  of  Sin  jar  sacked  El  Khabur  and  Araban.  One  division 
of  them  took  the  road  to  Mosul  and  hastened  to  pillage  El  Munassa, 
on  the  road  between  Mosul  and  Nisibin.  The  people  of  that 
place  and  the  flat  country  around  it  took  refuge  in  a  building 
near  the  middle  of  the  city  where  all  save  desirable  women  were 
massacred.  A  man  of  that  region  being  hidden  in  a  house  looked 
out  through  a  cranny  and  saw  what  was  happening  and  afterward 
told  Ibn  al  Athir,  the  historian.  ' 4 Each  time  the  Mongols  slew 
some  one  they  shouted  6  La  illahi.'  This  massacre  finished,  they 
pillaged  the  place  and  departed  leading  away  the  women  selected. 
I  saw  them,"  said  the  hidden  man,  "  rejoicing  on  horseback. 
They  laughed,  sang  songs  in  their  language  and  shouted  while 
mocking  the  Moslems." 

Another  Mongol  division  marched  on  Bitlis.    Some  of  the 
people  fled  to  the  mountains,  others  took  refuge  in  the  citadel. 
The  Mongols  set  fire  to  the  city  and  burned  it.    They  stormed 
Balri,  a  fortified  place  in  the  region  of  Khelat,  and  slaughtered 
172 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


173 


all  the  inhabitants.  The  large  city  of  Andjish  met  a  similar  de- 
struction. 

A  third  Mongol  force  now  laid  siege  to  Meraga.  This  city 
surrendered  on  condition  that  the  lives  of  all  citizens  be  respected. 
The  Mongols  gave  a  promise  to  spare  them,  but  notwithstanding 
this  promise  they  slew  a  great  number.  They  sacked  Azerbaidjan, 
passed  into  Erbil,  attacked  Kurds  and  Turkmans,  slaying  every 
one  whom  they  could  reach  with  a  weapon.  They  took  fire  and 
sword  to  all  places,  and  committed  atrocities  without  parallel. 

Mozaffer,  prince  of  Erbil,  assembled  his  troops  with  great  speed 
and  got  aid  from  Mosul.  The  Mongols  withdrew  then  and  marched 
on  Dakuka.   The  prince  thought  it  best  not  to  pursue  them. 

During  those  two  months  which  followed  the  death  of  Jelal  ud  din 
and  the  scattering  of  his  army,  the  Mongols  pillaged  all  lands  between 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris;  Diarbekr,  Khelat  and  Erbil,  without 
finding  a  single  armed  warrior  to  oppose  them.  The  princes  of 
those  petty  states  hid  away  carefully,  and  the  people  were  stupefied 
so  great  was  the  terror  which  had  seized  upon  mankind.  Deeds 
were  done  in  that  period  which  beggar  belief.  For  example  a 
lone  Mongol  horseman  rode  into  a  populous  village  and  fell  to 
cutting  down  people ;  no  man  had  the  courage  to  defend  himself. 

Another  time  a  Mongol  without  weapons  wished  to  hew  off  the 
head  of  a  prisoner  whom  he  had  taken ;  he  commanded  the  man  to 
lie  down  and  wait  for  him.  The  Mongol  went  off  for  a  sabre,  came 
back  and  killed  the  unfortunate,  who  was  waiting  obediently,, 
Still  a  new  tale  from  a  third  man :  "  I  was  on  the  road  with 
seventeen  comrades  when  a  Mongol  on  horseback  rode  up  to  us, 
and  commanded  that  each  man  tie  the  hands  of  another.  My 
comrades  thought  it  best  to  obey.  '  This  man,'  said  I  to  them, 
*  is  alone,  let  us  kill  him.'  *  We  are  too  much  afraid,'  said  they. 
'  But  he  will  kill  us.  Let  us  kill  him,  God  may  then  save  us.' 
No  man  of  them  had  the  courage  to  do  this.  I  killed  him  then 
with  a  knife  thrust,  and  we  fled  and  in  that  manner  saved  ourselves 
from  other  Mongols."  These  cases  are  but  three  out  of  thousands. 

Three  months  after  the  death  of  Jelal  ud  din,  people  in  general 
knew  not  whether  he  had  been  killed,  or  was  hiding,  or  had  gone  to 
another  country.  Azerbaidjan  was  now  seized  by  the  Mongols. 
Their  leader  fixed  his  camp  near  Tebriz  and  summoned  that  city  to 
surrender.  It  offered  a  large  sum  of  money,  many  fabrics,  wine  and 


174 


The  Mongols 


other  products.  The  chief  judge  and  the  mayor  with  the  principal 
people  went  to  the  Mongol  commander,  who  ordered  to  send  out 
to  him  weavers  since  he  wished  to  have  certain  stuffs  made  for  his 
sovereign.  They  obeyed  and  the  citizens  paid  for  those  costly 
fabrics.  He  asked  also  a  tent  for  his  master.  One  was  made  for 
him  of  a  kind  that  had  never  been  equalled  in  that  city.  It  was 
covered  with  silk  embroidered  in  gold  and  ornamented  with  sable 
and  beaver.  Tebriz  agreed  to  an  annual  tribute  in  stuffs  and 
in  silver. 

The  Mongols  were  sacking  the  lands  of  Erbil,  a  fief  of  the 
Kalif ,  Mostansir,  who  had  summoned  to  assist  him  Mohammedan 
sovereigns  as  well  as  the  Arabs.  Kamil,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  whose 
dominions  beyond  the  Euphrates  were  also  threatened,  had  set 
out  from  Cairo  at  the  head  of  an  army  and  arrived  at  Damascus 
whence  he  moved  eastward  very  promptly.  His  army  being 
numerous,  took  various  roads  in  crossing  the  desert.  Since  water 
was  lacking,  many  horses  died  on  that  journey,  and  many  men  also. 
On  learning  at  Harran  that  the  Mongols  had  gone  out  of  Khelat, 
Kamil  besieged  Amid.  The  capture  of  this  place,  which  belonged 
to  a  grandson  of  Ortok,  was  the  real  cause  of  his  coming  from 
Egypt.  With  him  was  Ashraf,  his  brother,  who  had  persuaded 
him  to  make  the  expedition.  The  Eyubite  princes  and  the  Sultan 
of  Rum  marched  also  with  Kamil. 

The  siege  lasted  five  days  altogether.  Prince  Massud,  a  weak- 
ling and  a  man  enamoured  of  pleasure,  surrendered  his  capital 
to  Kamil,  who  gave  it  as  an  appanage  (1232)  to  his  faithless  son 
Salih,  who  previously  had  wished  to  dethrone  him.  Massud 
received  certain  lands  lying  in  Egypt;  to  those  lands  he  went 
and  settled  down  ignominiously  as  became  him.  Master  of  Amid 
Kamil  attacked  Hossn-Keifa,  which  yielded  also.  He  had  now 
gained  his  object. 

Mongol  troops  under  Chormagun's  orders,  and  after  that 
general's  death,  under  Baidju,  continued  during  two  entire  decades 
to  slaughter,  rob,  pillage  and  devastate  lands  west  of  Persia0 
They  ruined  whole  regions,  and  cut  down  the  people  in  wantonness 
and  by  thousands.  In  1236-7  they  made  a  second  invasion  of  the 
districts  near  Erbil,  and  advanced  to  the  Tigris.  Next  they  took 
Erbil  and  found  there  rich  booty.  They  burned  a  great  number  of 
houses,  but  could  not  take  the  fortress  where  the  inhabitants  had 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


175 


rallied,  and  though  perishing  from  thirst  fought  with  a  mar- 
velous valor.  At  the  end  of  forty  days  the  Mongols  retired 
on  receipt  of  large  sums  in  gold  from  the  people. 

They  ravaged  after  that  the  north  edge  of  Arabian  Irak  as  far 
as  Zenk  Abad  and  Sermenrai,  which  they  pillaged.  The  Kalif 
made  Bagdad  defensible  and  in  1237  in  his  wish  to  rouse  every 
Moslem,  he  asked  the  Ulema:  "  Which  gives  more  merit,  a  pil- 
grimage to  Mecca,  or  a  war  on  the  infidel  ?  "  "  The  holy  war," 
answered  all  as  one  person.  The  war  was  proclaimed  then. 
Great  persons,  men  of  law,  common  people,  all  went  out  daily 
to  learn  the  art  of  wielding  weapons.  The  Kalif  himself 
wished  to  march  with  the  forces,  but  prudent  advisers  dissuaded 
him.  His  troops  met  the  enemy  at  Jebel  Hamrin  north  of  Tacrit, 
on  the  bank  of  the  Tigris,  put  them  to  flight,  cut  down  many,  and 
freed  all  the  captives  seized  at  Dakuka  and  Erbil  a  short  time 
before.  In  1238  fifteen  thousand  Mongols  invaded  the  territory  of 
Bagdad,  and  advanced  to  Jaferiye,  but  retired  at  approach  of  the 
forces  of  the  Kalif  made  up  of  Turks  and  Arabs. 

That  same  year,  Arabian  Irak  was  reentered  by  Mongols 
from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  in  number.  They  advanced  to 
Khanekin,  a  place  some  leagues  south  of  Heulvan.  The  Kalif 
sent  seven  thousand  horsemen  against  them  under  orders  of 
Jemal  ud  din  Beilek.  The  Mongols,  employing  their  old  stratagem 
successfully,  lured  on  the  forces  of  Bagdad  and  attacked  them 
from  ambush.  They  put  to  the  sword  nearly  all  the  detachment. 
Beilek,  their  leader,  disappeared  without  tidings. 

In  1235  the  Mongols  took  Gandja  the  capital  of  Arran,  giving 
the  city  to  flames  and  the  people  to  slaughter.  The  year  following, 
1236,  Chormagun  left  Mugan  and  swept  through  Armenia, 
Albania  and  Georgia,  sacking  all  the  best  cities.  Georgia  had  so 
recently  been  plundered  by  Jelal  ud  din  that  unable  to  defend 
themselves  against  the  Mongol  invaders,  the  princes  and  people 
sought  refuge  in  the  mountains.  Queen  Rusudan,  a  woman  famous 
for  her  beauty  and  her  lack  of  virtue,  chose  as  asylum  the  im- 
pregnable fortress  of  Usaneth  in  Imeretia. 

Chormagun  seized  the  country  between  the  Araxes  and  the 
Cyrus.  One  of  his  generals,  Gadagan,  took  Kedapagu  and 
Varsanashod.  Another  one,  Mular,  seized  Shamkar  and  every 
stronghold  around  it.   Chormagun's  brother  Jela  took  the  fortress 


176 


The  Mongols 


of  Katchen.  Jelal,  the  master  of  the  place,  fled  to  Khok  Castle 
near  Kandzassar.  When  summoned  to  surrender  he  gave  the 
Grand  Khan  allegiance  with  tribute  and  military  service.  Jagatai, 
another  leader  of  Mongols,  took  Lori  which  belonged  to 
Shah  in  Shah,  prince  of  Ani,  sacked  the  city  and  slaughtered  the 
people.  Next  after  this,  and  in  1239,  the  Mongols  burst  into 
Georgia  and  captured  Tin* is  with  many  other  places.  When 
Jagatai  had  made  all  his  circuits  through  the  country  with  terror 
in  front  of  him  and  ruin  behind,  he  swept  again  through  Armenia, 
besieging  now  the  old  capital  Ani.  When  the  ancient  city  was 
summoned  to  yield,  the  authorities  answered  that  without  Shah 
in  Shah  they  could  not  surrender,  since  he  was  prince  of  that 
region.  The  envoy  was  returning  with  this  statement  when  the 
populace  grew  furious  and  killed  him.  Chormagun  laid  siege 
immediately  to  Ani.  Not  having  supplies,  the  people  learned  soon 
the  full  meaning  of  famine.  To  escape  from  it  many  went  out 
and  surrendered.  Chormagun  met  all  those  people  with  kindness, 
and  gave  them  provisions;  this  enticed  others  till  more  than  one 
half  had  gone  out  of  Ani.  After  that  those  men,  captured  thus  by 
their  stomachs  and  Chormagun 's  cunning,  were  drawn  up  in 
companies  and  delivered  to  warriors,  who  cut  them  down  to  the 
very  last  person.  Ani  could  not  defend  itself  longer,  so  pillage 
and  fire  destroyed  the  old  city. 

On  hearing  of  the  dread  destruction  which  had  fallen  upon 
Ani,  and  the  slaughter  of  all  who  had  lived  in  it,  the  inhabitants 
of  Kars  fearing  the  doom  which,  as  they  thought,  would  meet 
them  unless  they  could  avert  it,  carried  the  keys  of  their  city 
to  the  Mongol  commander.  Notwithstanding  this  voluntary  sub- 
mission and  surrender,  a  dreadful  massacre  followed,  for  Chor- 
magun gave  direction  to  put  all  to  the  sword  except  children, 
desirable  women,  and  artisans  of  skill,  who  were  needed  by  the 
Mongols. 

When  Kars  had  been  ruined  the  invaders  returned  to  the 
plains  of  Mugan,  which  abounded  in  rich  winter  pastures. 

In  1240  Prince  Avak  of  Tiflis  and  his  sister  Tamara  went  to 
give  homage  at  Ogotai's  court,  and  were  met  there  with  kindness. 
The  Grand  Khan  gave  them  an  order  commanding  Chormagun 
to  reinstate  them  and  other  Georgian  princes ;  a  second  command 
was  sent  also  to  take  from  them  only  the  tribute  agreed  on  already,. 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


177 


When  people  north  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  had  been  thinned 
out  sufficiently  and  enlightened  by  slaughter,  the  Mongols  turned 
to  take  Rum  and  subdue  it. 

Rum  had  been  ruled  for  a  century  and  a  half  by  a  branch  of  the 
Seljuks.  Asia  Minor  was  conquered  about  1080  by  Suleiman 
Shah,  whom  his  cousin  Sultan  Melik,  Shah  of  Persia,  had  sent 
toward  the  west  with  eighty  thousand  Turkman  households  to 
bring  down  the  infidel.  Suleiman  seized  the  central  provinces  of 
that  region  from  the  Byzantine  Empire,  and  made  Konia  the 
capital  of  his  newly  won  kingdom,  which  was  called  Rum  in  the 
Orient,  but  in  the  west  with  another  vowel,  Rome.  From  that 
period  on,  the  Turkman  swarms  which  followed  the  banners  of 
the  Seljuks  spread  over  those  conquered  lands  widely.  Most 
places  were  given  them  as  fiefs,  and  the  Christians  of  that  entire 
region  passed  under  the  yoke  of  unsparing  and  insolent  nomads. 

The  Sultan  Ghiath  ud  din  Kei  Kosru,  eighth  successor  of  Sulei- 
man the  first  conqueror,  had  ruled  over  Rum  for  five  years  when 
in  1243  the  Mongols  set  out  to  subject  it.  Chormagun  was  now 
dead  and  Baidju,  who  succeeded  him,  had  come  with  an  army,  in 
which  were  Armenian  and  Georgian  contingents,  to  invest  Erzerum 
where  Sinan  ud  din  Yakut  was  commandant.  This  Yakut  was  a 
freedman  of  Sultan  Kei  Kubad,  the  father  of  Kei  Kosru.  At 
the  end  of  two  months  the  walls  were  destroyed  by  twelve  catapults ; 
the  city  was  taken  by  storm,  and  one  day  later  the  citadel  met  with 
a  similar  misfortune.  The  commandant  and  also  his  warriors 
were  put  to  the  sword  without  exception.  Artisans,  workmen, 
desirable  women  and  children  were  spared  to  be  driven  into 
slavery.  When  the  city  had  been  plundered  and  ruined  the  Mon- 
gols withdrew  to  their  winter  camp  on  the  plain  of  Mugan. 

Mongol  warriors  were  sent  in  1244  toward  Syria.  While  they 
were  approaching  Malattia,  where  news  of  the  sack  of  Cesaraea 
had  spread  dismay  through  every  hamlet  and  corner,  the  prefect 
and  other  officials  of  the  Sultan  took  during  night  hours  all  the 
silver  and  gold  of  the  treasury,  divided  it  among  themselves  and 
set  out  to  find  refuge  in  Aleppo.  At  the  same  time  the  chief 
citizens,  both  Moslem  and  Christian,  tried  to  save  themselves  by 
flight,  but  these,  after  journeying  one  day,  were  overtaken  by 
Mongols  who  slaughtered  the  old  men  and  women;  the  young 
of  both  sexes  were  spared  and  driven  on  into  slavery. 


178 


The  Mongols 


The  Mongols  waited  not  to  lay  siege  to  Malattia,  they  sped 
forward  at  command  of  Noyon  Yassaur  to  Aleppo,  demanded  a 
ransom,  received  it,  and  vanished.  On  his  way  back,  Yassaur 
made  a  halt  at  Malattia  and  feigned  an  attack  on  it.  The  prefect 
collected  much  plate,  also  gold  from  church  pictures,  besides  other 
treasures  taken  from  the  Nestorian  cathedral;  the  value  in  all 
reached  forty  thousand  gold  pieces.  After  receiving  this  ransom 
Yassaur  continued  his  march  toward  the  boundary  of  Persia. 
Yassaur  was  the  Mongol  chief,  probably,  who  in  1244,  toward  the 
end  of  the  summer,  summoned  Bohemond  V.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 
to  level  the  walls  of  his  cities,  send  in  all  the  revenue  of  his  prince- 
dom, and  give  besides  three  thousand  maidens.  The  prince 
refused,  the  Mongol  commander  refrained  from  attacking,  but 
later  on  the  Antioch  prince  furnished  tribute  to  the  Mongols. 

The  Grand  Khan's  lieutenant  had  summoned  all  sovereigns  in 
Western  Asia  to  obedience.  Shihab  ud  din  in  1241  got  a  letter 
from  an  envoy  of  the  Mongols.  The  letter  sent  to  other  princes  as 
well  as  to  him  began  in  this  way:  "The  lieutenant  on  earth, 
of  the  Master  of  Heaven,  commands  all  the  following  princes  to 
acknowledge  his  authority  and  level  their  defences;  "  the  names 
then  were  given.  The  prince  answered  that  he  was  a  weak,  petty 
ruler  if  compared  with  the  sovereigns  of  Rum,  Syria  and  Egypt. 
"  Go  to  them  first,"  said  he,  "  I  will  follow  their  example." 

Hayton,  the  king  of  Cilicia,  had  promised  to  bring  to  the  Sultan 
of  Rum  a  whole  corps  of  Armenians ;  he  delayed  marching,  how- 
ever, and  awaited  developments.  The  kingdom  of  Rum  was  now 
subject  to  Mongols,  and  Hayton  thought  it  well  to  win  Mongol 
favor  if  possible.  On  securing  consent  from  the  chief  men  of  his 
kingdom  he  sent  envoys  in  1244,  during  spring,  with  rich  presents 
to  Baidju.  The  envoys  turned  to  Jalal,  an  Armenian  prince  then 
in  Katchen,who  presented  them  to  Baidju,  toChormagun's  widow,, 
and  to  Mongol  commanders.  Baidju  asked  first  that  Hayton 
deliver  the  wife,  daughter  and  mother  of  Kei  Kosru,  who  were 
then  in  Cilicia.  That  request  made,  he  took  leave  of  the  envoys, 
and  sent  with  them  men  of  his  own  to  their  sovereign.  The  con- 
ditions were  grievous  to  Hayton,  but  he  yielded  the  women  to 
Baidju's  officials  and  sent  on  new  envoys.  The  Mongol  commander 
was  satisfied,  and  concluding  an  alliance  with  Hayton,  giving  him 
a  diploma  which  affirmed  his  position  as  vassal  to  the  Grand  Khan. 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


179 


The  Mongols  during  1245  took  regions  north  of  Lake  Van,  among 
others  Khelat,  which  through  an  order  of  Ogotai  had  been  given 
to  Tamara  of  Georgia.  After  this  they  marched  into  regions 
between  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  taking  Roha,  Nisibin 
and  other  cities  which  the  people  abandoned  at  approach  of  the 
dread  enemy.  But  great  summer  heat  brought  down  most  of 
their  horses,  hence  the  Mongols  were  forced  to  withdraw  very 
speedily  to  save  themselves. 

Mongol  dominion  was  extending  continually.  Bedr  ud  din 
Lulu  the  Prince  of  Mosul  declared  in  a  letter  to  the  Prince  of 
Damascus  that  he  had  in  his  own  name  concluded  a  treaty  by  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Syria  would  give  the  Mongols  a  fixed  tribute  ac- 
cording to  wealth  and  ability.  The  tax  of  the  rich  would  amount 
to  ten  dirhems,  medium  men  would  pay  five,  and  poor  people  one 
dirhem.  This  letter  was  published  at  Damascus,  and  officials 
began  to  collect  the  taxes  decreed  by  it. 

The  same  year,  1245,  news  came  to  Bagdad,  by  pigeons,  that 
the  Mongols  had  entered  Sheherzur,  eight  days'  travel  northward 
from  Bagdad,  and  sacked  the  whole  city,  whose  prince,  Melik 
ud  din  Mohammed,  had  fled  to  a  stronghold. 

The  Mongols  advancing  in  1246  to  Yakuba  were  attacked  and 
driven  off  by  Bagdad  troops,  and  some  of  them  were  captured. 
Baidju  did  not  feel  himself  master  of  Georgia  while  Queen 
Rusudan  remained  in  Usaneth  and  refused  all  submission.  In 
vain  did  he  send  her  rich  presents,  and  ask  for  an  interview  during 
which  she  and  he  might  arrange,  he  declared,  an  alliance  with 
friendship.  The  queen  would  not  go  from  her  stronghold,  and 
gave  no  better  answer  to  a  message  from  Batu,  who  since  Ogatai's 
death,  in  December,1241,  was  the  first  among  Jinghis  Khan's  grand- 
sons. She  sent  her  son  David,  however,  to  Batu  as  hostage,  and 
placed  him  under  that  strong  Khan's  protection.  Baidju,  wrathful 
at  Rusudan 's  stubbornness,  resolved  to  give  Georgia  a  ruler  sub- 
servient to  Mongols.  Rusudan 's  brother,  Lasha,  had  a  son  born 
outside  wedlock  whom  the  queen  had  despatched  into  Rum 
when  her  daughter  went  thither  to  marry  Kei  Kosru.  This  son  of 
Lasha,  named  David,  was  detained  for  ten  years  in  Cesaraea. 
Freed  now  for  this  special  state  trick,  he  was  brought  to  the  camp 
of  the  Mongols  where  certain  princes  proclaimed  him,  and 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance.    Georgian  troops  and  Armenians 


180 


The  Mongols 


went  with  David  to  Mtskhete  the  seat  of  the  Patriarch,  who 
anointed  him0 

David,  the  new  king  and  tool  of  the  Mongols,  in  1246  attacked 
Rusudan  in  her  fortress  where,  reduced  to  extremities,  she  took 
poison  and  in  dying  recommended  her  son  to  Batu  the  Khan  of 
the  Kipchaks  and  master  at  that  time  in  Russia. 

The  young  King  of  Georgia  set  out  to  be  present  at  the  in- 
stallation of  Kuyuk  (1246).  The  names  given  of  subject  rulers 
present  at  this  great  Kurultai  show  how  far-reaching  was  the 
power  of  the  Mongols :  the  Prince  of  Fars ;  the  ruler  of  Kerman ; 
Bedr  ud  din  Lulu,  Prince  of  Mosul;  Yaroslav,  Grand  Prince  of 
Russia;  Ambassadors  from  the  Kalif  of  Bagdad;  the  Prince  of 
the  Assassin  Kingdom;  and  many  other  noted  rulers.  There 
were  present  also  two  monks  who  came  from  the  Pope  —  one  of 
whom,  Du  Piano  Carpino,  has  left  us  an  account  of  the  Kurultai — 
and  Rusudan 's  son. 

The  rivalry  of  the  King  of  Georgia  and  Rusudan 's  son  brought 
about  a  division  of  their  country.  David  got  Georgia  proper  and 
Rusudan 's  son,  Imeretia,  Mingrelia  and  Abhasia.  Both  men 
were  called  kings,  but  David  was  the  Suzerain.  The  Cilician 
King  Hayton  who  sent  Sempad,  his  brother,  to  be  present  at 
Kuyuk's  enthronement,  received  from  the  Grand  Khan  more 
cities  seized  from  Cilicia  by  the  Sultans  of  Rum. 

In  1249  fresh  alarm  rose  in  Bagdad,  for  the  Mongols  advanced 
to  Dakuka  and  killed  Bilban  the  prefect.  In  1250-1  Nassir  the 
Prince  of  Damascus  got  a  letter  of  safe-conduct  from  the  Grand 
Khan  and  bore  it  in  his  girdle.  Splendid  gifts  were  a  proof  of  his 
gratitude  and  pleasure.  Lands  between  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris 
were  again  visited  by  the  Mongols.  The  districts  of  Diarbekr  and 
Mayafarkin  with  Reesain  and  Sarudj  were  given  over  to  pillage. 
The  invaders  cut  down  in  this  raid  more  than  ten  thousand  people. 
A  caravan  which  had  set  out  from  Harran  for  Bagdad  was  attacked 
by  those  Mongols,  who  massacred  every  man  in  it.  They  took  a 
large  booty;  among  other  objects  they  got  six  hundred  camel 
loads  of  sugar  and  cloth  stuffs  from  Egypt,  besides  six  hundred 
thousand  dinars  in  money.  After  such  splendid  robbery  they 
went  back  to  Khelat  for  enjoyment. 

A  corps  under  Yassaur,  who  eight  years  before  that  had  struck 
at  Malattia,  attacked  now  this  city's  environs  and  slew  all  the 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


181 


people  whom  it  could  reach  with  a  weapon.  Kei  Kosru  had  died 
in  1245.  Yzz  ud  din  Kei  Kavus  with  his  two  brothers,  Rokn 
ud  din  Kelidj  Arslan,  and  Alai  ud  din  Kei  Kubad,  had  succeeded 
their  father.  The  names  of  all  three  appeared  on  the  coinage, 
and  were  mentioned  in  mosques  at  public  service.  Some  great 
lords  of  Rum  wished  Rokn  ud  din  as  chief  sovereign.  Shems  ud 
din  of  Ispahan,  the  grand  vizir,  put  many  of  those  partisans  to 
death.  He  married  Yzz  ud  din's  mother  and,  wishing  to  eliminate 
Rokn  ud  din,  had  him  sent  to  the  court  of  Kuyuk  with  the  tribute 
and  presents  agreed  on  in  the  treaty  of  submission  made  recently. 

When  Rokn  ud  din  had  appeared  at  the  court  of  the  Grand  Khan 
he  and  an  officer  of  his  suite,  Behai*  ud  din  Terjuman,  accused  the 
vizir  of  doing  to  death  powerful  people  who  favored  Rokn  ud  din, 
of  marrying  the  late  Sultan's  widow,  and  of  raising  a  sovereign  to 
the  throne  without  consent  or  command  of  the  Grand  Khan.  On 
hearing  this  statement,  Kuyuk  commanded  that  Rokn  ud  din 
take  Yzz  ud  din's  place,  and  that  Terjuman  take  Shems  ud  din's 
office.  When  the  latter  heard  of  this  change  he  despatched  to 
Kuyuk,  Rashid  ud  din,  the  prefect  of  Malattia,  with  much  gold 
and  many  jewels.  The  new  order  destroyed  him  and  he  hoped 
now  that  the  Grand  Khan  would  revoke  it.  But  when  his  envoy 
was  nearing  Erzerum  the  newly  made  Sultan  with  his  vizir  were 
approaching  that  city.  Overcome  by  the  greatness  of  his  task 
the  weak  envoy  placed  his  treasures  in  the  stronghold  of  Kemash 
and  fled  with  all  speed  to  Aleppo.  Terjuman  appeared  at  Malattia 
very  promptly  with  two  thousand  Mongols,  and  proclaimed  the 
new  Sultan. 

Shems  ud  din  wished  to  take  Yzz  ud  din  to  the  seacoast  from 
Konia,  but  he  was  seized  and  held  captive  before  he  could  do  so. 
Terjuman  then  sent  Mongols  to  Konia  to  torture  that  active 
vizir  and  thus  learn  where  his  treasures  were  hidden;  by  these 
men  he  was  finally  killed. 

Meanwhile  it  was  settled  that  Rum  must  go  to  both  brothers. 
All  that  lay  west  of  the  Sivas  was  given  to  Yzz  ud  din,  and  every- 
thing east  of  that  river  fell  to  Rokn  ud  din,  but  the  officials  of 
the  latter  wished  him  to  have  all  that  Kuyuk  had  first  given  him. 
Yzz  ud  din's  partisans  declared  that  their  sovereign  was  resigned 
to  the  will  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and  would  take  whatever  appanage 
his  brother  might  give  him.   Rokn  ud  din  credited  this  statement 


182 


The  Mongols 


and  went  to  a  meeting  place.  He  was  seized  with  his  vizir  and 
taken  to  Konia.  No  harm  was  done  him,  however.  Yzz  ud  din 
joined  in  the  sovereignty  Alai  ud  din  his  third  brother. 

Kuyuk  died  in  1248 ;  Mangu  his  successor  was  inaugurated  July, 
1251 .  In  1254,  three  years  after  Mangu 's  elevation,  Yzz  ud  din  was 
called  to  Mongolia,  but  he  feared  to  absent  himself,  knowing  that 
Rokn  ud  din  had  many  partisans,  hence  he  decided  to  send  Alai 
ud  din  the  third  brother,  who  set  out,  with  many  presents,  traveling 
along  the  Black  Sea  and  the  borders  of  Kipchak.  Yzz  ud  din 
craved  forgiveness  from  Mangu  for  sending  his  own  younger 
brother  instead  of  appearing  in  person.  This,  he  said,  he  regretted 
most  keenly,  but  he  was  forced  to  remain  and  defend  his  possessions 
from  Greeks  and  Armenians,  his  most  implacable  enemies;  he 
hoped  soon,  however,  to  offer  homage  in  person. 

Rokn  ud  din's  partisans  now  sought  means  to  uphold  the  claims 
of  their  master  in  the  presence  of  the  Grand  Khan.  They  forged 
a  letter  from  Yzz  ud  din  to  Tarantai  and  his  colleague,  in  which 
the  Sultan  commanded  to  confide  Alai  ud  din  and  the  presents 
to  the  chancellor  Shems  ud  din  and  the  Emir  Seif  ud  din  Jalish, 
the  bearers  of  the  letters,  who  would  go  with  the  prince  to  Mon- 
golia.  Tarantai  and  his  colleague  were  summoned  to  Konia. 

The  Emir  and  the  chancellor  set  out  with  this  letter  and  over- 
took Alai  ud  din  at  Sarai,  Batu's  capital.  Batu  gave  them  an 
audience  and  to  him  they  explained  how  Yzz  ud  din  had  discovered 
Tarantai 's  evil  plotting  and  also  that  of  his  colleague.  On  a  time, 
as  they  said,  Tarantai  had  been  stricken  by  lightning,  hence  should 
not  stand  in  the  presence  of  Mangu.  Shuja  ed  din,  his  associate, 
was  a  leech  greatly  skilled  in  all  magic,  and  had  with  him  poison 
to  use  for  the  Grand  Khan's  undoing;  hence  the  Sultan  had  sent 
them  to  replace  those  two  envoys,  who  must  go  back  immediately 
to  Konia. 

Batu  commanded  to  search  the  effects  of  the  envoys;  certain 
roots  were  found  in  them,  among  other  things  scammony.  They 
directed  Shuja  to  swallow  the  drugs  in  his  baggage.  He  swallowed 
parts  of  each  except  scammony.  Batu  thought  this  last  to  be  poison, 
but  his  doctor  declared  it  a  plant  used  in  medicine.  After  that  the 
Khan  decided  that  Alai  ud  din  must  go  with  the  new  envoys, 
while  the  two  others  must  take  with  them  the  presents. 

Each  party  went  its  own  way.  Alai  ud  din  died  on  the  journey. 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


183 


When  they  arrived  at  the  court  of  Mangu,  the  opposing  officials 
defended  each  two  of  them  their  own  cause.  The  Grand  Khan 
decided  that  Rum  must  be  given  to  both  brothers,  Yzz  ud  din 
getting  everything  west  of  the  Sivas,  and  Rokn  ud  din  all  that  lay 
east  of  that  river,  as  far  as  the  Erzerum  border.  The  tribute 
was  fixed,  which  each  Sultan  must  send  in  annually. 

After  Alai  ud  din  had  set  out  for  Mongolia,  Rokn  ud  din's 
partisans,  thinking  that  Yzz  ud  din  wished  to  be  rid  of  this  brother, 
had  him  slip  away  from  the  capital  where  agents  were  watching 
him.  He  went  to  Cesaraea,  gathered  troops  there  and  led  them  to 
Konia  where,  defeated  in  battle,  he  was  captured  and  imprisoned. 

In  1255,  one  year  later,  Baidju  being  impatient  at  Yzz  ud  din's 
loitering  with  the  tribute,  entered  Rum,  marched  against  Konia, 
and  met  the  Sultan's  forces  between  Ak  Serai  and  the  capital 
where  he  scattered  thenio  Yzz  ud  din  fled  and  found  refuge  in  the 
stronghold  Anthalia. 

Baidju  then  took  Rokn  ud  din  out  of  prison  and  installed  him 
as  Sultan  in  all  the  Rum  provinces.  Yzz  ud  din  fled  now  a  second 
time  and  found  refuge  with  the  Byzantine  Emperor  who  was 
visiting  Sardis.  This  emperor,  Theodore  Lascaris,  fearing  Rokn 
ud  din's  partisans,  as  well  as  the  Mongols,  advised  the  fleeing  Sul- 
tan to  return  to  his  kingdom,  Yzz  ud  din  took  the  advice>  and 
offered  submission  to  Hulagu,  who  upheld  the  division  of  Rum 
between  the  two  brothers. 

When  Mangu  became  Grand  Khan  in  1251  the  Cilician  king, 
Hayton,  begged  Batu  to  recommend  him  to  the  new  Mongol 
sovereign.  Batu  counseled  him  thus  wise:  "  Go  to  Mangu  and 
stop  on  the  way  to  confer  with  me."  The  Armenian,  alarmed  by 
the  length  of  the  journey,  and  knowing  that  evils  might  happen  to 
the  country  in  his  absence,  was  fearful  to  leave  it.  Meanwhile 
Argun,  the  collector,  with  a  great  horde  of  Moslem  assistants, 
appeared  in  Armenia.  These  men  caused  immense  hardship  to 
Christians.  "  Whoso  could  not  pay,"  declares  an  Armenian 
historian,  "  suffered  torture.  Owners  of  land  were  driven  from 
their  places,  their  children  and  women  were  sold  into  slavery. 
Any  man  trying  to  emigrate  and  caught  in  the  act  was  stripped, 
beaten  and  torn  to  pieces  by  raging  dogs  kept  for  that  purpose." 

The  King,  learning  of  these  savage  deeds  in  Armenia,  decided 
to  go  to  the  Grand  Khan  and  intercede  for  the  people  of  his  nation, 


184 


The  Mongols 


but  the  death  of  his  queen,  Isabella,  detained  him.  He  set  out  at 
last  in  1254  and,  traveling  in  disguise,  crossed  Asia  Minor.  He 
passed  through  Derbend  to  the  court  of  Batu,  and  to  that  of  Sartak, 
Batu's  son,  said  then  to  be  a  Christian.  From  Batu's  Horde  he 
spent  five  months  in  reaching  Mangu,  who  received  him  with  dis- 
tinction. Letters  patent  were  given  the  King.  These  were  to 
serve  as  a  safeguard  to  him  and  his  country,  and  as  a  charter  of 
freedom  to  the  church  in  Armenia.  He  remained  fifty  days  at  the 
court,  and  returned  in  1255  to  Cilicia  through  Transoxiana  and 
Persia.   Hulagu  had  at  this  time  arrived  with  his  army. 

Great  was  the  ruin  effected  by  Mongols  in  Asia  Minor  between 
Jelal  ud  din's  death  and  the  coming  of  Hulagu.  Great  too  were  the 
ravages  wrought  by  Jelal  through  his  various  adventures.  Though 
Chormagun 's  army  and  that  under  Baidju  were  vastly  inferior  to 
those  of  the  princes  in  Western  Asia,  the  dissensions  of  those 
princes  were  so  hopeless  and  their  wretched  self-seeking  so  pitiful 
and  paltry  that  the  enemy  brought  most  of  them  down  to  death  or 
submission,  and  thousands  upon  thousands  of  people  to  destruction 
or  torture. 

After  Jinghis  Khan  had  returned  from  the  west  to  Mongolia  his 
eldest  son,  Juchi,  left  Chin  Timur  in  Kwaresm  as  its  governor. 
When  Chormagun  was  sent  out  by  Ogotai  against  Jelal  ud  din, 
Chin  Timur  was  commanded  to  march  with  the  troops  of  Kwaresm, 
and  keep  guard  in  Khorassan  while  Chormagun  was  destroying 
the  Sultan.  Chin  Timur  remained  in  Khorassan  as  governor, 
having  as  colleagues  four  officers  appointed  by  the  heads  of  the 
four  groups  in  Jinghis  Khan's  family,  namely:  Kelilat  by  the 
Grand  Khan ;  Nussal  by  Batu ;  Kul  Toga  by  Jagatai,  and  Tunga 
by  the  widow  and  sons  of  Tului.  Those  countries  west  of  the 
Transoxiana,  and  south  of  it,  were  the  undivided  inheritance  of 
Jinghis  Khan's  family.  Despite  all  the  horrors  committed  in 
Khorassan  there  was  something  still  left  there  to  pillage.  Many 
districts  had  escaped  through  ready  submission,  and  at  their  first 
coming  the  Mongols  knew  not  precisely  the  value  of  treasures, 
but  Chin  Timur  knew  the  value  of  jewels  and  gold,  and  was  eager 
to  get  them.  People  were  tortured  by  him  to  disclose  hidden 
wealth,  and  on  learning  where  it  was  he  killed  them  very  promptly. 
The  few  who  were  spared  had  to  buy  back  their  homes.  Besides 
there  was  still  another  misery.    Kwaresmian  bands  ravaged 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


185 


actively  in  Khorassan.  They  killed  all  the  prefects  whom  Chor- 
magun  the  Mongol  general  sent  to  various  places,  and  searched 
out  and  slew  Kwaresmians  who  were  faithful  to  Mongols.  These 
bands  were  parts  of  a  corps  of  Kankalis,  ten  thousand  in  number, 
or  thereabouts,  who  occupied  chiefly  the  Tus  and  the  Nishapur 
mountains.  Togan  Sangur  and  Karadja,  two  of  Jelal  ud  din's  lieu- 
tenants, commanded  them. 

Chin  Timur  attacked  thrice  these  Kankalis,  but  did  not  master 
or  crush  them.  At  last,  Kelilat,  his  lieutenant,  succeeded  at  Seb- 
zevar,  after  three  days  of  desperate  fighting.  In  this  struggle  he 
lost  two  thousand  warriors.  Karadja  fled  to  the  Sidjistan  country 
to  save  himself,  while  Sangur  sought  refuge  in  the  Kuhistan 
mountains.  Three  thousand  Kankalis  went  to  find  safety  in 
Herat.  Kelilat  sent  four  thousand  horsemen  to  end  them.  After 
three  days  of  hard  struggle  those  four  thousand  forced  the  grand 
mosque  where  the  three  thousand  had  hoped  to  find  safety,  and 
there  every  man  died  at  the  sword  edge.  Of  course  the  attackers 
lost  heavily. 

Sair  Bahadur  who  commanded  at  Badghis  had  been  com- 
missioned by  the  Grand  Khan  to  march  against  Karadja  and  take 
fire  and  sword  to  all  rebels.  He  was  on  the  road  when  he  heard 
that  Karadja,  defeated  by  Kelilat,  had  shut  himself  up  in  Arak 
Seistan.  Sair  invested  the  place,  but  only  after  two  years  of  hard 
toil  did  he  take  it. 

This  general  now  informed  Chin  Timur,  that  the  Grand  Khan 
had  given  him  Khorassan  to  govern,  and  that  he,  Chin  Timur, 
had  no  further  power  in  that  country. 

Chin  Timur  reproached  Kelilat  with  seeking  those  districts  of 
Khorassan  which  had  been  recovering  from  ruin,  and  whose  people 
were  innocent  of  Karadja's  excesses,  and  forewarned  Sair  that 
he  was  sending  a  report  to  the  Grand  Khan  through  an  officer, 
and  would  wait  for  his  orders.  Meanwhile  Chin  Timur  and  the 
others  received  from  Chormagun  a  command  to  march  with  their 
forces  and  join  him,  leaving  Mazanderan  and  Khorassan  to  Sair 
Bahadur.  Chin  Timur  thereupon  counseled  with  his  officers. 
It  was  settled  at  last  that  Kelilat  should  go  to  Ogotai,  and  get 
Mazanderan  and  Khorassan  for  Chin  Timur.  As  this  officer 
served  the  Grand  Khan  directly,  he  was  chosen  as  the  best  man 
for  the  mission.  To  secure  a  good  hearing  he  took  from  those  two 


186 


The  Mongols 


great  regions  various  small  princes  who  had  given  their  submis- 
sion. 

Kara  Kurum  now  beheld  for  the  first  time  princes  of  Iran. 
When  Ogotai  heard  of  their  coming  he  was  gratified  greatly. 
He  compared  Chin  Timur's  methods  with  Chormagun's  action. 
Chormagun,  master  in  rich  and  broad  countries,  had  never  sent 
to  his  sovereign  even  one  from  among  vassal  rulers.  Chin  Timur 
was  made  governor,  and  with  him  was  associated  Kelilat;  both 
were  free  of  Chormagun  and  every  other  commander.  Ogotai 
gave  feasts  to  honor  the  Persian  princes,  his  vassals.  He  showed 
them  many  marks  of  high  favor,  and  when  they  were  going  he 
confirmed  each  one  of  them  in  his  own  region. 

Chin  Timur  made  Sherif  ud  din  of  Kwaresm  his  sealkeeper, 
and  Behai  ud  din  Juveini  the  minister  of  Finance.  Commanders 
of  troops  belonging  to  the  three  other  branches  of  Jinghis  Khan's 
family  had  each  one  an  agent  in  the  ministry  of  Finance. 

Chin  Timur  dying  in  1235  was  succeeded  by  Nussal,  a  Mongol 
commander  who  was  nearly  one  hundred  years  old  when  he  took 
up  his  office,  and  soon  he  gave  way  to  Kurguz,  Chin  Timur's 
chancellor  and  favorite.  It  is  said  that  Kurguz  had  organized 
honestly  and  well  the  affairs  of  Khorassan  and  had  repressed  a 
whole  legion  of  fiscal  extortioners.  This  of  course  made  him 
enemies  among  whom  were  Sherif  ud  din,  the  vizir,  and  Kelilat, 
the  commander,  who  were  working  at  Ogotai's  court  to  destroy 
him. 

Kurguz  was  an  Uigur  and  a  Buddhist  and  had  risen  mainly 
through  merit.  Born  in  a  village  not  far  from  Bishbalik,  the 
Uigur  capital,  he  had  striven  in  early  life  to  master  Uigur  letters 
and  penmanship.  That  done,  he  began  service  with  an  officer 
attached  to  Prince  Juchi.  One  day  while  the  prince  was  out 
hunting  a  letter  was  brought  him  from  his  father.  None  of  his 
secretaries  were  present,  so  search  was  made  for  a  man  to  read 
Uigur.  Kurguz  was  brought  in  and  he  read  Jinghis  Khan's  letter 
to  Juchi;  he  was  the  only  man  in  that  party  who  could  read  it. 
Juchi  took  him  then  to  his  service.  Since  his  penmanship  was 
beautiful,  Kurguz  was  sent  to  teach  letters  and  writing  to  the 
children  of  Juchi  which  he  did  till  Chin  Timur  was  made  governor 
of  Khorassan.  Kurguz  was  then  attached  to  him  as  secretary; 
he  soon  won  his  confidence  and  was  made  minister.   He  kept  his 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


187 


office  under  Nussal,  but  was  summoned  to  Mongolia  to  explain 
the  affairs  of  Khorassan.  Danishmend  Hadjih,  an  enemy  of 
Chinkai,  Ogotai's  minister  and  the  special  friend  of  Kurguz, 
was  toiling  at  that  time  to  put  Ongu  Timur,  Chin  Timur's  son, 
in  the  place  held  before  by  his  father,  while  Chinkai  was  using 
every  effort  to  make  Kurguz  master,  hence,  choosing  a  moment 
when  he  was  alone  with  the  Grand  Khan,  Chinkai  explained  that 
the  chief  men  of  Khorassan  were  anxious  that  Kurguz  should 
manage  their  country,  and  he  obtained  an  ordinance  from  Ogotai, 
by  which  Kurguz  was  sent  to  collect  for  a  time  all  the  taxes  and 
make  a  census  of  Mazanderan  and  Khorassan.  While  this  task 
was  in  progress  no  man  was  to  trouble  him  for  any  cause.  If 
Kurguz  did  his  work  well  he  would  be  rewarded. 

Kurguz  came  back  to  Khorassan  with  this  patent  and  com- 
menced work  with  vigor.  Nussal,  set  aside  by  this  document,  was 
old  and  quite  powerless,  but  Kelilat,  his  aid,  being  a  man  of 
capacity  and  keenly  ambitious,  raised  his  voice  in  opposition. 
Kurguz  showed  his  patent :  "  Here  is  the  order  that  no  man 
may  trouble  me  in  my  labor."  Kelilat  found  no  answer  on  that 
day.  Kurguz  reorganized  Mazanderan  and  Khorassan,  putting 
down  as  he  did  so  a  whole  army  of  extortioners  and  tyrants. 

Meanwhile  Sherif  ud  din,  the  vizir,  and  Kelilat,  who  were  power- 
less against  Ogotai's  patent  and  Kurguz,  with  his  strong  will  and 
purpose,  urged  Ongu  to  ask  with  insistence  for  the  place  of  his 
father.  The  vizir,  while  feigning  to  be  the  fast  friend  of  Kurguz, 
was  rousing  up  every  power  possible  against  him.  Swept  away 
by  these  efforts,  Ongu  sent  a  nephew  to  Ogotai  with  false  accusa- 
tions, incriminating  Kurguz.  These  accusations  were  upheld 
with  activity  by  all  who  were  hostile  to  Chinkai.  Ogotai  now  sent 
Argun  with  two  others  to  investigate  and  report  to  him.  Kurguz, 
on  learning  that  Ongu  had  sent  an  agent  to  Ogotai,  set  out  himself 
to  explain  the  position,  leaving  Behai  ud  din  to  manage  in  his 
absence.  At  Tenakit  he  came  on  the  members  of  Argun's  com- 
mission, who  declared  that  he  must  go  back  to  Tus  with  them. 
He  refused.  Thereupon  there  was  violence  and  he  lost  one  tooth 
in  a  personal  encounter.  He  returned,  but  before  starting  he  sent 
a  trusty  friend  in  the  night  time  to  Ogotai,  bearing  one  of  his 
garments  which  was  blood  stained. 

When  the  commission  arrived  at  Khorassan  the  commanders 


188 


The  Mongols 


of  troops  with  Kelilat,  Ongu  and  Nussal,  expelled  from  the  resi- 
dence of  Kurguz  his  secretaries  and  other  assistants.  Kurguz 
himself  wanted  simply  to  hold  the  position  till  his  messenger 
returned  from  Mongolia.  This  man  came  at  last  with  an  order 
to  the  civil  and  military  chiefs  to  state  each  man  his  case  before 
Ogotai,  who  had  been  incensed  by  the  bloody  garment. 

Kurguz  communicated  this  order  to  his  enemies,  and  set  out  at 
once  without  waiting  for  their  answers.  Many  persons  of  dis- 
tinction went  with  him.  Kelilat,  Ongu  and  others  followed  quickly 
and  both  parties  reached  Bukhara  simultaneously.  In  the  time 
of  a  feast  which  was  given  them  by  the  governor,  Kelilat  was 
assassinated. 

When  the  opponents  reached  Ogotai's  capital  the  Grand  Khan 
■wished  to  dine  in  a  beautiful  tent  which  Ongu  had  just  given  him. 
After  the  meal  he  went  out  for  some  minutes,  intending  to  reenter, 
but  as  soon  as  he  had  left  the  pavilion  a  blast  of  wind  overturned 
it.  The  Grand  Khan,  through  annoyance  and  superstition,  com- 
manded to  rend  the  tent  in  pieces  immediately. 

Some  days  later  a  tent  was  erected  which  with  its  contents 
Kurguz  had  given  Ogotai.  Inside  were  displayed  curious  things 
of  many  kinds  and  much  value ;  all  these  were  gifts  to  the  Grand 
Khan.  Among  other  objects  was  a  girdle  set  with  stones  known 
as  yarkan.  When  Ogotai  put  on  this  girdle  he  was  freed  from  a 
pain  in  the  loins  which  had  troubled  him  somewhat.  He  drank 
that  day  freely  and  was  in  excellent  humor,  Kurguz  might 
consider  his  cause  as  triumphant.  Chinkai,  his  protector,  had 
been  appointed  with  other  Uigurs  to  examine  all  statements  of  the 
rivals.  On  one  side  was  Kurguz,  helped  by  persons  of  value, 
position  and  substance;  he  himself  had  much  keenness.  On  the 
other,  since  Kelilat's  death,  there  were  only  that  general's  sons, 
who  were  still  little  children,  and  Ongu,  a  young  man  devoid  of 
experience.  But  at  the  end  of  some  months  the  affair  was  still 
pending.  Ogotai,  wishing  peace  between  the  two  rivals,  com- 
manded Ongu  and  Kurguz  to  live  in  one  tent  and  drink  from  the 
same  goblet.  Care  had  been  taken  to  remove  every  weapon. 
This  plan  proved  resultless,  and  Chinkai  and  his  aids  gave  in  their 
report  to  the  sovereign. 

Ogotai  summoned  the  two  sides  before  him.  When  he  had 
questioned  each  one  he  condemned  both  Ongu  and  his  partisans. 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


189 


"  But,"  said  he  to  Ongu,  "  since  thou  art  under  Batu  I  will  refer 
the  whole  matter  to  him;  he  it  is  who  will  punish  thee." 

Chinkai,  taking  pity  on  Ongu,  approached  him,  whispered,  and 
then  spoke  aloud  to  the  Grand  Khan :  "  Ongu  Timur  has  said 
this  to  me.  '  The  Grand  Khan  is  higher  than  Batu.  Should  a  dog, 
such  as  I  am,  cause  these  two  sovereign  to  deliberate  ?  Let  the 
Grand  Khan  fix  my  fate;  he  can  fix  it  in  one  moment/  " 

"  Thy  words  are  wise,"  replied  Ogotai,  "  Batu  would  not  pardon 
his  own  son  had  he  acted  as  thou  hast." 

Ongu's  adherents  were  punished.  Some  were  bastinadoed 
immediately  while  others  were  given  to  Kurguz  with  the  wish  that 
he  put  the  kang  on  each  man  of  them,  and  all  had  to  go  back  with 
the  victor.  "  Let  them  learn,"  said  the  Grand  Khan,  "  that 
according  to  Jinghis  Khan's  Yassa  and  justice,  calumny  brings 
with  it  death  for  the  sake  of  example,  but  since  their  children  and 
wives  are  awaiting  them  I  bestow  life  on  those  people,  if  they 
offend  not  a  second  time.  But  tell  Kurguz  too  that  he,  like  those 
who  are  punished,  is  also  my  servitor,  and  should  he  cherish  hatred 
toward  any  he  himself  will  be  subject  to  punishmento"  After  that 
he  gave  Kurguz  rule  over  all  the  lands  south  and  west  of  the  Oxus* 

Persian  lords  also  begged  patents,  but  Kurguz  convinced 
Chinkai  that  if  others  got  patents  of  any  kind  they  would  assume 
independence  of  the  governor.  It  was  settled  then  that  no  patent 
should  be  issued  save  the  one  given  Kurguz. 

Sherif  ud  din  continued  double  dealing;  he  feigned  friendship 
for  Kurguz  while  working  as  an  enemy  in  secret.  On  noting 
Ogotai 's  action,  an  adherent  of  Ongu  gave  Kurguz  certain  papers 
in  Sherif 's  own  hand,  which  proved  the  entire  recent  trouble  to  be 
the  sole  work  of  that  trickster  When  he  learned  this,  Ogotai  did 
not  wish  the  vizir  to  go  back  to  Persia  lest  he  suffer  from  Kurguz. 
Sherif  was  rejoiced  to  escape,  but  some  friend  warned  Kurguz 
not  to  lose  sight  of  an  enemy  who  would  take  the  first  chance  to 
destroy  him  Kurguz  got  permission  to  take  with  him  Sherif, 
whose  presence,  as  he  said,  was  important.  The  taxes  had  not 
yet  been  brought  to  Khorassan  and  collectors  might  charge  some 
of  these  to  Sherif  in  his  absence. 

Kurguz  went  back  to  Tus  and  there  fixed  his  residence.  He 
summoned  promptly  the  chief  men  in  Khorassan  and  Irak,  as 
well  as  the  Mongol  commanders,  and  marked  his  accession  to 


190 


The  Mongols 


power  by  a  festival  which  lasted  some  days,  during  which  the 
new  ordinances  were  issued. 

He  sent  his  son  with  officials  of  finance  to  take  from  Chor- 
magun's  officers  control  over  districts  in  Azerbaidjan  and  in 
Irak  which  they  were  ruining  by  exactions.  Every  noyon,  every 
officer  acted  with  absolute  power  in  the  region  or  city  where  he 
functioned,  and  seized  for  himself  the  main  income  of  the  treasury. 
These  petty  despots  lost  their  places  and  were  forced  to  restore 
even  large  sums  of  money. 

Kurguz  protected  the  lives  and  the  property  of  Persians  against 
Mongol  officers,  who  now  could  not  bend  people's  heads  when  they 
met  them.  The  warrior  lost  power  to  vex  peaceful  people  along 
roads  over  which  he  was  marching.  Kurguz  was  both  feared 
and  respected.  He  raised  Tus  again  from  its  ruins.  On  the  eve 
of  his  coming  there  were  only  fifty  inhabited  houses  within  its 
limits.  When  he  had  chosen  it  as  a  residence  Persian  lords 
came  to  live  in  that  capital  and  within  a  week  land  rose  a  hundred- 
fold as  to  value. 

Herat  too  reappeared  out  of  ashes  and  fragments.  After  the 
ruin  and  sack  of  that  city  in  1222  its  site  had  been  occupied  by 
very  few  persons,  but  in  1236,  when  Ogotai  commanded  to  raise 
up  Khorassan,  it  was  planned  to  repeople  Herat,  once  so  pros- 
perous. An  Emir,  Yzz  ud  din,  whom  with  one  thousand  families 
Tului  had  transported  to  Bishbalik  from  Herat,  received  now 
command  to  come  back  with  one  tenth  of  his  following.  These 
people  at  first  had  much  difficulty  in  finding  subsistence,  through 
lack  of  draught  cattle.  Men  of  all  ranks  had  to  draw  ploughs 
in  the  manner  of  oxen.  Earth  tillers  were  forced  to  irrigate  land 
out  of  water  pots,  all  canals  being  choked  up  and  ruined.  When 
the  first  harvest  was  gathered,  twenty  strong  men  were  chosen 
to  bear  each  twenty  menns  of  cotton  to  the  country  of  the  Afghans, 
and  sell  it.  They  did  so  and  brought  back  implements  for  tillage. 

In  1241  the  chiefs  of  this  settlement  sent  to  the  Grand  Khan 
for  more  people.  At  the  end  of  five  months  two  hundred  new 
families  were  added  to  Herat.  A  census  taken  the  year  following 
showed  the  city  as  having  six  thousand  nine  hundred  inhabitants. 
In  following  years  the  increase  became  rapid. 

On  arriving  at  Tus  Kurguz  put  a  kang  on  his  enemy  Sherif. 
He  drew  from  him  afterward  confessions  which  were  sent  to  the 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


191 


court  in  Mongolia.  His  messenger  learned  on  the  road  that  the 
Grand  Khan  was  dead.  Kurguz  himself  had  set  out  to  explain 
the  whole  system  introduced  by  him  recently  in  Persia.  While 
passing  through  Transoxiana  he  had  a  quarrel  with  an  officer 
of  Jagatai's  household.  Threatened  with  complaint  before  that 
prince's  widow  he  replied  that  he  cared  not.  This  answer  when 
taken  to  the  widow  roused  wrath  and  keen  hatred.  Alarmed  by 
the  quarrel  and  hearing  of  Ogotai's  death  with  the  loss  of  protection, 
he  judged  best  to  turn  back  and  he  did  so. 

Meanwhile  the  wife  of  Sherif  had  sent  people  promptly  to  the 
Jinghis  Khan  princes  imploring  protection  for  her  husband.  Those 
messengers  had  been  seized  on  the  way  save  one  among  all  of  them. 
This  man  escaped  and  reached  Ulug  Iff,  the  chief  residence  of 
Jagatai,  whose  wives  and  sons  sent  Argun  out  with  orders  to  bring 
them  Kurguz  of  his  own  will  or,  if  need  be,  in  spite  of  him.  On 
hearing  this  order  Kurguz,  who  had  given  Sherif  to  the  prefect  of 
Sebzevar  who  was  to  kill  him,  sent  command  straightway  to  stay 
the  execution.  When  Argun  was  approaching,  Kurguz  found 
retreat  in  a  storehouse.  Since  the  governor  would  not  yield  himself 
willingly,  Argun  required  aid  of  the  district  commanders  and  got 
it.  These  men  were  all  foes  of  Kurguz  since  he  had  fought  their 
abuses.  When  they  were  ready  to  burst  in  and  take  him,  he  threw 
the  gates  open  declaring  that  he  was  no  enemy. 

Kurguz  was  taken  to  Jagatai's  sons  and  examined.  After  that 
he  was  sent  to  the  court  of  Turakina,  Ogotai's  widow,  who  was 
regent  in  Mongolia.  Chinkai,  his  protector,  was  gone.  He  had 
fled  from  the  hatred  of  the  regent  which  intrigue  had  roused 
wrongfully  against  him.  To  crown  his  misfortune,  the  governor 
of  Persia  was  penniless,  hence  had  no  power  to  establish  his 
innocence.  He  was  sent  back  at  command  of  the  regent  to  Jaga- 
tai's sons  to  be  judged  by  them.  He  answered  straightforwardly 
all  questions  which  they  put  to  him,  nevertheless,  Kara  Hulagu 
adjudged  death  to  the  governor.  His  mouth  was  crammed  then 
with  earth  and  in  that  way  they  strangled  and  killed  him. 

Kurguz  being  dead,  Sherif  had  a  chance  now  to  prove  himself, 
and  he  did  so ;  he  engaged  to  collect  four  thousand  balishes  due, 
as  he  stated,  from  Mazanderan  and  Khorassan.  This  Sherif, 
destined  to  death  by  Kurguz  very  recently,  was  the  son  of  a  porter 
of  Kwaresm.    He  became  page  to  the  governor  of  the  country, 


192 


The  Mongols 


who  chose  him  because  of  his  personal  beauty.  When  Chin 
Timur  was  commanded  to  enter  Khorassan  and  assist  Chormagun 
in  that  country  he  wanted  a  secretary.  No  man  wished  that  office 
because  the  incumbent  must  act  against  Moslems,  and  the  issue 
of  the  enterprise  seemed  doubtful.  The  governor  of  Kwaresm, 
whose  feelings  had  cooled  toward  Sherif ,  who  by  that  time  had  lost 
youthful  freshness  and  was  acting  only  as  secretary,  gave  him  to 
Chin  Timur.  Sherif  had  learned  the  Mongol  language  already 
and,  being  the  only  man  able  to  interpret,  all  business  passed 
through  his  hands  and  he  became  greatly  important. 

When  Argun  went  as  governor  to  Khorassan  many  agents  of 
Turakina,  the  regent,  went  with  him.  These  he  left  in  the  province 
to  gather  the  imposts  and  taxes,  going  himself  into  Azerbaidjan 
and  to  Irak  to  rescue  those  countries  from  Mongol  commanders, 
who  acted  as  if  the  whole  conquest  had  been  made  by  them  only, 
and  for  their  sole  personal  profit.  At  Tebriz  he  received  envoys 
from  Rum  and  from  Syria,  who  implored  his  protection.  He  sent 
men  to  those  countries  to  gather  tribute. 

All  this  time  Sherif,  who  had  received  from  Argun  perfect 
liberty  of  action,  wrested  taxes  from  people  with  unparalleled 
audacity  and  harshness.  Each  collector  was  bound  and  instructed 
to  spare  no  man.  To  extort  from  the  victims  all  that  was 
humanly  possible,  armed  warriors  of  the  garrison  were  quartered 
in  houses ;  people  were  seized  and  imprisoned,  kept  without  food 
or  even  water,  nay  more,  they  were  tortured.  Moslem  ulemas, 
exempt  from  all  tribute  to  Mongols  and  hitherto  treated  respect- 
fully, came  to  ask  mercy  for  themselves  and  for  others.  Widows 
and  orphans,  exempt  by  the  laws  of  Jinghis  and  Mohammed, 
came  to  implore  simple  justice.  These  people  were  treated  with 
the  utmost  contempt,  and  were  flouted  by  Sherif 's  assistants.  Men 
pledged  at  Tebriz  their  own  children,  and  sometimes  they  sold 
them  to  find  means  to  pay  taxes.  One  collector  on  entering  a 
house  where  a  dead  man  was  laid  out  for  burial,  and  finding  no 
other  property  to  seize,  had  the  shroud  stripped  from  the  body,  and 
took  it. 

Sherif 's  agents  assembled  at  Rayi  after  passing  through  Irak  on 
their  great  round  of  robbery.  They  brought  the  fruits  of  their 
merciless  activity  and  extortion  to  the  chief  mosque,  and  placed 
them  in  piles  there.  Beasts  of  burden  were  driven  into  that  edifice, 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


193 


which  was  sacred  for  most  of  the  people.  Then  the  carpets  of  the 
mosque  were  taken  and  cut  into  sizes  that  suited  the  robbers.  In 
those  pieces  they  wrapped  all  the  wealth  which  they  had  gathered 
and  took  it  away  on  the  backs  of  pack  animals.  Happily  for 
Persia,  and  for  most  people  in  it,  Sherif  ud  din  met  his  death 
some  months  later  (1244). 

Argun  did  what  he  could,  as  it  seems,  to  correct  those  abuses. 
He  remitted  taxes  not  paid  before  Sherif's  death,  and  freed  all 
who  were  in  prison  for  non-payment.  Argun  had  been  sum- 
moned to  the  Kurultai  which  elected  Kuyuk  and  there  an  important 
abuse  became  prominent.  Since  Ogotai's  death  the  various  princes 
of  Jinghis  Khan's  family  had  given  to  some  orders  on  the  revenue 
of  districts  in  Persia,  and  given  also  orders  of  exemption  to  others. 
Argun  collected  these  orders  and  delivered  them  to  the  Grand 
Khan  in  person.  Of  all  presents  brought  to  Kuyuk  this  was  the 
one  which  gave  him  most  pleasure.  The  orders  were  delivered 
in  the  presence  of  the  princes  who  had  issued  them.  Kuyuk 
continued  Argun  as  the  governor  of  Persia,  and  those  whom  Argun 
favored  obtained  whatever  offices  he  asked  for  them. 

On  returning  to  Persia,  Argun  was  received  in  Merv  splendidly. 
But  he  saw  very  soon  that  powerful  opponents  at  court  were  in- 
triguing against  him,  hence  he  set  out  again  for  Mongolia.  While 
on  the  road  he  learned  of  Kuyuk's  death  and  turned  back  to  make 
barracks  for  troops  sent  by  that  Grand  Khan  to  reduce  popula- 
tions not  subject  as  yet  to  the  Mongols.  Now  arrived  also  agents 
of  various  princes  with  orders  on  the  revenues  for  years  in  advance 
of  collection.  This  abuse,  which  was  ruinous,  endured  till  the 
interregnum  was  ended. 

Argun  reached  the  court  only  after  the  election  of  Mangu  in 
July,  1251.  He  complained  of  those  orders  on  the  income  and  he 
condemned  the  great  hordes  of  officials  who  went  to  collect  them. 
These  people  lived  on  the  country,  he  said,  and  they  ruined  it.  It 
was  decided  at  last  that  each  man  in  Persia  should  pay  in  propor- 
tion to  his  property.  This  tax  was  varied  from  one  to  ten  dinars, 
and  was  to  maintain  the  militia  and  post  routes;  also  envoys  of 
the  Grand  Khan.  Nothing  more  would  be  asked  of  the  people. 

Argun  retained  his  high  office  of  governor.  Persia  was  divided 
into  four  parts;  in  each  was  a  lieutenant  under  Argun.  Evil 
doers  were  punished,  at  least  for  a  season,  and  here  is  a  striking 


194 


The  Mongols 


example  of  this  justice:  Hindudjak,  a  general  and  chief  of  ten 
thousand,  who  had  taken  life  from  a  melik  of  Rum  without  reason, 
was  put  to  death,  though  a  Mongol,  outside  the  Tus  gate  by- 
direction  of  Mangu.  His  property,  family  and  slaves  were  divided 
among  the  four  parts  of  the  Jinghis  Khan  family. 

When  he  had  fixed  administration  in  Persia,  Argun  at  command 
of  the  Grand  Khan  went  back  to  Mongolia  to  explain  the  position. 

East  Persia  had  been  given  by  Mangu  as  a  fief  to  Melik  Shems 
ud  din  Mohammed  Kurt,  lord  of  the  castle  of  Khissar  in  Khorassan. 
Osman  Mergani,  his  grandfather,  had  been  made  governor  of  this 
stronghold  by  his  brother,  Omar  Mergani,  the  all-powerful  vizir 
of  Ghiath  ud  din  of  the  Gur  line  of  princes.  When  Osman  died 
Abu  Bekr  succeeded  him.  Abu  Bekr  married  a  daughter  of 
Ghiath  ud  din;  from  this  union  came  Melik  Shems  ud  din  Mo- 
hammed, who  in  1245  lost  his  father  and  inherited  the  Gur  king- 
dom. He  went  to  the  Kurultai  and  arrived  on  the  day  of  election. 
He  was  presented  by  Mangu's  officials,  who  informed  the  Grand 
Khan  of  the  merits  of  the  father  and  grandfather  of  the  man  then 
before  him,  not  forgetting,  of  course,  Shems  ud  din's  own  high 
qualities. 

Mangu  received  Shems  ud  din  with  distinction  and  invested  him 
with  Herat  and  its  dependencies  which  extended  from  the  Oxus 
to  the  Indus,  including  Merv,  Gur,  Seistan,  Kabul,  and  Afganistan. 
Mangu  commanded  besides,  that  Argun  deliver  to  his  agents  fifty 
tumans  as  a  present. 

Next  day  at  an  intimate  audience  the  Grand  Khan  gave  the 
favorite  a  robe  from  his  own  shoulders,  three  tablets,  and  objects 
of  the  value  of  ten  thousand  dinars;  a  sabre  from  India,  a  club 
with  the  head  of  a  bull  on  it,  a  battle  axe,  a  lance  and  a  dagger. 
Shems  ud  din  then  set  out  for  Herat  attended  by  one  of  the  Grand 
Khan's  own  officers.  He  turned  aside  on  arriving  in  Persia  to  go 
with  a  salutation  to  Argun,  to  whom  the  commands  of  Mangu 
were  exhibited.  The  governor  treated  him  with  great  respect, 
and  had  fifty  tumans  delivered  to  his  agents. 

Shems  ud  din  reigned  in  Herat  as  a  sovereign  and  took  many 
strongholds  in  Afganistan,  Guermsir,  and  other  places. 

Kerman  was  held  at  that  time  by  the  son  of  Borak  Had  jib. 
After  slaying  Ghiath  ud  din,  the  brother  of  Jelal  ud  din,  the  last 
Shah  of  Persia,  Borak  asked  the  title  of  Sultan  from  the  Kalif ,  and 


Condition  of  Persia  in  1254 


195 


received  it.  Kutlug  Sultan  was  the  name  which  he  gave  himself. 
When  Sair  Bahadur  laid  siege  to  Seistan  at  the  head  of  a  Mongol 
division,  he  summoned  Borak  to  show  the  Grand  Khan  obedience 
and  furnish  troops  also.  Borak  declared  that  he  could  take  the 
place  with  his  own  men,  the  Mongols  might  spare  themselves 
trouble.  His  great  age,  he  added,  hindered  him  from  going  to 
the  Grand  Khan,  but  his  son  would  go  thither  instead  of  him. 

In  fact  he  sent  Rokn  ud  din  Khodja.  While  on  the  road  to 
Mongolia  this  young  prince  heard  of  the  death  of  his  father,  and 
the  usurpation  of  power  by  Kutb  ud  din  his  own  cousin.  He 
continued  the  journey,  however,  and  was  received  well  by  Ogotai, 
who,  to  reward  him  for  coming  so  far  to  look  on  the  face  of  the 
Grand  Khan,  gave  him  Kerman  which  he  was  to  hold  in  his  char- 
acter of  vassal  with  the  title  and  name  of  his  father, Kutlug  Sultan. 

Kutb  ud  din  now  received  a  summons  to  appear  at  the  court  in 
Mongolia.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  was  sent  to  China 
under  command  of  Yelvadji.  After  Ogotai's  death  Kutb  ud 
din  went  to  that  Kurultai  at  which  Kuyuk  was  elected,  and 
strove  then  to  get  Kerman,  but  met  only  failure .  Chinkai,  the 
minister,  was  the  firm  friend  of  his  rival,  and  he  himself 
was  commanded  to  go  back  to  Yelvadji.  Soon  after,  he  went 
with  this  governor  from  China  to  the  new  Kurultai,  which  chose 
Mangu  from  whom,  and  with  the  aid  of  Yelvadji,  he  obtained  the 
throne  of  Kerman.  When  Kutb  ud  din  was  approaching  Ker- 
man, Rokn  ud  din  was  departing  with  treasures  to  Lur  where  he 
asked  an  asylum  from  the  Kalif .  The  Kalif,  not  wishing  to  anger 
the  Mongols,  refused  it,  and  now  Rokn  ud  din  resolved  to  repair 
to  the  court  of  Mangu  to  find  justice. 

The  two  rivals  were  summoned  to  the  Grand  Khan's  tribunal. 
Rokn  ud  din  lost  his  case  and  was  given  to  his  cousin,  who  struck 
him  down  with  his  own  hand,  and  killed  him.  Kutb  ud  din  ruled 
in  Kerman  till  his  death  in  12580  He  was  son  of  that  Tanigu  the 
treacherous  prefect  of  Taraz  under  the  last  sovereign  of  Kara 
Kitai.  Tanigu  was  Borak  Had  jib's  own  brother. 

When  Hulagu  came  with  his  army  to  Persia,  Kutb  ud  din  met 
him  at  Jend  to  show  homage  and  honor. 

This  was  the  position  in  Persia  in  1254  when  Hulagu  went  to 
that  country  to  conquer,  to  slaughter,  and  to  regulate.  His  very 
first  task  was  to  root  out  and  destroy  the  Ismailians  who  had  formed 


196  The  Mongols 

the  famed  mountain  Commonwealth  of  Assassins,  and  then  he 
was  to  bring  to  obedience  or  ruin  the  successor  of  Mohammed 
the  Abbasid  Kalif  at  Bagdad. 

That  the  importance  of  this  expedition  may  be  understood 
a  brief  sketch  of  the  origin  and  history  of  the  Assassins  must  be 
given. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  ASSASSIN  COMMONWEALTH  AND  ITS  DESTRUCTION  BY  THE 
MONGOLS 

THE  Ismailians,  known  later  by  their  enemies  as  Molahids 
(lost  ones),  and  by  all  Europe  in  the  sequel  as  Assassins, 
were  an  offshoot  from  one  of  the  two  great  divisions  into  which 
Islam  ranged  itself  after  the  death  of  the  Prophet  in  632.  These 
divisions  were  caused  by  the  problem  of  finding  a  successor  to 
Mohammed  —  a  Kalif . 

The  founder  of  Islam  had  died  without  saying  whom  he  wished 
to  succeed  him.  The  first  of  the  Kalif s,  Abu  Bekr,  father-in-law 
of  Mohammed,  was  elected  by  Medina,  only  one  voice  opposing* 
Abu  Bekr  on  his  death  bed  named  Omar,  who  was  confirmed  by 
the  people  of  Medina  in  634.  The  second  Kalif,  when  mortally 
wounded  by  a  murderer,  named  electors  to  choose  the  third  Kalif. 
Those  electors  chose  Othman  and  when  he  was  slain  by  insurgents, 
Aly,  the  son-in-law  and  cousin  of  Mohammed,  was  elected  by 
Medina  directly.   A.  D.  656. 

Various  and  intricate  causes  brought  about  civil  war,  and  deep 
hatred  followed  quickly ;  after  that  came  the  election  in  Damascus 
of  Muavia,  the  governor  of  Syria,  as  a  Kalif  to  overthrow  Aly, 
whom  many  Mohammedans  would  not  acknowledge.  The  father 
of  Muavia  had  been  one  of  the  most  bitter  enemies  of  the  Prophet. 
This  hatred  was  shared  fully  by  the  son,  who  left  nothing  undone 
to  rouse  Syria  to  the  utmost  against  Aly ;  he  even  had  the  blood- 
stained clothes  of  Othman  exhibited  in  the  principal  mosque  of 
Damascus.  A  fierce  but  drawn  battle  at  SiflBn  between  these  two 
Kalifs  was  fruitless;  an  arbitration  as  to  who  should  be  Kalif 
settled  nothing  and  pacified  no  man. 

Next  came  the  winning  of  Egypt  by  Muavia  as  the  first  Om- 
mayad  Kalif.  There  were  two  Kalifs  now  ruling  de  facto  in  Islam, 
197 


198 


The  Mongols 


Muavia  at  Damascus,  and  Aly  at  Kufa.  In  661  Aly  fell  by  the 
hand  of  an  assassin.  Aly's  son,  Hassan,  succeeded  him,  but  re- 
signed after  six  months  of  rule,  and  retired  to  Medina  where  one 
of  his  many  wives  poisoned  him,  incited,  as  partisans  of  Aly 
insisted,  by  Muavia.   Muavia  was  now  the  sole  Kalif  of  Islam. 

Election  had  been  attended  with  peril;  there  was  danger  of 
outbreaks  and  slaughter.  In  three  cases  the  chance  had  been 
narrow,  and  the  fourth  choice  had  brought  bitter  warfare.  Three 
elections  had  been  held  at  Medina,  and  made  by  the  men  of  that 
city ;  the  fifth,  that  of  Hassan,  at  Kufa.  Muavia  had  been  chosen 
at  Damascus.  Since  Medina  was  no  longer  the  capital  really,  it 
could  not  choose  a  Kalif  or  confirm  him.  Election  must  be  at  the 
chief  place  of  government,  if  anywhere. 

Troubles  such  as  those  which  had  followed  the  election  of  Aly 
might  recur  in  the  future  and  threaten,  or  even  cut  short  the 
existence  of  Islam.  The  system  of  election  was  unsafe  in  that 
turbulent  society.  To  avoid  these  great  perils  Muavia  planned 
to  choose  a  successor  while  he  himself  was  still  ruling.  His  own 
son  Yezid  was  the  candidate.  If  he  could  win  for  Yezid  an  oath 
of  allegiance  from  most  of  the  Moslems  he  would  secure  power  for 
his  family  and  prevent  a  contested  election.  After  working  a  time 
with  great  industry  and  keenness  Muavia  succeeded.  Deputations 
from  all  the  chief  cities,  also  from  each  province,  appeared  at 
Damascus  to  do  the  hidden  will  of  Muavia. 

These  deputations  all  named  Yezid  as  heir  of  the  Kalif  and 
chose  him.  They  gave  then  an  oath  of  allegiance  and  homage. 
Arabian  Irak  and  Syria  also  joined  in  this  oath. 

Muavia  went  next  to  the  two  holy  cities  as  it  were  on  a  pil- 
grimage, but  his  great  ruling  purpose  was  to  win  or  to  force  the 
consent  of  Medina  and  Mecca  to  the  recent  election.  The  chief 
dissentients  in  Medina  were  Hussein,  son  of  Aly,  Abd  al  Rahman, 
son  of  Abu  Bekr  and  both  Abdallahs,  sons  of  Omar  and  Zobeir. 
Muavia  treated  them  so  rudely  that  to  avoid  offense  they  departed 
immediately  for  Mecca.  The  rest  of  the  people  accepted  Yezid 
and  gave  him  the  oath  without  waiting.  Muavia  went  on  then  to 
Mecca,  where  he  bore  himself  mildly  toward  all  men,  but  near  the 
end  of  his  visit  he  spoke  to  the  city  concerning  an  heir  to  the  Kalifat. 
It  was  answered  that  the  election  of  an  heir  was  opposed  to  prece- 
dent but  Mecca  men  offered  to  accept  any  one  of  three  methods : 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth 


199 


first,  that  of  the  Prophet  who  left  the  election  to  Medina,  or  that 
of  Abu  Bekr  who  chose  a  Kalif  from  the  Koreish,  or  of  Omar  who 
appointed  electors  to  choose  from  among  themselves  a  candidate ; 
the  Kalif  omitting,  like  Omar,  his  sons  and  the  sons  of  his  father. 

"  As  for  the  earliest  method,"  said  Muavia,  "  there  is  no  man 
among  us  who  is  like  Abu  Bekr  to  be  chosen  by  the  people.  As 
to  the  other  two  methods  I  fear  the  bloodshed  and  struggles  which 
will  follow  if  the  succession  be  not  settled  while  a  Kalif  is  living." 

Since  all  his  reasons  proved  powerless,  Muavia  summoned  his 
attendants  and  forced  Mecca  men  at  the  sword  point  to  give  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Yezid. 

The  example  of  Syria,  Irak  and  the  two  holy  cities  was  followed 
throughout  the  whole  Empire,  and  this  new  method  conquered  in 
large  measure  afterward. 

The  theory  of  a  right  of  election  residing  in  the  people  existed  in 
form,  but  the  right  was  not  real.  In  practice  the  oath  of  allegiance 
was  obtained  by  the  sword  against  every  refusal. 

After  the  days  of  Muavia,  the  Kalif  in  power  proclaimed  as  his 
heir  or  successor  the  fittest  among  all  his  sons  —  that  one  of  course 
who  most  pleased  him.  To  him  as  the  heir  an  oath  of  allegiance 
was  given.  To  increase  the  assurance  of  safety  two  heirs  were 
sometimes  created,  one  of  whom  was  elected  to  follow  the  other. 
This  method  begun  by  the  Ommayed  line  was  continued  by  the 
Abbasids. 

Muavia  died  in  680.  Yezid,  who  succeeded,  made  those  first  of 
all  take  the  oath  to  him  who  had  refused  it  at  Medina.  The  sons 
of  Omar  and  Abbas  gave  this  oath  straightway,  but  Hussein,  son 
of  Aly,  and  the  son  of  Zobeir  went  to  Mecca  asking  time  to  con- 
sider. No  one  had  dared  to  attack  that  holy  city  since  its  capture 
by  Mohammed,  and  there  in  full  safety  every  plotter  could  work 
out  his  plan  against  the  Kalif  or  others. 

Ibn  Zobeir,  as  Muavia  had  noted,  was  eager  for  dominion,  but 
while  Hussein  was  living  he  feigned  to  work  only  for  that  grandson  ■ 
of  the  Prophet.  Offers  of  support  went  from  Kufa  to  Hussein 
with  advice  to  appear  there  immediately.  True  friends  of  Hussein 
at  Mecca  distrusted  these  offers  and  strove  to  dissuade  him  from 
going,  but  Ibn  Zobeir,  who  in  secret  burned  to  be  rid  of  this  rival, 
urged  him  on  always.  Hussein  yielded  at  last  and  set  out  for 
Kufa.    Muslim,  his  cousin,  had  been  sent  ahead  to  prepare  for 


200 


The  Mongols 


his  coming.  This  move  became  known  at  Damascus,  so  Yezid 
summoned  hastily  to  Kufa  Obeidallah,  then  governing  in  Bus- 
sorah  with  unpitying  severity.  On  arriving  he  sought  and  found 
Muslim,  who  was  lodging  with  Hani,  an  adherent  of  the  Alyite 
family. 

At  first  a  majority  of  the  people  sided  with  Hussein  and  rose 
promptly  against  Obeidallah.  They  attacked  him  in  his  castle 
and  came  very  near  killing  him,  but  their  ardor  cooled  quickly. 
Obeidallah  was  triumphant,  Muslim  was  taken  and  killed  with 
his  co-worker  Hani. 

Toward  the  end  of  680  Hussein  rode  out  of  Mecca  with  his 
family  and  a  small  band  of  followers,  all  kinsmen.  When  the 
desert  was  crossed,  and  he  was  advancing  on  Kufa,  news  came  to 
him  that  Muslim's  life  had  been  taken.  He  might  have  turned  back 
then  to  Mecca,  but  Muslim's  kinsmen  were  clamorous  for  ven- 
geance. Besides  there  remained  the  wild  hope  that  those  who 
had  invited  him  might  rally  at  last;  but  each  man  whom  he  met 
gave  darker  tidings. 

Farazdak  the  poet,  who  had  left  Kufa  recently,  had  only  these 
words  to  offer :  "  The  heart  of  the  city  is  on  thy  side,  but  its  sword 
is  against  thee." 

The  Beduins,  ever  ready  for  warfare,  had  been  coming  to  Hus- 
sein, but  when  they  saw  his  cause  weakening  they  fell  away  quickly, 
and  no  one  was  left  except  the  original  party.  A  chance  chieftain 
passing  southward  advised  him  to  turn  to  the  Selma  hills  and  to 
Aja.  "  In  ten  days,"  said  the  man,  "  the  Beni  Tay  and  twenty 
thousand  lances  above  them  will  be  with  thee." 

"  How  could  I  take  these  children  and  women  to  the  desert  ?  " 
asked  Hussein,  "  I  must  move  forward." 

And  he  rode  northward  till  a  large  troop  of  horsemen  from  Kufa, 
under  an  Arab  named  Horr,  stood  before  him. 

"  Command  has  been  given  me,"  said  Horr,  "  to  bring  thee  to 
the  governor.  If  thou  come  not,  then  go  to  the  left,  or  the  right, 
but  return  not  to  Mecca." 

Leaving  Kufa  on  his  right,  Hussein  turned  to  the  left  and  moved 
westward.  Obeidallah  soon  sent  a  second  man,  Amr,  son  of  Sad, 
with  four  thousand  horse,  and  a  summons.  Hussein  now  fixed 
his  camp  on  the  plain  of  Kerbala  near  the  river,  five  and  twenty 
miles  above  Kufa.    There  he  denied  every  thought  of  hostility 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  201 


and  was  ready  to  yield  if  he  might  take  one  of  three  courses: 
"  Let  me  go  to  the  place  whence  I  came,  or  attend  me  to  the  Kalif 
of  Damascus.  Place  my  hand  in  the  hand  of  Yezid,  let  me  speak 
face  to  face  with  him.  If  not,  let  me  go  far  away  to  the  wars  and 
fight  against  enemies  of  Islam." 

Obeidallah  insisted  on  absolute  surrender,  and  directed  that 
Amr  stop  every  approach  to  the  river,  thus  taking  water  from  the 
party.  Hussein,  fearing  death  less  than  the  governor  of  Kufa, 
adhered  to  his  conditions.  He  even  brought  Amr  to  urge  Obeidal- 
lah to  lead  him  to  the  Kalif.  Instead  of  agreeing,  Obeidallah  sent 
a  certain  Shamir  to  urge  action.  "  Hussein,"  said  he,  ' '  we  must 
have  dead  or  living  in  Kufa  immediately;  if  Amr  loiters,  Shamir 
must  depose  him." 

Amr  then  encircled  the  camp  very  closely.  Hussein  was  ready 
to  fight  to  the  death,  and  the  scenes  represented  as  following 
swiftly  are  retained  in  the  minds  of  believers  to  this  day  with 
incredible  vividness. 

Hussein  received  a  day's  respite  to  send  off  his  family  and 
kinsmen,  but  not  one  person  left  him. 

On  October  10th  of  680  the  two  sides  faced  each  other,  and 
opened  a  parley,  Hussein's  offer  was  repeated,  Obeidallah  rejected 
it.  Hussein  slipped  down  from  his  camel,  his  kinsmen  gathered 
round  him,  and  the  whole  party  waited.  From  the  Kufa  attackers 
at  last  came  an  arrow  which  opened  that  struggle  of  tens  against 
thousands.  One  after  another  Hussein's  brothers,  sons,  nephews, 
and  cousins  fell  near  him.  No  enemy  struck  Hussein  till  tortured 
by  thirst  he  turned  toward  the  river,  and  Shamir  cut  him  off  from 
his  people ;  then,  stricken  down  by  an  arrow,  he  was  trampled  by 
horses.  Hussein's  attendants  were  slain  every  man  of  them.  Two 
sons  of  his  perished  and  when  the  action  was  over,  six  sons  of  Aly 
were  corpses,  also  two  sons  of  Hassan  and  six  descendants  of  Abu 
Talib,  Aly's  father.  The  camp  was  plundered,  but  no  harm 
inflicted  on  the  living,  mainly  women  and  children,  who  with 
seventy  heads  of  the  slain  were  taken  to  Obeidallah.  A  shudder 
ran  through  the  multitude  of  people  as  the  bloody  head  of  the 
Prophet's  grandson  was  dropped  at  the  feet  of  the  governor. 
When  he  turned  the  head  over  roughly  with  his  staff  an  aged  man 
cried  to  him :  "  Gently,  that  is  the  grandson  of  the  Prophet. 
By  the  Lord  I  have  seen  those  lips  kissed  by  the  blessed  mouth  of 


202 


The  Mongols 


Mohammed."  Hussein's  sister,  his  two  little  sons,  Aly  Asiigar  and 
Amr,  with  two  daughters,  sole  descendants  of  Hussein,  were  treated 
with  seeming  respect  by  the  governor,  and  sent  with  the  head  of 
their  father  to  the  Kalif.  Yezid  disowned  every  share  in  the 
tragedy.  Hussein's  family  were  lodged  in  the  Kalif 's  own  resi- 
dence at  Damascus  for  a  time,  and  then  sent  with  honor  to  Medina, 
where  their  coming  caused  a  great  outburst  of  grief  and  lamenta- 
tion. Many  objects  in  that  city  made  the  day  of  Kerbala  seem 
dreadful.  The  deserted  houses  in  which  had  dwelt  those  kinsmen 
of  Mohammed  who  had  fallen ;  the  orphaned  little  children,  and 
the  widows,  gave  great  reality  to  every  word  uttered.  The  story 
was  told  to  weeping  pilgrims  in  that  city  of  the  Prophet  by  women 
and  by  children  who  with  their  own  eyes  had  looked  at  the  dead 
and  the  dying  and  had  lived  through  the  day  of  Kerbala.  The 
tale,  repeated  in  many  places,  was  heightened  by  new  horrors; 
retold  by  pilgrims  in  their  homes  and  on  their  journeys  from 
Medina,  it  spread  at  last  to  every  village  of  Islam. 

The  right  of  Aly's  line  to  dominion  had  been  little  thought  of 
till  that  massacre,  but  compassion  for  Aly's  descendants,  who 
were  also  the  great  grandsons  of  Mohammed,  sank  into  men's 
minds  very  deeply  after  that  dreadful  slaughter  on  the  field  of 
Kerbala.  The  woeful  death  of  the  grandsons  of  the  Prophet 
seized  hold  of  the  Arab  mind  mightily,  and  fascinated  millions 
of  people.  This  tragic  tale  helped  greatly  to  ruin  the  Ommayed 
dynasty  and  when,  through  it  and  other  causes,  the  Abbasids  rose 
to  dominion  and  hunted  to  death  or  to  exile  the  descendants  and 
kinsmen  of  Muavia,  that  same  tale  affected  the  Abbasids  and 
made  it  possible  to  raise  up  against  them  a  nation  in  Persia  and 
a  dynasty  in  Egypt.  So  strong  were  men's  feelings  on  this  point  in 
Islam  and  so  many  the  people  who  favored  the  descendants  of  Aly 
that  Mamun,  the  son  of  Harun  al  Rashid,  made  an  effort  to  con- 
solidate the  Alyite  and  Abbasid  families.  Moreover  the  teaching 
of  Persian  adherents  of  Aly  had  such  influence  that  they  captured 
this  Kalif  intellectually. 

In  Mamun 's  day  the  Moslem  world  became  greatly  imbued  with 
ideas  from  Persia  and  India,  and  with  Greek  theories  and  learning. 
The  Koran  was  treated  as  never  before  till  that  period.  Opinions 
and  systems  of  all  sorts  were  brought  into  Islam.  A  time  of  tre- 
mendous disturbance  succeeded  as  the  fruit,  or  result,  of  these 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  203 


teachings  and  these  were  all  connected,  both  in  life  and  in  politics 
with  views  touching  Aly. 

One  Babek,  a  man  of  great  energy,  appeared  in  816  of  our  era 
as  a  leader  in  religion,  in  practical  life,  and  in  management  of 
people,  preaching  indifference  of  action  and  community  of  property. 
Through  various  mystic  doctrines  most  cunningly  compounded 
with  incitements  to  robbery  and  lust  and  dishonor,  he  rallied 
multitudes  to  his  standard,  and  during  twenty  whole  years  he 
visited  many  parts  of  the  Empire  with  ruin  and  slaughter.  He  had 
fixed  himself  firmly  in  those  strong  mountain  places  west  and 
south  of  the  Caspian,  and  thence  scattered  terror  in  various 
directions  through  sudden  attacks  which  were  ever  attended  by 
terrible  bloodshed,  till  at  last  his  forces  were  defeated  in  great  part 
and  driven  westward. 

In  835  Motassim,  the  Kalif,  sent  Afshin,  one  of  the  best  among 
all  his  Turk  generals,  to  seize  this  arch  enemy  and  destroyer  at  all 
costs.  Only  after  two  years  of  most  desperate  fighting  and  many 
deceitful  devices,  were  Babek's  strong  places  all  taken  and  his  own 
person  captured.  Thousands  of  women  and  children  were  taken 
with  him,  and  restored  to  their  families;  and  all  the  treasures 
which  during  two  decades  had  been  gathered  by  this  murderous 
deceiver  fell  now  to  the  Turk  general,  Afshin. 

Babek  had  defeated  six  famous  generals  of  Islam  and  slain,  as 
some  state,  a  million  of  people  during  twenty  years  of  rebellion. 
One  of  his  ten  executioners  declared  that  he  alone  had  taken  the 
lives  of  twenty  thousand  men;  so  merciless  was  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  partisans  of  the  Kalifat  and  the  advocates  of  freedom 
and  equality. 

The  prisoner  was  brought  by  his  captor  to  Samira  in  chains  and 
confined  there.  Motassim  went  in  disguise  to  the  prison  to  look 
at  this  demon  of  Khorassan,  this  "  Shaitan  "  (Satan),  as  they 
called  him.  When  the  Kalif  had  gazed  at  Babek  sufficiently  the 
captive  was  exhibited  through  the  city  as  a  spectacle,  and  brought 
at  last  to  the  palace  where  Motassim,  surrounded  by  his  warriors, 
commanded  Babek's  own  executioner  to  cut  off  the  arms  and  legs 
of  his  master,  and  then  plunge  a  knife  into  his  body.  The 
executioner  obeyed,  Babek  meanwhile  smiling  as  if  to  prove 
his  own  character,  and  the  correctness  of  his  surname,  "  Khur- 
remi  "  (The  Joyous).  The  severed  head  was  exhibited  in  the 


204 


The  Mongols 


cities  of  Khorassan,  and  the  body  impaled  near  the  palace  of 
theKalif. 

In  the  ninth  century,  and  contemporaneous  with  these  horrors, 
there  lived  in  Southern  Persia,  at  Ahwas,  a  certain  Abdallah, 
whose  father,  Maimun  Kaddah,  and  grandfather,  Daisan  the 
Dualist,  had  taught  him  Persian  politics  and  religion.  This 
Abdallah  conceived  a  broad  system,  and  planned  a  great  project 
to  overturn  Arab  rule  in  his  country  and  reestablish  the  ancient 
faith  and  Empire  of  Persia.  This  involved  complete  change  in  the 
structure  of  Islam,  and  all  its  present  ideals.  He  could  not  declare 
open  war  against  the  accepted  religion  and  dynasty,  since  all  the 
military  power  was  at  their  command ;  hence  he  decided  to  under- 
mine them  in  secret. 

From  Ahwas  he  went  to  Bussorah  and  later  to  Syria  where  he 
settled  at  Salemiya,  whence  his  teachings  were  spread  by  Ahmed, 
his  son,  by  two  sons  of  that  Ahmed,  and  also  by  his  Day  is,  men  who 
performed  each  of  them  all  the  various  duties  of  spy,  secret  agent, 
and  apostle.  The  most  active  of  those  Dayis  was  Hussein  of 
Ahwas,  who,  in  the  province  of  which  Kufa  was  the  capital,  in- 
structed many  agents  in  the  secrets  of  revolt  and  in  perversion  of 
the  teachings  of  Islam.  Among  these  agents  the  most  noted  was 
one  famous  later  as  Karmath.  This  man  delayed  not  in  showing 
his  character  and  principles  "  through  torrents  of  blood,  and  de- 
struction of  cities.' '    Crowds  of  men  rallied  to  his  war  cry. 

The  Karmathites  declared  that  nothing  was  forbidden,  every- 
thing was  a  matter  of  indifference,  justified  by  the  fact  of  its  exist- 
ence, hence  should  receive  neither  punishment  nor  reward.  The 
commands  of  Mohammed  were  pronounced  parables  disguising 
political  maxims  and  injunctions.  They  differed  from  Abdallah's 
disciples  in  that  they  began  action  immediately,  and,  in  most 
cases,  openly,  while  the  others  were  preparing  for  a  new  throne  in 
Islam  to  be  occupied  by  a  man  of  their  own,  a  true  and  zealous 
co-believer. 

The  Karmathite  outbreak  was  more  terrible,  continuous,  and 
enduring  than  that  begun  twenty  years  earlier  by  Babek,  and  far 
more  dangerous.  The  Karmathites  fought  savage  battles  in  the 
East  and  the  West,  in  Irak  and  Syria.  They  plundered  caravans 
and  destroyed  what  they  found  with  tiger-like  fury  unless  it  was 
valuable  and  they  could  bear  it  away  with  them.   They  attacked 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth 


205 


the  holy  city  of  Mecca  and  captured  it  through  desperate  fighting. 
More  than  thirty  thousand  true  Moslems  were  slain  while  defend- 
ing the  temple.  The  sacred  well,  Zemzem,  was  polluted  by 
corpses  hurled  into  it  by  people  to  whom  nothing  whatever  was 
sacred.  The  temple  was  fired,  and  the  black,  holy  stone  of  the 
Kaaba,  which  in  Abraham's  day  had  come  down  from  heaven 
into  Mecca,  was  borne  off  to  be  ransomed  for  fifty  thousand  gold 
coins  two  and  twenty  years  later. 

This  Karmathite  madness,  after  raging  at  intervals  for  a  century 
and  torturing  most  parts  of  Islam,  was  extinguished  in  bloodshed. 
The  career  of  the  Karmathites  proved  the  wickedness  and  folly  of 
their  method.   Its  turn  came  now  to  the  system  of  Abdallah. 

Ismailian  teaching  had  spread  through  the  Empire  of  Mo- 
hammed and  reached  even  Southern  Arabia.  About  892  a  certain 
Mohammed  Alhabib,  who  claimed  his  descent  from  Ismail,  son 
of  Jaffar  es  Sadik,  sent  one  Abu  Abdallah  to  the  north  coast  of 
Africa.  Abu  Abdallah  impressed  the  Berber  tribes  greatly,  and 
his  success  was  so  enormous  that  they  drove  out  the  Aglabid  dynasty 
then  ruling  them.  He  roused  expectations  to  the  highest  degree 
by  announcing  a  Mahdi,  or  infallible  guide  for  believers.  He  then 
summoned  in  Obeidallah,  a  son  of  that  Mohammed  Alhabib, 
who  had  sent  him  to  Africa. 

Obeidallah,  after  many  strange  deeds  and  adventures,  and 
finally  an  imprisonment  from  which  Abu  Abdallah  released  him, 
was  put  on  a  throne  in  909  and  made  the  first  Fatimid 1  Kalif  at 
Mahdiya,  his  new  capital  near  Tunis.  Abu  Abdallah,  the  successful 
assistant  and  forerunner,  was  assassinated  soon  after  at  command 
of  Obeidallah,  who  owed  him  dominion,  but  who  now  had  no  wish 
for  his  presence.  The  new  Kalif,  since  this  man  knew,  of  course, 
many  secrets,  might  well  think  him  safer  in  paradise.  Obeidallah 
now  proclaimed  himself  the  only  true  Kalif,  a  descendant  of  the 
Prophet  through  Fatima  his  daughter,  and  became  a  dangerous 
rival  of  the  Abbasids.  By  967  his  descendants  had  won  Egypt 
and  Southern  Syria.  A  fortified  palace  was  built  near  the  Nile, 
and  called  Kahira.2  Around  this  palace  rose  the  city  known  later 
as  Cairo. 

1  Called  Fatimides  because  they  professed  to  trace  their  descent  to  Fatima 
the  daughter  of  the  Prophet  (Mohammed). 

2  The  Victorious. 


206 


The  Mongols 


In  991  Aleppo  was  added  to  the  Fatimid  Empire  which,  be- 
ginning at  the  river  Orontes  and  the  desert  of  Syria,  extended  to 
Morocco.  In  view  of  this  great  success  and  its  danger  to  the 
Abbasids  the  world  was  informed  now  from  Bagdad  that  the  Fati- 
mid dynasty  was  spurious ;  that  the  first  Kalif  installed  at  Mahdiya 
was  no  descendant  of  the  Prophet,  he  was  merely  the  son  of  that 
Ahmed  who  was  a  son  of  Abdallah,  son  of  Maimun  Kaddah,  son 
of  Daisan  the  Dualist,  his  mother  being  a  Jewess.  Hence  he  was 
son  of  that  Ahmed  whose  emissary,  Hussein  of  Ahwas,  had 
raised  up  and  trained  the  detestable  Karmath,  whose  crimes,  and 
the  crimes  of  whose  followers,  had  tortured  all  Islam  for  a  century. 

That  society,  or  order,  which  met  at  the  famed  House  of  Science 
in  Cairo,  was  dreaming  of  power  night  and  day  and  struggling 
always  to  win  it.  Power  it  could  reach  by  supplanting  the  Ab- 
basids, but  not  in  another  way,  hence  this  order  aimed  at  the 
overthrow  of  the  Abbasids.  It  also  spread  secret  doctrines  by  its 
Dayis  (political  and  religious  missionaries)  continually.  Through 
this  activity  the  Fatimids  were  rising.  Meanwhile  the  Abbasids 
were  failing  till  Emir  Bessassiri,  a  partisan  of  the  Fatimids,  seized 
and  held  for  one  year  the  two  highest  marks  of  dominion  in  Islam, 
the  mint  and  the  pulpit  at  Bagdad  in  the  name  of  Mostansir  the 
Kalif  at  Cairo,  and  would  have  held  them  much  longer  had  not  his 
career  been  cut  short  in  1058  by  Togrul  the  first  Seljuk  Sultan, 
who  hastened  to  the  rescue  of  the  Abbasids.  Meanwhile  the  Dayis 
from  Cairo  and  their  aids  filled  a  great  part  of  Asia  with  their 
labors. 

One  of  these  Dayis,  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  founded  a  sect,  the 
Eastern  Ismailites,  renowned  later  as  the  Assassins.  This  Hassan 
was  son  of  Ali,  a  Shiite  of  the  old  city  Rayi,  who  claimed  that  his 
father,  Sabah  Homairi,  had  gone  from  Kufa  to  Kum  and  later  to 
Rayi.  People  from  Tus  in  Khorassan,  and  others  insisted  that 
his  ancestors  had  passed  all  their  lives  in  Khorassan.  Ali,  suspected 
of  heresy,  made  lying  oaths  and  confessions  to  clear  himself; 
since  his  success  was  but  partial  he  strove  to  increase  it  by  sending 
Hassan,  his  son,  to  the  Nishapur  school  of  Movaffik,  a  sage  of 
eighty  years  at  that  period,  and  the  first  scholar  among  Sunnite 
believers. 

This  sage,  it  was  said,  brought  happiness  and  good  fortune  to  all 
whom  he  instructed.    His  school  was  frequented  by  multitudes. 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  207 


and  the  success  of  his  pupils  was  proverbial.  Among  his  last 
students  were  three  classmates,  later  on  very  famous:  Omar 
Khayyam,  the  astronomer  and  poet;  Nizam  ul  Mulk,  the  first 
statesman  of  the  period,  and  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  who  founded  a 
sect  upon  sophisms,  and  a  State  upon  murder. 

Hassan's  ambition  was  active  from  the  earliest;  while  in  that 
Nishapur  school  he  bound  both  his  classmates  by  a  promise. 
Nizam  ul  Mulk  himself  tells  the  story :  "  '  Men  believe/  remarked 
Hassan  one  day  to  us,  '  that  the  pupils  of  our  master  are  sure  to 
be  fortunate;  let  us  promise  that  should  success  visit  one  of  us 
only,  that  favored  one  will  share  with  the  other  two.'  We  prom- 
ised." Years  later  when  Nizam  ul  Mulk  was  grand  vizir  to  Alp 
Arslan,  Sultan  of  the  Seljuks,  he  showed  Omar  Khayyam  sincere 
honor  and  friendship,  and  offered  him  the  dignity  of  second  vizir, 
which  the  poet  rejected,  but  at  his  request  the  vizir  gave  him 
one  thousand  gold  pieces  each  year  instead  of  the  office.  Thence- 
forward Omar  Khayyam  was  enabled  to  follow  his  bent  and  do 
great  work,  as  astronomer  and  poet. 

Hassan  Ben  Sabah  lived  on  in  obscurity  till  the  death  of  Alp 
Arslan  in  1072. 

Nizam  ul  Mulk  retained  his  high  office  with  Melik  Shah  the  new 
Sultan.  Hassan  Sabah  went  now  to  his  friend  and  quoting  bitter 
words  from  the  Koran  reproached  him  with  forgetting  sacred 
promises,  and  mentioned  their  agreement  of  school  days.  The 
vizir,  who  was  kind,  took  his  classmate  to  the  sovereign  and 
gained  for  him  favor. 

Hassan  Sabah,  who  had  reproached  his  old  friend  out  of  perfidy, 
soon  won  great  influence  through  cunning,  feigned  frankness 
and  hypocrisy.  In  no  long  time  Melik  Shah  called  him  frequently 
to  his  presence,  advised  with  him,  and  followed  his  counsels.  Soon 
Nizam  ul  Mulk  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  office.  Hassan  had 
resolved  to  ruin  his  benefactor  and  classmate;  in  one  word  to 
supplant  him.  Each  apparent  omission  of  the  great  man  was 
reported  by  tortuous  ways  to  the  sovereign,  whose  mind  was 
brought  to  doubt  the  vizir,  and  to  test  him  The  most  painful  blow 
of  all,  according  to  Nizam  ul  Mulk's  own  statement,  was  given 
when  Hassan  promised  to  finish  in  forty  days  the  whole  budget 
of  the  Empire.  Nizam  ul  Mulk  needed  ten  times  that  period  for 
the  labor. 


208 


The  Mongols 


Melik  Shah  gave  all  the  men  called  for  by  Hassan,  and  with 
their  aid  the  work  was  accomplished.  But  to  defeat  the  vizir 
was  not  easy;  Nizam  ul  Mulk  had  abstracted  certain  pages, 
hence  Hassan's  budget  was  imperfect.  He  could  not  explain  why 
the  pages  were  lacking,  and  he  could  not  restore  them,  so  he 
went  on  a  sudden  to  Rayi  and  to  Ispahan  somewhat  later.  In 
the  latter  city  he  lived  in  concealment  at  the  house  of  Abu  Fazl, 
the  mayor,  whom  he  converted,  and  who  became  his  most 
intimate  adherent. 

One  day  in  1078,  when  complaining  of  Nizam  ul  Mulk  and  the 
Sultan,  Hassan  added :  "  Had  I  but  two  friends  of  unbending 
fidelity  I  would  soon  end  this  rule  of  the  Turk  and  the  peasant 
(Sultan  and  vizir)."  These  words  describe  Hassan's  forecast  com- 
pletely, and  show  the  germ  of  the  Assassin  creation,  which  was  cold- 
blooded murder,  carefully  pondered,  thought  out  with  slowness,  but 
executed  on  a  sudden.  Abu  Fazl  could  not  credit  that  statement, 
and  thought  Hassan  demented,  To  restore  his  mental  balance  he 
placed  on  the  table  before  him  meat  and  drink  mixed  with  saffron 
which  was  believed  at  that  time  in  Persia  to  be  a  mind  strengthen- 
ing herb.  Hassan  noted  his  meaning  immediately,  was  angry, 
and  would  not  remain  longer.  Abu  Fazl  did  what  was  possible 
to  detain  the  apostle  of  murder,  but  every  effort  on  his  part 
was  fruitless;  Hassan  left  Ispahan  quickly  for  Egypt. 

The  Ismailite  mysteries  of  atheism  and  immorality  had  been 
taught  to  Hassan  Ben  Sabah  by  a  Fatimid  apostle  in  Persia.  He 
had  also  conversed  long  and  intimately  with  others.  He  knew  all 
the  secrets  of  Cairo,  and  had  been  tried  and  found  worthy  to 
spread  the  beliefs  of  the  great  House  of  Science.  The  fame  of 
his  learning  and  gifts,  and  the  high  position  which  he  had  held 
at  the  court  of  Melik  Shah,  went  before  him,  Mostansir  desired 
to  show  honor  to  a  servant  who  might  help  him  to  wider  dominion. 
The  chief  of  the  new  House  of  Science  was  therefore  sent  to  the 
boundary  with  greetings;  a  residence  was  assigned  to  the  visitor, 
while  through  ministers  and  dignitaries  he  was  loaded  with  favors 
until  a  great  quarrel  broke  out  on  a  sudden  in  Egypt. 

Mostansir  had  declared  his  son,  Nesar,  as  his  successor,  and 
heir  to  the  Kalifat;  thereupon  rose  a  faction.  The  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  war  forces  was  at  the  head  of  it.  He  insisted  that 
Mosteali,  another  son  of  Mostansir,  was  the  only  one  fitted  for 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  209 


the  dignity.  Hassan  was  in  favor  of  Nesar,  and  this  enraged  the 
commander,  who  had  Hassan  imprisoned  in  Damietta.  The 
apostle  was  barely  in  prison  when  a  great  tower  fell  in  the  city 
without  evident  reason.  The  amazed  and  terrified  people  saw  in 
this  accident  a  miracle  performed  by  Hassan,  so  his  enemies  and 
admirers  joined  straightway  in  bearing  him  off  to  a  vessel  just 
ready  to  sail  for  West  Africa.  Soon  after  starting  a  storm  rose  and 
terrified  every  man  on  the  ship  except  Hassan.  When  asked  why 
he  was  not  alarmed  he  answered :  "  Our  Lord  has  promised  that 
no  harm  shall  meet  me."  The  sea  became  calm  soon  after,  All 
on  board  turned  then  to  Hassan,  accepted  his  teaching  and 
became  devoted  and  faithful  disciples.  As  the  voyage  continued  a 
contrary  wind  drove  the  vessel  to  Syria  where  the  apostle  de- 
barked and  went  to  Aleppo,  Thence  he  traveled  farther,  to 
Bagdad,  Isaphan,  Yezd,  Kerman  and  many  other  places,  publish- 
ing his  doctrines  with  the  greatest  industry. 

In  Damegan  Hassan  spent  three  years,  and  made  numerous 
converts.  Rayi  he  could  not  visit  since  Nizam  ul  Mulk  had 
instructed  the  governor  to  seize  him.  Dayis  converted  by  Hassan 
and  attached  to  him  personally  had  gone  to  Kirdkuh  and  many 
other  fortresses  and  cities  in  that  marvelous  region.  He  passed 
now  through  Sari,  Demavend,  Kazvin  and  Dilem  and  halted  at 
last  at  Alamut. 

Hussein  Kaini,  one  of  Hassan's  devoted  and  skilful  Dayis,  had 
been  sent  some  time  before  to  Alamut  to  secure  an  oath  of  al- 
legiance and  fidelity  to  Kalif  Mostansir.  Most  of  the  inhabitants 
had  already  given  the  usual  oath,  but  the  commandant,  Ali  Mehdi, 
who  held  the  fortress  in  the  name  of  Melik  Shah,  refused,  declaring 
that  he  would  acknowledge  the  spiritual  dominion  of  no  one  save 
the  Kalif  of  Bagdad  of  the  family  of  Abbas,  and  submit  to  no 
sovereign  but  Melik  Shah  of  the  family  of  the  Seljuks.  Hassan 
then  offered  to  pay  him  three  thousand  ducats  for  the  fortress, 
but  Mehdi  refused  this  bribe.  Finding  all  persuasion  useless 
Hassan  took  possession  by  force  and  Mehdi  was  driven  out.  As 
if  to  show  his  great  influence  and  authority  Hassan  then  gave 
Mehdi  a  letter  to  Reis  Mosaffer,  commander  of  the  fortress  of 
Kirdkuh,  instructing  him  to  pay  Mehdi  three  thousand  ducats. 
Mehdi,  knowing  well  the  confidence  placed  in  Mosaffer  by  the 
Seljuk  Sultan,  was  amazed  when  the  three  thousand  ducats  were 


210 


The  Mongols 


paid  to  him.  He  learned  then  that  Mosaffer  was  a  devoted 
follower  of  Hassan  Ben  Sab  ah,  and  one  of  his  earliest  adherents. 

Alamut1  was  the  largest  and  strongest  of  fifty  castles  in  that 
country.  It  was  built  in  860  by  Hassan  Ben  Seid  Bakeri,  and  now 
in  1090  Hassan  Sabah,  who  had  hitherto  sought  in  vain  for  a 
stronghold,  was  in  possession  of  it.  He  at  once  began  to  build  walls 
and  ramparts  around  his  fortress  and  had  a  canal  dug  which  would 
ensure  a  water  supply.  Gardens  and  orchards  were  planted  in  the 
surrounding  country  and  the  inhabitants  were  soon  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits.  Men  of  power  in  the  Seljuk  country  Hassan 
won  by  secretly  placing  Assassins  at  their  service ;  whoso  wished  in 
those  days  to  ruin  any  man  had  but  to  accuse  him  of  connivance 
with  Hassan  Ben  Sabah.  Informers  increased,  suspicion  was 
general.  Melik  Shah  distrusted  his  most  intimate  associates  and 
servants  whom  ill-will  or  envy  strove  to  ruin.  But  now  an  Emir  to 
whom  Melik  Shah  had  given  Rudbar  in  fief,  that  is  the  whole  region 
in  which  Alamut  was  the  main  stronghold,  stopped  every  road  to 
the  fortress  and  cut  off  all  supplies.  The  inhabitants  were  ready 
to  abandon  the  place,  but  Hassan  assured  them  that  fortune  would 
soon  show  them  favor,  as  in  fact  it  did,  and  the  name  "  Abode  of 
Good  Fortune  "  was  bestowed  on  the  castle.  Melik  Shah,  who 
hitherto  had  treated  Ismailians  with  contempt,  resolved  now  to 
crush  them.  He  commanded  Arslan  Tash,  his  Emir,  to  destroy 
Hassan  Sabah  with  all  his  followers. 

Though  Hassan  had  only  seventy  men,  and  not  much  food 
to  give  them,  he  defended  the  fortress  with  great  courage  till 
Abu  Ali,  his  Dayi,  hastened  up  in  the  night  time  with  three  hun- 
dred men.  These,  with  the  seventy  of  the  garrison,  attacked  the 
besiegers  and  dispersed  them. 

Melik  Shah  who  was  greatly  alarmed  by  this  defeat  sent  troops 
from  Khorassan  against  Hussein  Kaini,  Hassan  Sabah's  main 
agent,  who  was  spreading  heresy  in  the  Kuhistan  province. 
Hussein  retreated  to  a  castle  in  Mumin  where  soon  he  was 
besieged  and  in  no  less  danger  than  Hassan  had  been  very 
recently  in  Alamut. 

Up  to  this  time  Hassan  had  acted  as  a  political  agent  and  re- 
ligious nuncio  in  the  name  of  Mostansir,  but  now  he  saw  an  op- 
portunity for  securing  power  for  himself  and  he  did  not  hesitate. 
1  Eagle's  nest. 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  211 


Knowing  well  that  lawlessness  of  the  people  brought  destruction 
to  the  throne,  he  established  a  system  of  religion  and  politics 
based  upon  atheism  and  absolute  freedom  of  action  which  became 
the  tenet  of  the  Assassins,  known,  however,  to  but  few  and  concealed 
under  the  veil  of  religion. 

Hassan  determined  to  deliver  his  first  great  blow  at  this  juncture 
and  begin  his  career  of  surprises.  He  had  resolved  to  rid  himself 
of  opponents  unsparingly,  and  to  terrify  those  of  his  enemies  whom 
he  left  living.  His  first  victim  was  Nizam  ul  Mulk,  his  classmate, 
friend  and  benefactor,  a  statesman  renowned  throughout  one  half 
of  Asia  as  chief  vizir  under  three  Seljuk  Sultans,  the  first  of  their 
dynasty,  a  man  of  profound  wisdom  and  keen  foresight,  whose 
Treatise  on  the  Principles  of  Government  was  written  for  Melik 
Shah  and  adopted  as  his  code.  In  this  code  the  wise  vizir  explains 
in  the  clearest  terms  the  duties  of  a  sovereign.  Melik  Shah,  the 
most  famous  and  best  of  the  Seljuk  Sultans,  died  three  weeks  later 
(1092).  The  sudden  deaths  of  these  two  great  men  filled 
Western  Asia  with  terror.  The  vizir  was  cut  down  by  Hassan 
Sabah's  Fedavi,  or  devoted  assistants.  Melik  Shah  died  of  poison. 
His  loss  was  greatly  lamented  for  he  had  ruled  with  justice  and 
made  his  country  prosperous.  He  was  both  a  statesman  and  a 
warrior.  To  extend  commerce  he  had  built  bridges  and  canals; 
to  ensure  the  safety  of  merchants  and  all  who  traveled  he  had  made 
each  village  and  hamlet  responsible  for  the  crimes  committed  within 
its  precincts.  In  this  way  the  entire  population  assisted  in  the 
suppression  of  robbery,  one  of  the  great  evils  of  that  time.  Has- 
san had  made  a  notable  beginning  —  he  had  alarmed  all  Asia. 

What  were  the  doctrines  of  the  Ismailians,  used  by  Hassan  Ben 
Sabah  ? 

The  Ismailian  apostles  trained  in  the  House  of  Science  in  Cairo, 
which  had  been  founded  and  developed  in  the  Fatimid  interest, 
taught  their  secret  doctrines  to  a  few  chosen  followers.  These 
doctrines  were  communicated  slowly  and  with  many  precautions. 
The  chiefs  or  apostles  at  Cairo,  the  prime  masters  of  all  sacred 
wisdom,  initiated  disciples.  There  were  nine  degrees  through 
which  those  of  the  faithful  had  to  pass  to  receive  the  great  mystery. 
But  before  giving  the  first  degree  to  any  novice  whatever  the  Master 
took  from  him  an  oath  devoting  the  applicant  to  the  greatest 
calamities  of  this  life,  and  the  keenest  sufferings  of  the  next,  if  he 


212 


The  Mongols 


kept  not  strict  silence  touching  that  which  was  revealed  to  him, 
or  if  he  ceased  to  be  the  friend  of  all  friends  of  the  Ismailians, 
and  the  enemy  of  all  their  enemies.  When  the  oath  was  accepted 
the  Master  took  a  fee  for  that  which  he  was  going  to  communicate, 
and  he  never  advanced  any  novice  from  degree  to  degree,  till  he 
saw  that  the  man  had  assimilated  to  the  utmost  everything  taught 
him. 

The  first  step  in  instruction  was  that  God  has  at  all  times  given 
the  task  of  establishing  His  worship,  and  preserving  it,  to  Imams, 
his  chosen  ones,  who  are  the  sole  guides  of  the  faithful.  As  God 
has  created  the  most  beautiful  of  all  things  and  the  noblest,  by 
sevens,  such  as  the  heavens  and  the  planets,  he  has  fixed  the 
number  of  Imams  at  seven,  namely:  Aly,  Hassan,  Hussein,  Ali 
Zayn  al  Abidin,  Mohammed  Bakir,  Jaffar  es  Sadik,  and  Ismail, 
or  Mohammed,  the  son  of  Ismail,  who  surpasses  all  other  Imams 
in  occult  wisdom  and  in  knowledge  of  the  mystic  sense  of  things 
visible.  He  explains  these  mysteries  to  those  of  the  initiated  who 
inquire,  for  he  has  been  instructed  by  God  himself,  and  he  com- 
municates his  marvelous  gifts  to  the  Dayis,  or  Ismailian  apostles, 
to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  sectaries  of  Ali. 

Like  the  Imams,  the  word-endowed  prophets  sent  to  establish 
new  religions  were  seven  in  number.  Each  prophet  had  one  vicar 
(siwes)  as  aid  who  upheld  true  religion  after  the  death  of  his 
principal,  and  six  other  vicars,  who  appeared  after  him  among 
men.  In  distinction  to  the  word-endowed  prophets  the  vicars  were 
called  "  the  dumb,"  because  they  merely  walked  in  the  way 
which  had  been  traced  for  them  previously.  When  these  seven 
vicars  pass  from  the  earth,  a  new  prophet  comes  who  sets  aside  the 
preceding  religion  and  is  followed  by  seven  mute  vicars.  These 
changes  follow  one  another  till  the  coming  of  the  seventh  word- 
endowed  prophet,  who  is  the  lord  of  the  present,  that  is,  lord  of 
the  age  in  which  he  is  manifest. 

The  first  prophet  was  Adam,  for  whom  his  son  Seth  served  as 
vicar;  after  Adam  his  religion  had  seven  successive  vicars.  Noah 
was  the  second  prophet,  and  his  vicar  was  Sem;  Abraham  was 
the  third  prophet,  his  son,  Ismail,  was  his  vicar;  Moses,  the  fourth, 
had  Aaron  his  brother  first  as  vicar,  after  Aaron's  death  Joshua, 
son  of  Nun,  was  his  vicar.  The  last  of  his  vicars  was  John,  son 
of  Zachary ;  Jesus,  son  of  Mary,  the  fifth  prophet,  had  Simeon  as 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  213 


vicar.  With  the  sixth  prophet,  Mohammed,  was  associated  Aly. 
After  Aly  were  six  mute  chiefs  of  Islam .  These  are  the  Imams 
whom  we  have  named  from  Hassan  to  Ismail.  Ismail  is  the 
seventh  and  most  recent  prophet.  When  he  appeared  pre- 
ceding religions  were  abolished.  Endowed  with  an  all-knowing 
wisdom  he  alone  can  explain  sacred  teaching.  All  people  owe 
him  obedience,  and  it  is  only  through  his  guidance  that  man  can 
advance  in  salvation. 

These  were  the  doctrines  taught  in  the  first  four  degrees.  In 
the  fifth  degree  the  disciple  learned  that  the  Imam,  as  supreme 
priest,  should  have  apostles  to  visit  all  places.  The  number  of 
these  was  fixed  by  Divine  wisdom  at  twelve  like  the  months  of 
the  year,  the  tribes  of  Israel,  the  companions  of  Mohammed,  for 
God  in  all  he  does  has  views  of  deep  wisdom. 

In  the  sixth  degree  the  Master  commenced  by  explaining  the 
mystic  significance  of  the  precepts  of  Islam  touching  prayer, 
alms,  pilgrimages,  and  all  other  practices  which  were,  as  he 
showed,  to  turn  men  from  vice  to  perfection.  He  recommended 
the  study  of  Aristotle,  Pythagoras,  and  Plato ;  he  warned  against 
blind  belief  in  tradition,  against  yielding  credit  to  simple  allega- 
tions, and  against  taking  accepted  proof  unless  it  be  rational. 

In  the  seventh  and  the  eighth  degree  the  Master  taught  that 
the  founder  of  every  religion  requires  an  associate,  a  vicar  to 
hand  down  his  precepts ;  the  latter  is  the  image  of  the  world  here 
below  enveloped  by  that  which  is  above  it;  one  precedes  the 
other  as  cause  does  effect.  The  first  principle  has  neither  attribute 
nor  name ;  one  may  not  say  that  it  exists,  or  does  not  exist,  that 
it  is  ignorant,  or  knowing.  And  thus  farther  on  with  all  its  attri- 
butes, for  every  affirmation  regarding  it  implies  a  comparison  with 
things  that  are  created,  every  negation  tends  to  deprive  it  of  an 
attribute;  it  is  neither  eternal  nor  temporal,  but  its  command- 
ment, its  word  is  that  which  exists  from  eternity.  The  disciple  — 
that  is,  he  who  follows  —  aspires  to  the  height  of  the  one 
who  precedes  him,  and  he  who  is  endowed  with  the  word  on 
earth  aspires  to  be  one  with  him  who  is  master  of  the  word  in 
heaven. 

In  the  ninth  degree,  which  is  the  last,  the  teacher  restates  all  that 
he  has  taught  up  to  that  time,  and  on  seeing  that  the  disciple 
understands  he  removes  the  last  veil,  and  says  to  him  in  substance.' 


214 


The  Mongols 


All  that  is  said  of  creation  and  of  a  beginning,  describes  in  a  simile 
the  origin  and  changes  of  matter.  An  apostle  delivers  to  mankind 
that  which  heaven  has  revealed  to  him.  For  the  sake  of  justice 
and  order,  he  adapts  his  religion  to  the  needs  of  the  race.  When 
this  religion  is  needed  for  the  general  welfare  it  is  binding,  but 
the  philosopher  is  not  bound  to  put  it  into  practice.  The  philos- 
opher is  free,  is  bound  to  nothing ;  knowledge  for  him  is  sufficient, 
since  it  contains  the  truth,  that  towards  which  he  is  striving. 
He  should  know  its  whole  meaning,  all  that  it  binds  men  to  execute, 
but  he  need  not  be  subject  to  vexations,  which  are  not  intended 
for  sages.  Finally  it  is  explained  to  the  disciple  that  if  word 
endowed  apostles  have  the  mission  to  uphold  order  among  man- 
kind in  general,  sages  are  charged  to  teach  wisdom  to  individuals. 

From  all  that  has  been  preserved  by  the  chroniclers  of  those 
days  regarding  the  Assassin  kingdom,  it  is  clear  that  in  great 
part  these  teachings  were  borrowed  from  Greece,  Palestine,  and 
Persia. 

The  Fatimid  Kalifs  of  Egypt  had  many  secret  agents  in 
Persia  and  Syria.  The  Assassins  went  to  Syria  about  the  same 
time  as  the  Crusaders.  In  the  first  year  of  the  Xllth 
century  Jenah-ed-devlet,  then  Prince  of  Emesa,  died  by  their 
daggers  while  he  was  hastening  to  the  castle  of  the  Kurds, 
Hosn  Ak  Kurd,  which  the  Count  of  St.  Gilles  was  besieging , 
He  had  been  attacked  four  years  earlier  in  his  palace 
by  three  Persian  Assassins,  but  had  succeeded  in  saving  his  life. 
Risvan,  the  Prince  of  Aleppo,  was  suspected  of  causing  this 
attack.  There  was  reason  to  suspect  him,  since  he  was  a  bitter 
enemy  of  Jenah-ed-devlet,  and  a  friend  of  the  Assassins. 

Risvan  had  been  won  to  the  Order  by  one  of  its  agents  who  was 
very  persuasive;  an  astrologer  and  a  physician,  who  had  the 
power  to  attract  by  methods  of  his  own,  which  were  separate  from 
those  of  the  Order.  Four  and  twenty  days  after  this  unsuccessful 
attempt,  the  astrologer  died,  but  his  place  was  soon  filled  by  a 
goldsmith  from  Persia  named  Abu  Tahir  Essaigh,  who  roused 
Risvan  to  still  greater  activity.  This  Prince  of  Aleppo  was  hostile 
to  every  Crusader,  and  to  his  own  brother,  Dokah,  the  Prince  of 
Damascus.  He  was  anxious  for  a  new  influx  of  Assassins,  since 
their  acts  favored  his  policy. 

Abul  Fettah,  the  nephew  of  Hassan  Sabah,  was  at  that  time 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth 


215 


Grand  Prior  in  Syria;  his  chief  residence  was  Sarmin,  a  fortified 
place  one  day's  journey  from  Aleppo . 

Some  years  later,  when  the  people  of  Apamea  implored  aid  of 
Abu  Tahir  Essaigh,  the  goldsmith,  now  the  commandant  in  Sarmin, 
against  Khalaf ,  their  governor  from  Egypt,  he  had  Khalaf  slain  by 
Assassins  under  Abul  Fettah,  and  took  Apamea  for  Risvan,  but  he 
could  not  hold  it  against  Tancred,  who  seized  the  place  and  took 
Abu  Tahir  to  Antioch  where  he  kept  him  till  ransomed.  Abul 
Eettah  expired  under  torture.  Other  captives  were  given  to 
Khalaf 's  sons.  Tancred  took  from  the  Assassins  the  strong  castle 
of  Kefrlana. 

Abu  Tahir  on  returning  to  the  Prince  of  Aleppo  used  all  his 
influence  to  kill  Abu  Harb  Issa,  a  great  Khojend  merchant,  who 
had  come  to  Aleppo  with  five  hundred  camels  bearing  much  mer- 
chandise. This  man  had  done  what  he  could  to  cause  harm  to 
the  Order.  A  man  named  Ahmed,  who  was  secretly  an  Assassin, 
had  been  present  in  the  caravan  from  the  boundary  of  Khorassan, 
and  was  watching  to  avenge  his  brother  slain  by  the  people  of  that 
merchant.  On  reaching  Aleppo  he  went  to  Abu  Tahir  and 
Risvan,  whom  he  won  through  accounts  of  Abu  Harb's  im- 
mense wealth,  and  his  hatred  of  the  Assassins.  On  a  day, 
while  the  merchant  was  counting  his  camels,  the  murderers  fell 
upon  him,  but  his  slaves,  who  were  near,  showed  their  courage  and 
slew  the  attackers  before  they  could  injure  Abu  Harb.  The 
merchant  complained  to  Syrian  princes  and  they  reproached 
Risvan  bitterly,  but  he  denied  every  share  in  that  action.  No 
one  believed  him,  however  Abu  Tahir,  to  save  himself  from 
punishment,  fled  to  North  Persia  and  remained  there  for  a 
season. 

Hassan's  policy  swept  through  the  country,  selecting  its  victims 
from  the  powerful  and  the  rich.  In  1113  Mevdud,  then  Prince 
of  Mosul,  fell,  stabbed  to  death  while  walking  with  Togteghin  of 
Damascus  through  the  forecourt  of  the  great  mosque  in  that 
prince's  capital.  The  Assassin  who  killed  him  was  decapitated 
straightway.  That  same  year  died  Risvan,  Prince  of  Aleppo, 
who  had  long  protected  the  murderous  Order  most  carefully, 
and  had  used  it  effectually  in  extending  his  own  dominions. 

Risvan 's  son,  Akhras,  succeeded  him.  This  youth  of  sixteen 
was  assisted  in  governing  by  Lulu,  a  eunuch.  He  began  rule  by 


216 


The  Mongols 


condemning  to  death  all  people  belonging  to  the  Assassin  Order. 
By  this  sentence  more  than  three  hundred  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren were  slain,  and  two  hundred  were  thrown  into  prison.  Abul 
Fettah,  a  son  of  Abu  Tahir  the  goldsmith,  and  his  successor  as  head 
of  the  Assassin  Order  in  Syria,  met  with  a  death  no  less  terrible  than 
that  of  his  namesake,  the  nephew  of  Hassan  Ben  Sabah.  The 
trunk  of  his  body  was  hacked  into  pieces  at  the  gate  looking  east- 
ward toward  Irak,  his  legs  and  arms  were  burned,  and  his  head 
was  borne  through  Syria  as  a  spectacle.  Ismail,  a  brother  of  that 
astrologer  who  had  brought  the  Order  into  friendship  with  Risvan, 
died  with  the  others.  Many  Assassins  were  hurled  into  the  moat 
from  the  top  of  the  fortress.  Hossam  ed  din,  son  of  Dimlatsh,  a 
Dayi  who  had  just  come  from  Persia,  fled  from  the  rage  of  the 
people  to  Rakka  where  death  found  him  promptly.  Many  saved 
themselves  by  flight,  and  were  scattered  in  towns  throughout 
Syria;  others,  to  avoid  all  suspicion  of  belonging  to  the  Order, 
denounced  their  own  brothers,  and  killed  them.  The  treasures 
of  the  Order  were  searched  out  and  taken.  Thus  did  Akhras, 
Prince  of  Aleppo,  take  vengeance  on  the  Assassins  for  their  evil 
influence  over  his  father. 

Later  on  the  Order  avenged  this  "  persecution  "  in  various 
ways,  and  most  cruelly.  In  an  audience  given  by  the  Kalif  of 
Bagdad  to  Togteghin,  the  Atabeg  of  Damascus,  three  murderers 
attacked  and  killed  the  Emir,  Ahmed  Bal,  then  governor  of 
Khorassan,  whom  they  mistook,  as  it  seems,  for  the  Atabeg. 
The  Emir  was  their  enemy,  but  not  the  enemy  whom  they  had 
come  to  destroy  with  their  daggers,  —  though  of  this  they  were 
ignorant. 

In  1120  Ilghazi  received  a  command  from  Abu  Mohammed, 
the  chief  of  the  Assassins  in  Aleppo,  to  surrender  the  castle  of 
Sherif.  Ilghazi,  who  feared  the  Order,  feigned  to  yield  up  the 
castle,  but  ere  the  envoy  could  return  with  this  answer  the  people 
had  pulled  down  the  walls,  filled  the  moats,  and  joined  the  castle 
to  Aleppo.  Khashab,  who  had  thought  out  this  exploit  and  saved 
a  fortress  from  the  Assassins,  paid  with  his  life  for  the  service. 
Bedii  the  governor  of  Aleppo  became  their  victim,  as  did  also  one 
of  his  sons.  His  other  sons  cut  down  the  murderers,  but  a  third 
slayer  sprang  forward  and  gave  one  of  them,  wounded  already, 
his  death  blow.  When  seized  and  taken  to  Togteghin  the  surviving 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  217 


Assassin  was  punished  with  simple  imprisonment,  for  Togteghin 
did  not  dare  to  mete  out  justice. 

A  few  years  later  Nur  ed  din,  the  famous  Prince  of  Damascus, 
received  from  the  Assassins  a  command  to  surrender  the  castle 
of  Beitlala.  He  yielded  apparently  and  then  roused  up  the  people 
in  secret  to  prevent  the  Order  from  gaining  the  fortress.  They 
did  this  by  destroying  it  hastily.  So  greatly  did  the  princes  fear 
the  Assassins  that  they  dared  not  refuse  to  obey  their  commands ; 
they  would  promise  obedience,  and  then  rouse  the  people  to  pull 
down  their  own  strongholds. 

Governors  of  provinces  both  in  Persia  and  Syria  were  the  chief 
agents  in  keeping  peace  and  good  order,  hence  were  opposed  to 
the  Assassins,  and  were  exposed  to  their  daggers  more  than  all 
other  men. 

In  Persia  as  in  Syria  the  Assassins  murdered  many  of  the  most 
distinguished  men,  men  whom  the  Order  feared  or  whom  they 
removed  to  win  favor  or  money.  Sindjar,  Sultan  of  the  Seljuks, 
sent  troops  to  retake  Kuhistan  castles  which  the  Ismailians  had 
seized.  Hassan  Sabah  sought  peace  more  than  once  with  this 
Sultan  through  envoys.  When  all  efforts  proved  futile,  he  won 
over  officers  of  Sindjar 's  own  household  who  spoke  in  his  favor, 
and  even  prevailed  on  a  servant  of  that  prince  to  thrust  a  dagger 
into  the  floor  before  his  bedside  while  he  was  sleeping.  When 
Sindjar  woke  and  saw  the  dire  weapon  he  resolved  to  say  nothing, 
but  soon  he  received  from  Hassan  Sabah  a  note  with  the  following 
contents :  "  Were  I  not  well  inclined  toward  Sindjar,  the  man 
who  planted  that  dagger  in  the  floor  would  have  fixed  it  in  the 
Sultan's  bosom.  Let  him  know  that  I,  from  this  rock,  guide  the 
hands  of  the  men  who  surround  him." 

This  letter  made  such  an  impression  on  Sindjar  that  he  ceased 
to  disturb  Ismailians.  His  reign  thereafter  was  the  period  of  their 
greatest  prosperity. 

Hassan  Ben  Sabah  died  thirty-four  years  after  his  entrance  into 
Alamut,  and  during  that  time  he  never  came  down  from  the  castle, 
nay  more,  he  never  left,  except  twice,  his  own  dwelling.  He  passed 
his  life  studying  and  writing  on  the  dogmas  of  his  system,  and  in 
governing  that  murderous  Commonwealth  which  began  in  his 
brain,  and  was  of  his  own  invention. 

He  showed  the  truth  of  his  doctrine  by  concise,  captious  argu- 


218 


The  Mongols 


merits.  "  As  to  the  knowledge  of  God,"  said  he,  "  one  of  two 
courses  must  be  followed :  Claim  to  know  God  by  the  sole  light 
of  reason,  or  admit  that  one  cannot  know  him  by  reason,  but  that 
men  need  instructors.  Now  he  who  rejects  the  first  statement  may 
not  reject  another  man's  reason  without  admitting  thereby  the 
necessity  of  guidance."  Hassan  combated  in  this  way  the  claims 
of  Greek  sages.  "  The  need  of  a  guide  being  admitted  we  must 
know  if  every  teacher  is  good,  or  if  we  must  have  infallible  in- 
struction. Now  he  who  maintains  that  every  teacher  is  good  may 
not  reject  his  opponent's  instructor  without  acknowledging  the 
need  of  a  teacher  deserving  the  obedience  and  confidence  of  all 
men.  It  is  shown,"  added  he,  "  that  mankind  has  need  of  a  true 
and  infallible  teacher.  This  teacher  must  be  known  so  that  men 
may  accept  his  instruction  with  safety.  He  must  have  been 
designated  and  chosen;  he  must  be  installed;  his  truth  must  be 
proven.  It  would  be  folly  to  go  on  a  journey  without  a  skilled 
guide  and  director.  This  guide  must  be  found  before  starting  on 
the  journey. 

"  Variety  of  opinion  is  a  real  proof  of  error,  accord  in  opinion 
shows  truth,  and  unity  is  the  sign  of  it.  Diversity  is  a  clear  sign  of 
error;  unity  comes  from  teaching  obedience,  diversity  from  free- 
dom of  thought ;  unity  indicates  submission  to  an  Imam,  freedom 
of  thought  goes  with  schism,  and  many  leaders." 

Apparently  austere  in  his  morals  and  respecting  the  Koran, 
Hassan  Sabah  forced  all  his  subjects  to  live  just  as  he  did.  The 
sternness  of  his  methods  may  be  known  from  these  examples. 
He  had  one  son  clubbed  to  death  for  mere  suspicion  of  being  con- 
nected with  the  slaying  of  the  Kuhistan  governor  without  orders ; 
the  other  for  wine  drinking  and  dissolute  conduct.  In  the  execu- 
tion of  his  elder  son  he  gave  to  his  subjects  an  example  of  the 
penalty  paid  for  interfering  with  the  prerogative  of  the  Grand 
Prior.  The  execution  of  the  younger  showed  them  the  result  of 
disobedience  to  principles  —  the  principles  ruling  at  Alamut. 

Just  before  his  death  in  1124  Hassan  Sabah  made  his  old  com- 
rade Kia  Busurgomid  his  successor.  Under  this  second  chief 
murder  increased  very  greatly;  not  merely  enemies  of  the  sect 
fell  now  by  the  dagger,  but  any  prince  or  man  who  had  an  enemy 
could  hire  one  of  the  Order  to  murder  him.  Rather  than  expose 
themselves  to  death,  sovereigns  and  men  of  authority  lived  in 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  219 


apparent  accord  with  the  Assassins  and  obtained  from  the  chief 
as  a  price  of  good-will  a  number  of  his  devotees  as  aids  in  carrying 
out  their  own  evil  schemes  for  aggrandizement.  Those  men  slew 
all  pointed  out  to  them,  frequently,  however,  whole  populations 
were  punished  for  these  crimes  of  their  co-religionists.  Kia 
Busurgomid  was  a  man  of  great  activity  who  followed  the  methods 
of  Hassan,  destroying  the  most  illustrious  leaders  of  the  enemy. 

Mahmud,  the  successor  of  Sindjar,  at  first  met  the  Assassins 
with  their  own  tactics  of  murder  and  deceit ;  but,  for  an  unknown 
reason,  after  being  in  open  war  with  Kia  Busurgomid  for  some 
time,  he  asked  that  an  envoy  be  sent  to  discuss  terms  of  peace. 
The  envoy  from  the  Assassins  was  received  courteously  by  the 
Sultan,  but  upon  leaving  the  presence  of  Mahmud  he  was  seized 
and  murdered  by  the  enraged  populace.  The  Sultan  sent  an  en- 
voy to  Alamut  immediately  to  assure  Kia  Busurgomid  that  this 
unfortunate  incident  was  due  wholly  to  the  hostility  of  the  citizens, 
and  that  he  himself  was  in  no  way  to  blame. 

Kia  Busurgomid  replied  that  he  had  believed  in  the  assurances  of 
safety  which  the  Sultan  had  given.  If  the  Sultan  would  deliver  the 
murderers  of  the  man  to  the  Assassins  there  would  be  no  difficulty,, 
otherwise  he  would  take  revenge  for  the  death  of  his  envoy.  Mah- 
mud fearing  the  rage  of  the  people  gave  no  reply,  and  was  shortly 
after  attacked  by  a  large  number  of  Assassins  who  killed  four 
hundred  men  and  carried  off  many  horses  and  camels. 

In  1129  the  Sultan  got  possession  of  the  Alamut  fortress,  but 
was  soon  forced  to  relinquish  it.  Not  long  after  Mahmud  died, 
probably  by  poison  administered  by  a  member  of  the  Order. 

In  Risvan's  time,  as  already  stated,  the  Assassins  enjoyed  im- 
mense influence  at  Aleppo,  but  under  his  son  they  were  hunted 
down  and  slaughtered.  A  somewhat  similar  fate  struck  them  in 
Damascus  where  during  Busi's  time,  Behram,  an  Assassin  from 
Astrabad,  won  over  to  his  side  the  vizir  who  gave  him  in  1128  the 
castle  of  Banias,  which  immediately  became  the  center  of  influence 
in  Syria,  and  so  remained  until  twelve  years  later  when  the  Assassins 
made  Massiat  their  capital.  On  gaining  a  firm  foothold  in  Syria 
by  possession  of  Banias,  the  Assassins  flocked  to  their  new  capital 
from  all  sides .  No  prince  now  had  courage  to  give  any  man 
protection  against  them.  But  the  career  of  Behram  the  shrewd 
Assassin  was  of  short  duration. 


220 


The  Mongols 


Dohak,  the  chief  man  in  Taim,  a  part  of  the  district  of  Baalbek, 
determined  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother  who  had  been  mur- 
dered at  command  of  Behram,  hence  he  summoned  the  warriors 
of  Taim  with  assistance  from  Damascus  and  places  around  it. 
Behram  planned  to  surprise  Dohak  and  his  army  and  crush 
them,  but  he  fell  into  their  power  unwarily,  and  they  killed  him. 
His  head  and  hands  were  taken  to  Egypt,  where  the  Kalif  had 
them  borne  in  triumph  to  Cairo,  and  gave  a  rich  gold  embroidered 
robe  to  the  man  who  brought  them.  Those  Assassins  who  escaped 
fled  from  Taim  to  Banias,  where  before  the  expedition  Behram 
had  given  chief  command  to  Ismail,  an  Assassin  from  Persia. 

Tahir,  the  vizir,  was  as  ready  to  negotiate  with  Ismail  as  he  had 
Been  with  Behram.  Ismail  had  as  aid  Abul  Wefa,  a  man  without 
faith  or  principle,  but  adroit  and  successful.  The  Crusaders,  whose 
power  was  then  rising  in  Syria,  seemed  to  Abul  Wefa  the  best  allies 
possible  for  Assassins.  Enemies  of  Mohammedanism,  they  were 
friends  to  its  opponents.  Attacked  from  without  by  Crusaders  and 
corrupted  from  within  by  Ismailian  teachings,  Abbasid  Mo- 
hammedanism seemed  nearing  its  downfall.  Abul  Wefa  now 
made  a  treaty  with  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  through  which  he 
engaged  to  give  him  Damascus  on  a  certain  Friday.  While  Busi, 
the  Emir,  and  his  great  men,  were  assembled  in  the  mosque  at 
devotion  all  approaches  were  to  be  opened  to  the  king  and  his  forces. 
In  return  for  this  service  the  king  was  to  give  Abul  Wefa  the  city 
of  Tyre  on  the  seacoast.  The  Templars'  earliest  Grand  Master, 
Hugo  De  Payens,  appears  as  main  agent,  it  is  stated,  in  urging 
the  king  to  this  arrangement. 

During  a  decade  of  years  after  its  organization,  the  Order  of 
Templars  remained  in  obscurity,  observing  vows  of  poverty, 
chastity,  and  obedience,  and  performing  the  labor  of  protecting  all 
pilgrims.  It  was,  however,  merely  a  private  society  at  that  time 
without  distinguishing  habit  or  statutes.  Rules  given  by  St. 
Bernard  and  confirmed  by  the  Pope  raised  it  to  be  a  great  Order 
created  to  defend  the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  pilgrims. 

During  this  year,  1129,  Hugo  arrived  in  Jerusalem  with  a 
numerous  escort  of  pilgrims  and  knights,  who  through  his  in- 
fluence had  taken  the  cross  and  raised  arms  in  defence  of  Christ's 
sepulchre. 

The  winning  of  Damascus  was  now  decided  upon,  but  mar- 


The  Assassin  Commonwealth  221 


velous  events  happened  meanwhile  to  prevent  the  carrying  out 
of  this  plan.  Tahir  Ben  Saad,  the  vizir,  who,  as  we  have  seen, 
exercised  supreme  power  at  direction  of  Tajul  Muluk  Busi,  Prince 
of  Damascus  had  arranged  with  Abul  Wefa,  the  surrender  of 
Damascus  in  secret.  Tajul  Muluk  Busi,  discovering  the  treach- 
ery of  his  vizir  and  the  plot  of  the  Assassins  to  get  possession  of 
Damascus,  had  Tahir  Ben  Saad  put  to  death  immediately,  and 
then  commanded  a  slaughter  of  all  the  Assassins  in  the  city.  It 
is  stated  that  "  six  thousand  fell  by  the  sword  which  thus  avenged 
many  victims  of  the  dagger." 

While  this  was  taking  place  a  strong  Christian  army  was  rapidly 
approaching  Damascus  to  take  possession  of  the  city.  Of  this 
army  a  large  number,  while  marching,  went  with  knights  to 
plunder  villages  and  obtain  provisions,  permitting,  as  was  cus- 
tomary, a  considerable  force  of  pilgrims  to  accompany  them. 
They  advanced  without  order  and  were  in  great  part  cut  down 
by  a  picked  corps  of  warriors  from  Damascus.  On  hearing  of 
this  disaster  the  rest  of  the  Christian  army  hurried  forward  to  at- 
tack those  men  of  Damascus.  While  they  were  thus  hastening 
dreadful  darkness  appeared  on  a  sudden,  darkness  broken  only 
by  flashes  of  lightning;  then  came  a  tempest  with  the  roar- 
ing of  thunder  and  a  downrush  of  rain  which  overspread 
everything.  When  the  roads  were  all  flooded  and  the  whole 
country  covered  with  water,  a  great  cold  set  in  quickly;  frost  of 
amazing  severity  turned  flood  and  rain  into  ice  and  snowflakes. 
When  light  came  again  it  disclosed  winter  scenery.  The  disaster, 
storm,  change  and  frost  were  considered  by  the  Christians  as 
manifestations  of  Heaven's  terrible  anger  because  of  their  great 
sin  in  making  a  compact  with  murderers 

The  only  advantage  obtained  from  this  league  with  criminals 
was  the  restoration  of  the  castle  of  Banias.  Ismail  remembering 
the  fate  of  Damascus  Assassins  restored  Banias,  but  three  years 
later,  in  1132,  he  retook  it,  and  the  Christians  in  the  end  gained 
nothing  whatever. 


CHAPTER  XII 


HTTLAGU  DESTROYS  THE  ASSASSIN  COMMONWEALTH 

THE  valiant  and  powerful  Prince  of  Mosul,  Aksonkor  Burshi, 
was  one  of  the  first  victims  of  the  second  Grand  Prior. 
He  was  just  and  daring,  a  man  greatly  feared  not  only  by  the 
Assassins  but  also  by  the  Crusaders  with  whom  he  had  recently 
fought  a  battle*  Shortly  after  his  return  from  this  encounter  he 
was  attacked  by  eight  Assassins  who,  disguised  as  dervishes,  fell 
upon  him  in  the  chief  mosque  of  Mosul  while  he  was  taking  his 
place  on  the  throne.  Protected  by  armor  he  defended  himself 
with  immense  courage.  Three  of  the  Assassins  he  killed,  but 
before  his  assistants  could  come  to  his  aid  he  received  a  wound 
which  soon  proved  fatal.  All  the  other  Assassins  were  slain 
save  one  who  fled  and  escaped  from  the  wrath  of  the  peoplee 
When  the  mother  of  this  man  learned  of  Aksonkor's  death  she 
adorned  herself  immediately  through  pride  in  the  success  of  the 
onset  for  which,  as  she  supposed,  her  son  had  given  his  life.  But 
when  he  came  home  uninjured  she  cut  off  her  hair  and  blackened 
her  face  in  deep  sorrow,  since  he  had  not  died  with  his  comrades 
in  honor  —  such  was  her  view  of  honor. 

Busi  the  Prince  of  Damascus  was  marked  for  destruction.  Tahir 
the  friend  of  the  Assassins  had  been  executed  and  six  thousand  of  the 
Order  had  been  massacred  in  1129  at  that  prince's  command ;  there- 
fore there  was  no  escape  for  Busi.  Within  two  years  of  that  massacre 
he  was  attacked  by  a  band  of  Assassins  and  escaped  with  difficulty ; 
the  year  following,  however,  brought  death  to  him  from  the  effects 
of  wounds  received  in  that  encounter. 

The  vengeance  of  the  Assassins  continued  for  years ;  it  waited 
for  time,  opportunity,  and  place,  nay  more,  it  passed  from  one 
generation  to  another.  They  never  forgot  and  never  forgave. 
Shems  ul  Muluk,  son  of  Busi,  as  well  as  many  other  people  of 
renown  fell  under  the  daggers  of  the  Order.  The  mufti  of  Kasvin 
222 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  223 


and  the  mayors  of  Ispahan  and  Tebriz  were  among  those  who 
perished.  Besides  rulers  and  great  men  a  multitude  of  merchants 
and  ordinary  men  were  murdered  by  the  tools  of  Hassan  Ben 
Sabah  and  his  successors  the  so-called  apostles  of  Islam. 

But  in  spite  of  the  bitter  enmity  between  the  Abbasids  and  the 
Fatimids  and  the  fact  that  the  Assassins,  an  offshoot  of  the  Fati- 
mids,  had  worked  long  and  industriously  to  overthrow  their  op- 
ponents, the  throne  of  the  Kalif  of  Bagdad  had  not  been  stained 
with  the  blood  of  its  occupants  thus  far.  But  the  time  had  now 
come  when  the  Order  dared  to  murder  even  the  successor  of  the 
Prophet.  Through  a  strange  retribution,  however,  Kalif  Abu 
Ali  Mansur  the  tenth  of  the  Fatimid  dynasty  was  the  first  to  die 
by  the  hand  of  an  Assassin,  but  whether  this  death  was  effected 
by  the  policy  of  the  Order  or  by  private  revenge  is  unknown.  It 
was  thought  by  many  that  the  murderer  was  employed  by  the 
family  of  Efdhal,  the  grand  vizir. 

Efdhal  had  been  as  dangerous  for  the  Kalif  at  Cairo  through 
the  immense  power  which  he  wielded  in  Egypt  as  for  the  Cru- 
saders because  of  his  hatred  for  them  and  the  great  energy  with 
which  he  warred  against  them.  He  was  cut  down  by  two  men 
who  belonged  to  the  Order.  No  one  knew  who  had  employed 
those  two  persons,  whether  the  murderers  were  the  tools  of 
the  Crusaders,  or  of  the  Kalif.  At  first  suspicion  fell  on  the 
Kalif.  The  son  of  Efdhal,  Abu  Ali,  who  was  imprisoned 
immediately  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  was  set  free  after  the 
assassination  of  the  Kalif  and  given  the  office  and  titles  of  the  vizir. 
But  Assassins  soon  attacked  and  killed  Abu  Ali.  It  may  be  that  all 
three  murders  were  caused  by  the  machinations  of  unknown 
enemies. 

Egypt  from  this  time  on  presents  scenes  of  turmoil  and  disorder 
produced  by  great  struggles  between  partisans  of  the  Kalifs  of 
Bagdad  and  Cairo,  or  in  other  words  between  the  Abbasids  and 
the  Fatimids. 

Mostershed  the  twenty-ninth  Abbasid  Kalif  held  power  from 
1118  to  1135,  but  his  power  was  limited  and  his  throne  most  in- 
secure. When  they  made  themselves  guardians  of  the  Kalifs  at 
Bagdad  the  Seljuk  Sultans  took  from  them  all  marks  of  temporal 
power  except  the  Friday  prayers  from  the  pulpit,  and  the  coinage 
of  money.    When  Massud  became  Sultan  he  immediately  took 


224 


The  Mongols 


this  last  evidence  of  authority  from  the  Kalif  and  appointed  Friday 
prayers  in  his  own  name.  This  encroachment  was  tolerated  by 
Mostershed  but  he  did  not  accept  it.  Some  time  later  a  number 
of  officers  with  the  men  under  them  left  Massud  and  joined  the 
Kalif's  army.  These  officers  assured  the  Kalif  that  it  would  not 
be  difficult  to  conquer  Massud.  Deceived  by  their  statements 
Mostershed  marched  against  the  Sultan,  but,  deserted  by  his 
warriors  in  the  first  onset,  he  was  captured  by  Massud  and 
taken  to  Meragha.  He  was  freed  however  on  his  promise  to  re- 
main thereafter  in  Bagdad  and  pay  a  yearly  tribute  to  the  Sultan. 

The  Ismailians  had  hoped  that  this  war  would  end  the  Abbasids ; 
hence  they  were  bitterly  disappointed,  and  determined  to  take  the 
work  into  their  own  hands  at  once  and  at  all  costs.  When  Massud 
left  Mostershed  in  his  camp  near  Meragha,  the  Assassins  cut 
down  the  Kalif  and  his  attendants.  Then  not  satisfied  with  the 
murder,  they  mutilated  the  corpses  by  cutting  off  their  ears  and 
noses. 

People  had  scarcely  recovered  from  the  terror  caused  by  this 
slaughter  of  Mostershed  when  they  learned  that  his  successor 
Rashid  had  been  killed.  The  Assassins  had  thought  that  by  the 
murder  of  Mostershed  they  would  bring  about  the  ruin  of  the 
Kalif  at.  But  hope  deceived  them.  Rashid  on  taking  the  throne 
planned  his  own  policy  and  determined  to  begin  his  rule  by  aveng- 
ing the  death  of  his  father.  He  went  first,  however,  on  a  journey 
to  Ispahan,  intending  when  he  returned  to  deal  with  the  Assassins,, 
The  Order  ever  alert  and  watchful  discovered  his  purpose.  Four 
active  adherents  followed  Rashid,  and  at  last  when  the  chance  came 
they  stole  into  his  tent  and  stabbed  him.  He  was  buried  in  Ispahan, 
and  the  warriors  whom  he  had  assembled  to  march  against 
the  Order  scattered  at  once. 

When  news  of  the  Kalif's  death  came  to  the  Grand  Prior  there 
was  great  joy  in  Alamut,  For  seven  days  and  nights  kettledrums 
sounded  to  announce  the  happy  event  to  that  whole  mountain 
region.  This  murder  brought  alarm  and  terror  to  the  Abbasid 
world.  It  is  said  that  after  the  death  of  Rashid  Abbasid  Kalif s 
very  rarely,  if  ever,  showed  themselves  in  public.  Agents  of  the 
Order  now  went  in  crowds  through  Asia.  Fortresses  already 
held  by  them  were  strengthened  while  new  ones  were  built  or  else 
purchased.   In  Syria  they  obtained  Kadmos  in  1134,  Kahaf  four 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  225 

years  later,  and  Massiat  in  1140.  The  first  and  the  second  they 
bought,  the  third  they  took  by  the  strong  hand,  with  violence, 
and  made  it  the  center  of  their  activity  in  Syria, 

Kei  Busurgomid  had  ruled  the  Assassin  kingdom  for  fourteen 
years  when,  realizing  that  his  last  hour  was  near,  he  made  his 
eldest  son,  Kia  Mohammed,  Grand  Prior.  The  ruler  at  Alamut 
while  increasing  the  power  of  the  Order  and  extending  its  influence 
in  every  direction  did  not  call  himself  sovereign  or  claim  sovereign 
power.  He  ruled  in  the  name  of  an  invisible  Imam  of  whom  he 
called  himself  an  apostle,  an  Imam  who  was  to  appear  in  the 
future  and  establish  his  rule  over  mankind.  The  real  tenets  of  the 
Order  were  known  only  to  the  Grand  Prior  and  to  his  chosen  and 
tested  associates  who  were  bound  to  secrecy  by  the  most  dreadful 
oaths.  The  vast  majority  of  people  who  were  under  the  control 
of  the  chief  of  Alamut  thought  themselves  devout  followers  of 
Mohammed  the  Prophet  whose  teachings  they  observed  with  the 
utmost  fidelity.  They  looked  upon  the  Grand  Prior  as  an  apostle 
whose  wisdom  was  beyond  question  and  obeyed  his  commands 
with  willingness  and  the  most  implicit  confidence.  Those  of  his 
his  disciples  whom  he  employed  as  tools  to  carry  out  political 
schemes  or  private  revenge  requiring  the  removal  of  men  by  the 
use  of  the  dagger  thought  they  were  working  for  a  holy  cause  and 
removing  enemies  of  their  faith  and  their  country.  As  the 
books  and  manuscripts  of  Hassan  Ben  Sabah  and  of  those 
Alamut  chiefs  who  succeeded  him  were  destroyed  at  the  coming  of 
the  Mongols  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  at  this  time  much  information 
regarding  the  internal  government  of  the  Assassin  kingdom  * 
Their  real  doctrine  was  carefully  concealed  and  its  supporters 
appeared  only  as  upholders  of  Islam.  This  is  shown  by  answers 
given  the  Sultan  Sindjar  who  sent  an  envoy  to  Alamut  to  gain 
information  concerning  the  doctrine  of  the  Order. 

"  The  Ismailian  doctrine  is  as  follows,"  replied  the  Prior. 
"  We  believe  in  one  God  and  recognize  that  alone  as  true  wisdom 
which  accords  with  His  holy  word  and  the  commands  of  His 
Prophet,  Mohammed.  We  obey  these  as  given  in  the  sacred 
Koran ;  we  believe  in  all  that  the  Prophet  taught  touching  creation 
and  the  last  day,  rewards,  punishments,  the  judgment  and  the 
resurrection.  To  believe  thus  is  needful  for  salvation,  and  no  man 
may  give  an  opinion  on  God's  commands,  or  alter  one  letter  in 


226 


The  Mongols 


them.  These  are  the  rules  on  which  rests  our  religion,  and  if 
they  please  not  the  Sultan  let  him  send  a  theologian  to  talk  with 
us." 

In  1138  began  the  rule  of  Kia  Mohammed,  a  man  not  only 
lacking  in  wit  and  ability  but  wholly  untrained  in  the  art  of  govern- 
ing. The  power  of  the  Order  had  now  reached  its  height.  Its 
authority  and  influence  were  apparent  in  many  countries  of  Asia. 
There  was  need  of  a  strong  man  at  Alamut.  Nearly  fifty  years 
had  passed  since  Hassan  Ben  Sabah  began  his  career  of  murder; 
years  during  which  all  the  teachings  of  Islam  were  observed  with  the 
greatest  strictness  by  the  common  people  who  believed  in  their  rulers 
and  yielded  ready  obedience.  But  Kai  Mohammed  did  not  win 
the  confidence  of  his  sub jects ;  they  greatly  disliked  him.  Hassan, 
his  son,  was  a  man  of  unlimited  ambition,  and  early  in  life  gained 
the  love  of  the  people  and  the  reputation  of  having  keen  insight  and 
much  learning,  a  reputation  which  he  used  for  the  attainment  of 
his  own  objects  and  not  for  the  advancement  of  the  Order.  He 
knew  and  did  not  contradict  the  report  which  his  partisans  spread 
very  carefully  that  he  was  the  Imam  whom  Hassan  Ben  Sabah 
had  promised.  But  the  Prior  of  Alamut  heard  of  his  son's 
action ;  of  the  opinions  of  the  people  and  the  report  that  Hassan 
was  the  long  looked  for  Imam,  and  he  declared  his  displeasure  at 
once.  "  Hassan  is  my  son,"  said  he.  "  I  am  not  the  Imam  but  one 
of  his  precursors;  whoever  thinks  differently  is  an  infidel !  "  and 
he  ordered  the  immediate  execution  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  of 
Hassan's  associates  and  partisans;  others  were  banished.  Hassan 
through  fear  for  his  own  safety  wrote  against  his  adherents  and 
supported  his  father.  He  avoided  punishment  thus  by  removing 
suspicion.  Since  he  drank  wine  in  secret,  however,  and  practised 
many  things  which  were  forbidden,  his  adherents  thought  him  surely 
the  promised  Imam  whose  coming  was  to  end  prohibition  of  all 
kinds. 

But  now  appear  the  men  destined  to  destroy  the  Fatimid  dynasty 
of  Egypt,  —  Nur  ed  din  Mahmud  Ben  Amed  Es  Zenky,  son  of 
Zenky,  son  of  Ak  Sunkur,  and  Saladin,  son  of  Eyub  the  friend  of 
Zenky.  Ak  Sunkur,  a  slave  whom  Melik  Shah  made  his  court 
chamberlain  and  later  the  governor  of  the  Province  of  Aleppo,  died 
in  1094  leaving  a  son,  Zenky,  ten  years  of  age.   Not  long  after  his 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  227 


father's  death  Zenky  was  summoned  to  the  court  of  Kur  Buga 
then  Prince  of  Mosul.  He  soon  became  a  favorite  and  companion 
of  the  prince  and  accompanied  him  on  his  campaigns.  In  1122 
the  prince  gave  him  Wasit  and  Basra  in  fief.  When  in  March  of 
the  following  year  the  Arabs,  led  by  Dubeg  a  renowned  Emir  of 
the  Asad  tribe,  marched  against  Bagdad,  Mostershed  the  Kalif 
crossed  the  river  with  his  army  and  was  received  on  the  bank  by 
his  vassals  the  Prince  of  Mosul,  Zenky  of  Basra,  and  others. 
The  combined  armies  then  attacked  Hilla  the  enemy's  stronghold, 
and  though  Dubeg's  army  was  much  larger  than  that  of  the 
Kalif 's  the  Arabs  were  defeated  owing  chiefly  to  the  skilful  move- 
ments of  Zenky.  Somewhat  later  Zenky  went  to  Hamadan  to 
the  court  of  the  Seljuk  Sultan,  Mahmud,  and  soon  married  the 
widow  of  Kundughly,  the  richest  noble  of  the  court.  In  1124  he 
returned  to  Basra  and  Wasit  where  he  ruled  with  great  severity. 
In  a  battle  between  the  Sultan  and  the  Kalif,  Zenky  took  the  part 
of  the  Sultan  and  sent  him  reinforcements,  thus  obliging  the  Kalif 
to  make  peace.  When  after  this  victory  the  Sultan  took  up  his 
abode  in  Bagdad  Zenky  received  a  high  office.  In  1127  he  was 
made  governor  of  Mosul  and  Jezira  and  took  upon  himself  the 
task  of  defending  the  country  against  the  Crusaders.  Not  long 
after  this  he  became  master  of  Aleppo.  In  1131  the  Seljuk  Sultan 
died  and  there  was  a  bitter  conflict  over  the  succession.  Zenky 
now  determined  to  get  possession  of  Damascus  but  his  attempt, 
made  four  years  after  the  death  of  the  Sultan,  brought  him  no 
success.  In  1144  he  besieged  and  captured  Edessa  held  at  that 
time  by  the  Crusaders.  Two  years  after  this  great  victory  he 
died  by  the  hand  of  one  of  his  own  attendants,  leaving  a 
son,  Nur  ed  din,  to  finish  his  work  by  becoming  master  of 
Damascus. 

In  1132  when  fleeing  from  Karaja  by  whom  he  had  been  defeated 
in  battle,  Zenky  was  saved  by  Eyub  commandant  of  the  castle  of 
Tenkrit  on  the  bank  of  the  Tigris.  This  service  was  never  for- 
gotten. In  1138  on  a  night  when  Eyub,  who  had  been  driven  from 
the  castle  of  Tenkrit,  was  seeking  an  asylum  with  Zenky  at  Mosul 
a  son  was  born  to  him.  This  son  he  named  Yessuf  Salal  ed  din 
(Saladin).  A  year  later  Zenky  took  possession  of  Baalbek  and 
Eyub  was  made  governor  there.  Saladin  was  nine  years  old  when 
Zenky  was  murdered.    Zenky's  possessions  were  shared  by  his  two 


228 


The  Mongols 


sons,  Seif  ud  din  who  received  Mosul,  and  Nur  ed  din  who  ruled 
the  Syrian  province. 

Nur  ed  din  was  a  wise  and  just  ruler,  as  well  as  a  brave  and 
fearless  warrior,  and  a  resolute  defender  of  Islam.  Being  master 
of  Mosul  and  Aleppo  he  was  also  master  of  North  Syria,  but  in 
the  south  he  lacked  power  through  not  having  Damascus.  Mejr 
ed  din  Abak  the  last  of  the  Seljuks  of  Damascus  ruled  there,  or 
more  correctly,  his  vizir  ruled  at  his  commission.  After  Zenky's 
death  Damascus  sent  troops  to  retake  Baalbek.  Eyub  made 
terms  and  surrendered  the  city  receiving  in  return  ten  villages  in 
that  region.  A  few  years  later  he  became  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Damascus  army,  a  position  which  he  held  when  Nur  ed  din 
marched  against  Damascus  in  1154.  Shirkuh,  brother  of  Eyub, 
had  meanwhile  taken  service  with  Nur  ed  din.  When  the  Syrian 
army  appeared  before  the  city  Shirkuh  opened  negotiations  with 
his  brother  and  Eyub  surrendered  the  place  to  the  son  of  his  old 
friend.  Thus  Damascus  abandoned  its  hereditary  sovereign  and 
Mejr  ed  din  withdrew  from  the  city.  He  received  in  exchange 
Emesa,  then  Balis,  and  went  finally  to  Bagdad. 

An  earthquake  had  nearly  ruined  Damascus,  but  Nur  ed  din 
restored  the  city  and  made  it  his  capital.  During  his  reign  of 
twenty-eight  years  he  captured  fifty  castles  or  more  and  established 
mosques  and  schools  in  every  city  of  his  dominion.  Policy  as  well 
as  religion  caused  Nur  ed  din  to  favor  the  Abbasid  line  instead  of 
the  Fatimids  of  Cairo.  The  time  seemed  to  him  ripe  then  to  end 
Cairo  helplessness,  a  genuine  helplessness  since  civil  war  raged 
there  between  Dargham  a  commander  and  Shawer  the  vizir  who 
under  the  Kalif  were  struggling  for  mastery. 

Early  in  1163,  the  year  following  that  in  which  Nur  ed  din  had 
conquered  Haram  and  taken  possession  of  many  Syrian  fortresses, 
Shawer  who  had  been  driven  from  Cairo  came  to  Damascus  and 
promised  not  only  to  pay  the  cost  of  an  invasion  but  afterward  to 
yield  up  one  third  of  the  income  of  Egypt  if  Nur  ed  din  would 
give  him  certain  aid  against  Dargham.  Nur  ed  din  was  not 
opposed  to  obtaining  a  foothold  in  the  country,  still  he  withheld 
assistance  till  April  of  the  following  year,  when  he  sent  his  able 
and  ambitious  governor  of  Emesa,  Essed  ed  din  Shirkuh,  with  an 
army  into  Egypt.  Dargham  was  slain  and  Shawer  was  restored 
to  his  former  position.    Freed  from  his  enemy  and  safe,  as  he 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  229 


thought,  he  refused  to  fulfil  the  conditions  he  had  made.  Shirkuh 
enraged  by  his  treachery  seized  the  eastern  province,  Sherkiya, 
and  the  chief  town,  Belbeis. 

Shawer,  who  was  an  artful  unprincipled  man,  false  to  his  friends, 
to  his  warriors  and  to  his  own  interests,  then  called  in  Amalric, 
Count  of  Askalon  and  king  of  Jerusalem,  to  act  with  the  Crusaders 
against  Shirkuh.  The  friend  of  the  Egyptian  vizir  was  now  his 
foe,  and  the  Crusaders  had  become  the  ally  of  their  erstwhile 
enemy.  Between  Amalric  and  Nur  ed  din  there  was  keen  rivalry, 
for  neither  man  would  permit  the  other  to  become  master  in  Egypt. 

Shirkuh  fortified  Belbeis  and  for  three  months  resisted  all 
attacks  from  his  opponent.  Nur  ed  din  now  made  an  expedition 
to  Palestine  and  Amalric  had  need  to  hasten  home  to  protect  his 
own  kingdom.   An  armistice  was  arranged  and  both  armies  left 

Egypt. 

But  in  1167  Amalric  again  advanced  at  the  head  of  a  large  army. 
Rumors  of  this  advance  having  reached  Nur  ed  din  he  at  once  sent 
Shirkuh  to  Egypt  with  a  force  of  two  thousand  horsemen.  He  had 
barely  crossed  the  Nile  when  Amalric  appeared  on  the  opposite 
bank.  Shirkuh  halted  at  Giza,  and  Amalric  took  up  his  position 
at  Fustat.  Shawer  allied  himself  with  Amalric,  who  dictated  his 
own  terms  and  insisted  that  the  Kalif  should  ratify  the  treaty. 

Shirkuh,  alarmed  by  the  strength  of  the  combined  armies, 
retreated  to  Upper  Egypt.  Pursued  by  his  opponent,  he  turned 
and  gave  battle,  April  18,  1167,  at  a  place  a  few  miles  south  of 
Minya.  The  Egyptians  were  defeated,  but  Shirkuh,  not  having 
troops  sufficient  for  a  march  on  Cairo,  withdrew  to  Alexandria, 
where  he  left  Saladin  in  command  with  one-half  of  the  army,  and 
moved  toward  the  South  to  collect  contributions.  Alexandria  was 
soon  besieged  and  blockaded.  Provisions  were  lacking  in  the  city 
and  there  was  talk  of  surrender  when  news  came  that  Shirkuh  was 
advancing  rapidly  to  their  relief.  He  halted  before  Cairo  and 
invested  that  city.  Amalric  then  raised  the  siege  of  Alexandria 
and  a  peace  was  made  by  which  Shirkuh  and  the  king  promised 
to  withdraw  their  troops  from  Egypt.  It  is  stated  that  Shirkuh 
received  fifty  thousand  ducats,  and  the  king  twice  that  amount 
from  the  revenues  of  Egypt.  There  remained  at  Cairo,  moreover, 
a  general  of  Crusaders  with  a  large  number  of  men  as  a  guard 
against  Nur  ed  din. 


230  The  Mongols 

But  peace  was  of  short  duration ;  the  advantage  which  came  to 
the  King  of  Jerusalem  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  induced  him  to 
violate  his  promise  in  the  hope  of  eventually  getting  control  of 
the  country.  Incited  by  the  Hospitalers,  whose  chief  wished  to 
keep  his  Order  in  Belbeis  which  he  had  charged  with  a  debt  of 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  ducats,  Amalric  advanced 
early  in  the  winter  of  1168  but  this  time  he  entered  Egypt  as  an 
enemy. 

He  arrived  at  Belbeis  in  November,  captured  that  city  and 
slaughtered  its  inhabitants.  He  then  besieged  Cairo.  A  wall  at 
which  women  and  children  were  toiling  both  by  day  and  by  night 
had  been  raised  around  the  city.  November  12th  Fustat  the  most 
ancient  part,  called  usually  Old  Cairo,  was  by  command  of  Shawer 
set  on  fire  to  hamper  the  enemy,  and  it  continued  to  burn  for 
fifty-four  days  and  nights.  Adhad,  the  Kalif,  despatched  courier 
after  courier  with  letters  to  Syria  imploring  Nur  ed  din  to  help  him, 
and  to  picture  the  greatness  of  his  need  he  inclosed  locks  of  hair 
from  the  heads  of  his  wives,  as  if  saying:  "  The  enemy  are  drag- 
ging our  women  by  the  hair.    Come  and  rescue !  " 

Nur  ed  din  was  in  Aleppo  and  Shirkuh  at  Emesa.  Nur  ed  din, 
however,  at  no  time  indifferent  to  the  importance  of  gaining  in- 
fluence and  power,  gave  two  hundred  thousand  gold  ducats  to 
Shirkuh  and  sent  him  to  Egypt  immediately  (December,  1168). 
Six  thousand  chosen  Syrians  marched  with  him  and  two  thousand 
picked  Turkman  warriors  from  Damascus.  Saladin,  urged  by 
his  uncle,  accompanied  the  expedition. 

Meanwhile  Shawer  and  Amalric  were  negotiating  —  the  former 
to  liberate,  the  latter  to  win  Cairo.  Shawer  promised  a  million  of 
ducats  in  the  name  of  the  Kalif,  and  the  King  of  Jerusalem  was 
glad  to  receive  fifty  thousand  in  ready  money.  The  Crusaders 
withdrew  when  the  Syrians  under  Shirkuh  appeared  before  Cairo 
in  January,  1169.  The  Kalif  went  to  the  camp  on  a  visit  im- 
mediately, and  complained  very  bitterly  of  Shawer  who  had 
brought  the  Crusaders  into  Egypt,  burned  Fustat,  and  ruined  the 
country.  He  begged  Shirkuh  to  obtain  for  him  the  head  of  the  vizir, 
he  himself  being  unable  to  get  it. 

Shawer  felt  now  his  own  danger,  and,  while  feigning  friendship 
for  the  Syrians,  resolved  to  destroy,  under  cover  of  a  banquet, 
both  Shirkuh,  and  Saladin,  his  nephew,  with  the  princes  of  their 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  231 


suite.  The  plot  became  known  in  good  season,  however,  and 
when  Shawer  was  approaching  on  a  visit  to  Shirkuh,  he  was 
seized  and  killed,  and  his  head  was  sent  to  the  Kalif . 

Shirkuh  took  Shawer's  place  as  vizir  and  the  Kalif  gave  him  the 
title  of  Al  Melik  Al  Mansur  (The  Victorious  King). 

Shirkuh  died  two  months  later,  March  26,  and  his  nephew 
Yussuf  Salah  ed  din,  now  thirty-one  years  of  age,  was  invested 
with  the  same  dignities  of  office  and  received  the  same  title. 

Saladin  was  now  the  vizir  of  the  Kalif,  and  Nur  ed  din's  com- 
mander, thus  his  position  was  peculiar;  he  was  the  vizir  of  a 
Shiite  Kalif  and  the  commander  of  a  Sunnite  king.  He  therefore 
caused  the  name  of  Nur  ed  din  to  be  mentioned  in  public  prayers 
every  Friday  after  that  of  the  Kalif, 

Nur  ed  din  thought  that  the  time  had  come  to  abolish  the  Fati- 
mid  Kalif  at,  but  Saladin  delayed  since  the  people  clung  to  Adhad, 
the  last  representative  of  the  dynasty.  Adhad  fell  ill,  however, 
and  died  opportunely.  Saladin  transferred  the  prerogative  of 
prayer  then  from  the  Fatimid  line  to  that  of  the  Abbasid  September 
10,  1171.  In  this  way  Saladin  delivered  the  blow  which  destroyed 
the  main  branch  of  the  Western  Ismailites.  The  Abbasid  Kalifat 
now  prevailed  over  that  of  the  family  of  Ali  for  which  the  Ismailites 
had  taught  and  conspired  and  in  whose  name  they  had  deceived 
the  people  for  nearly  three  centuries. 

This  was  an  event  of  vast  importance  in  the  history  of  the  East, 
as  well  as  in  that  of  the  Assassin  Order  before  whom  Saladin,  now 
a  famous  warrior  and  an  ardent  champion  of  the  Abbasids,  stood 
forth  as  a  powerful  and  dangerous  enemy. 

Eight  years  before  the  fall  of  the  Fatimid  dynasty  Mohammed 
the  Grand  Prior  of  the  Assassins  died,  and  Hassan  II  assumed 
power.  As  we  have  seen,  Hassan  began  his  career  during  his 
father's  life,  by  winning  partisans  and  spreading  the  belief  that  he 
was  the  promised  Imam.  In  his  youth  he  had  spent  many  years 
in  acquiring  a  thorough  knowledge  of  philosophy  and  history, 
and  in  receiving  instruction  regarding  the  mysteries  of  the  Order. 
Unprincipled  and  profligate  he  now  determined  not  only  to  indulge 
without  limit  in  every  vice  but  to  favor  a  like  indulgence  in  others. 
To  cast  aside  all  concealment  and  give  the  secrets  of  the  Ismailians 
to  the  world.  To  announce  the  same  license  to  the  leaders  of  the 
Order  and  favor  impunity  of  vice  not  merely  by  example  but  by 


232 


The  Mongols 


preaching  from  the  pulpit  that  crime  is  permissible  and  innocent. 
In  Ramadan  of  the  559th  year  of  the  Hegira — 1163  —  the  in- 
habitants of  Rudbar  were  assembled  at  Alamut  by  his  com- 
mand. A  pulpit  was  placed  at  the  foot  of  the  castle  and  looking 
toward  Mecca  to  which  all  professors  of  Islam  turn  when  praying. 

Hassan  ascended  the  pulpit  and  made  known  to  his  hearers  the 
maxims  of  a  renewed  and  strengthened  religion.  He  announced 
to  them  that  they  were  freed  from  all  obligations  of  the  law,  for 
they  had  come  to  an  era  in  which  they  were  to  know  God  by 
intuition ;  they  were  released  from  the  burden  of  every  command 
and  brought  to  the  day  of  Resurrection,  that  is  to  the  manifestation 
of  the  Imam  before  whom  they  were  now  standing.  They  were 
no  longer  to  pray  five  times  each  day,  or  observe  other  rites  of 
religion.  Then,  after  he  had  explained  that  an  allegorical  sense 
should  be  given  to  the  dogmas  of  Resurrection,  Hellj  and  Paradise, 
he  descended  from  the  pulpit  and  the  people  held  a  great  banquet, 
yielding  themselves  to  pleasures  of  all  kinds,  to  dancing,  to  music, 
to  wine  and  to  sport  in  celebration  of  the  day  of  Resurrection, 
the  day  when  the  Imam  was  made  manifest. 

From  that  hour  when  all  things  were  lawful  according  to  Hassan 
the  name  Molahids,  or  the  Lost  Ones,  which  previously  had  been 
given  to  the  Karmathites  and  other  great  criminal  disturbers,  was 
given  not  only  to  the  disciples  of  Hassan  but  to  all  the  Ismailians. 
Through  their  Grand  Prior  the  Order  after  concealing  its  true 
doctrine  from  mankind  for  years  had  revealed  it  on  a  sudden 
and  exposed  to  the  world  a  society  founded  on  atheism,  assassina- 
tion and  immorality.  Thenceforth  the  Order  was  doomed  to 
rapid  internal  destruction. 

The  Ismailians  had  adopted  the  view  that  the  universe  had  never 
begun  and  would  never  end.  The  end  in  their  eyes  meant  merely 
a  phase,  the  close  of  an  epoch  in  existence  which  would  be  followed 
by  another  whose  length  would  depend  upon  the  movements  and 
position  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  By  Resurrection  was  meant  the 
presence  of  men  before  God  at  the  close  of  an  epoch,  and  when  that 
term  came  every  practice  of  religion  was  included,  since  man's 
one  concern  is  the  estimate  of  his  actions. 

The  17th  Ramadan  was  celebrated  with  banquets  and  games, 
not  only  as  the  feast  of  the  manifestation,  but  as  the  true  date  of 
publishing  their  doctrine.   As  the  followers  of  Islam  reckon  their 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  233 


time  from  the  flight  of  the  Prophet,  so  did  the  Molahids  from 
the  manifestation  of  the  Imam,  the  17th  of  Ramadan  in  the  559th 
year  of  Hegira.  As  Mohammed's  name  was  never  mentioned  with- 
out adding  "  The  Blessed,"  so  after  that  day  the  words  "  Blessed 
be  his  memory  "  were  added  to  Hassan's  name.  The  Grand  Priors 
had  called  themselves  simply  missionaries  or  precursors  of  the 
Imam,  but  Hassan  insisted  that  he  was  the  Imam ;  in  him  lay  all 
power  to  remove  the  restrictions  of  the  law.  By  this  claim  he 
appeared  before  the  people  as  a  lawgiver.  In  this  spirit  he  wrote 
to  the  different  princes.  His  letter  concerning  Reis  Mossafer,  the 
Grand  Prior  of  Kuhistan,  a  namesake  of  whom  had  been  Grand 
Prior  in  Irak  under  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  was  as  follows : 

"  I,  Hassan,  declare  to  you  that  on  earth  I  am  God's  vice- 
gerent. Reis  Mossafer  is  my  vice-gerent  in  Kuhistan.  The  men 
of  that  province  will  obey  him;  they  must  listen  to  his  words  as 
to  mine." 

Reis  had  a  pulpit  erected  in  the  Mumin  Abad  castle,  his  resi- 
dence. From  the  pulpit  he  read  this  epistle  to  the  people,  most 
of  whom  listened  to  it  with  pleasure.  There  was  a  great  festival 
with  music  and  sports;  they  fell  to  dancing,  they  drank  wine  at 
the  foot  of  the  pulpit,  and  in  every  way  possible  made  known  their 
joy  at  liberation  from  the  bonds  of  the  law.  A  few  who  remained 
faithful  to  Islam  withdrew  from  the  Order;  others  who  did  not 
believe  but  could  not  decide  to  take  this  step  remained  and  shared 
the  reputation  of  the  "  Lost  Ones." 

Profligacy,  atheism,  infidelity  and  freedom  from  all  restraint 
now  ruled  supreme,  and  Hassan's  name  was  heard  from  every 
pulpit  of  the  Order  as  that  of  the  real  successor  of  the  Prophet, 
the  long  waited  for  Imam. 

But  it  was  much  easier  for  Hassan  to  make  himself  a  teacher  of 
atheism  and  immorality  than  to  assume  the  character  of  Imam, 

To  convince  the  people  that  he  was  the  Imam  Hassan  was  driven 
to  prove  himself  descended  from  the  Fatimid  Kalifs.  He  was 
declared  to  be  a  son  of  Nesar  and  a  grandson  of  the  Kalif  Mostan- 
sir  during  whose  reign  Hassan  Ben  Sabah  had  been  in  Cairo,  and 
in  the  political  disputes  of  the  day  had  taken  the  side  of  Mo- 
stansir's  elder  son  Nesar.  For  this  he  had  been  ordered  by  Bedr 
Jimali,  the  commander-in-chief,  to  leave  Egypt.  A  certain  Abul 
Hassan  Seid,  a  favorite  of  the  Kalif,  had  come  to  Alamut  a  year 


234 


The  Mongols 


after  the  death  of  Mostansir,  and  had  brought  with  him  a  son 
of  Nesar  whom  he  confided  to  Hassan  Ben  Sabah.  Hassan  treated 
the  envoy  with  great  respect  and  gave  the  young  man,  also  called 
Nesar,  a  village  near  the  castle  as  a  residence,  Nesar  married  and 
had  a  son  to  whom  the  name  "  Blessed  be  his  Memory  99  was 
given.  When  Nesar 's  wife  was  delivered  of  her  child  the  wife  of 
Mohammed,  the  Grand  Prior  of  Alamut,  also  had  a  child.  A 
nurse  carried  "  Blessed  be  his  Memory  "  into  the  castle  and 
substituted  him  for  the  son  of  Mohammed. 

This  tale  instead  of  satisfying  the  people  was  received  with 
yidicule  and  declared  to  be  untrue.  Then  as,  according  to  new 
Ismailite  teaching,  all  was  indifferent  and  nothing  forbidden,  the 
builders  of  Hassan's  genealogy  found  it  best  to  maintain  that 
Nesar  had  met  Mohammed's  wife  in  secret,  the  result  being  Has- 
san, the  Grand  Prior,  Imam,  and  Kalif,  "  Blessed  be  his  Mem- 
ory/' 

Ismailites  who  in  this  way  tried  to  prove  that  Hassan  was  a 
descendant  of  Nesar  were  called  by  their  opponents  "  the  Nesari," 
a  title  which  involved  extreme  obloquy. 

Crime  and  immorality  now  reigned  wherever  the  Order  had 
power  or  influence.  Men  who  had  hitherto  been  Assassins  through 
obedience  to  those  in  power  and  in  the  belief  that  they  were  ful- 
filling a  religious  duty  by  removing  persons  who  were  harmful  to 
Islam,  now  murdered  people  wantonly. 

Hassan  II  died  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  by  the  dagger  of 
his  brother-in-law  at  the  castle  of  Lamsir. 

Disorders  caused  through  the  revelation  by  Hassan  were  not 
stopped  by  his  murder.  Crimes  of  every  kind  increased  greatly 
during  the  reign  of  his  son  and  successor,  Mohammed  II,  whose 
first  act  was  to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  father.  Nanver,  the  late 
Prior's  brother-in-law  and  assassin,  died  by  the  axe  of  the  execu- 
tioner, and  with  him  died  all  his  kindred,  male  and  female. 

Mohammed  II  preached  and  taught  with  even  more  insistence 
than  had  Hassan,  his  father,  the  doctrine  of  license,  crime,  and 
vice,  and  like  him  claimed  to  be  the  Imam*  Deeply  read  in 
philosophy  he  thought  himself  unequalled  in  this  and  other  forms 
of  knowledge.  He  was  a  man  devoted  to  evil,  and  though  he 
reigned  for  forty-six  years  there  is  but  little  information  to  be 
obtained  regarding  the  Order  during  that  period. 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  235 


In  the  eyes  of  the  Orthodox  the  Assassins  were  a  band  of  vile 
heretics,  an  assemblage  of  outcasts ;  but  that  Order  was  still  defiant 
and  mighty.  Fakhr  ul  Islam  of  Ruyan  was  the  first  doctor  of 
the  law  to  pronounce  it  impious.  This  he  did  in  Kazvin  by  a 
fetva.  On  his  return  from  Kazvin  to  Ruyan  he  fell  by  an  Assassin. 
A  doctor  of  greater  reputation  was  treated  more  tenderly :  Fakhr 
ud  din  Rasi,  a  professor  of  theology  at  Rayi,  never  failed  in  his 
lectures  to  refute  all  their  doctrines,  adding  as  he  did  so :  "  May 
God  curse  and  destroy  them."  The  Ismailian  Prior  sent  an 
agent  to  Rayi.  This  man  appeared  as  a  student,  heard  lectures 
and  bided  his  time.  At  last,  finding  that  Fakhr  ud  din  was  alone 
in  his  cabinet,  he  walked  in,  shut  the  door,  placed  the  point  of 
a  dagger  at  the  breast  of  his  master  and  waited.  "  What  is  this  ?  " 
cried  the  latter  in  terror.  "  Why  do  you  curse  the  Ismailians  and 
their  doctrines  unceasingly  ?  "  asked  the  Assassin.  "  I  will  speak 
of  them  no  more,"  said  the  teacher,  "  I  swear  this  to  you  most 
solemnly."  "  Will  you  keep  this  oath  ?  "  After  strong  assurance 
the  agent  was  satisfied,  drew  back  his  dagger,  and  continued: 
"  I  had  no  command  to  kill  you ;  if  I  had  nothing  could  have 
turned  me  from  duty.  My  master  salutes  you  and  says  that  he 
cares  not  for  common  men's  words,  but  he  regards  your  discourses, 
since  they  will  live  in  the  memory  of  people.  He  invites  you  to 
visit  him  at  Alamut,  for  he  wishes  to  prove  his  high  esteem  to  you 
in  person." 

Fakhr  ud  din  would  not  go,  but  promised  silence.  The  agent 
then  put  down  a  purse  of  three  hundred  miskals,  and  said  *.  "  You 
will  receive  every  year  a  purse  such  as  this.  I  have  brought  you 
two  tunics  of  Yeman  besides;  they  are  now  in  my  lodgings," 
That  said  the  man  disappeared.  Some  time  after  this  a  disciple 
of  the  teacher  asked  why  he  did  not  curse  the  Ismailians.  "  How 
can  I  curse  them  ?  "  replied  Fakhr  ud  din,  "  their  arguments  are 
so  trenchant." 

In  Arslan  Kushad,  the  Ismailians  surprised  in  the  night  a  castle 
two  leagues  from  Kazvin  on  the  top  of  a  high  mountain.  The 
people  of  that  place  were  in  despair  at  having  such  neighbors, 
and  implored  various  princes  to  free  them  but  in  vain,  till  a  certain 
Sheikh,  Ali,  persuaded  the  Kwaresmian  Sultan,  Tagash,  to  assist 
him.  The  Sultan  laid  siege  to  the  castle,  took  it,  allowed  the 
Ismailians  to  withdraw,  and  placed  a  small  garrison  on  the  moun- 


236 


The  Mongols 


tain.  Barely  had  the  investing  troops  gone  when  the  Ismailians 
reentered  the  stronghold  at  night  through  an  underground  passage 
known  to  them  only  and  slew  the  whole  garrison.  The  Sheikh 
Ali  implored  Tagash  again  and  he  came  now  in  person.  The  people 
of  Kazvin  joined  his  forces  and  after  a  siege  of  two  months  the 
Ismailians  yielded  the  castle  on  condition  that  they  should  be 
allowed  to  retire  unmolested.  They  promised  to  leave  in  two 
divisions.  If  the  first  passed  in  safety  the  second  would  follow, 
if  not  it  would  keep  up  the  struggle.  The  first  party  descended, 
rendered  homage  to  the  Sultan  and  vanished.  The  besiegers 
waited  for  the  second  division,  waited  long  and  discovered  at 
last  that  the  garrison  had  gone  in  one  party.  The  castle  was  then 
razed  at  command  of  the  Sultan.  But  the  Ismailians  took  ven- 
geance on  Sheikh  Ali.  While  returning  from  a  pilgrimage  to 
Mecca  he  was  slain  by  one  of  their  Assassins  in  a  mosque  at 
Damascus. 

Syria  and  Egypt  at  this  time  demand  attention  since  it  was  there 
that  the  enemies  of  Saladin  were  acting. 

In  Cairo  was  the  Sultan's  great  palace  where  for  two  hundred 
years  the  Fatimids  had  been  collecting  the  wealth  not  only  of 
Egypt,  but  of  Syria  and  Arabia.  When  after  the  death  of  the 
Sultan,  Saladin  took  possession  of  this  palace,  he  found  there 
jewels  of  a  value  beyond  estimate.  There  were  magnificent  pearls ; 
an  emerald  "  a  span  long  and  as  thick  as  a  finger,"  there  was  fur- 
niture of  ebony  and  ivory,  there  were  coffers  inlaid  with  gold  and 
ornamented  with  precious  stones.  There  was  wealth  of  every  kind. 
There  was  also  a  splendid  library  containing,  as  some  historians 
state,  2,600,000  volumes,  others  mention  a  much  smaller  number 
but  it  was,  in  any  case,  at  that  time  the  largest  library  in  Europe. 

Some  of  those  treasures  Saladin  gave  to  the  officers  of  his  army, 
some  he  sent  to  Nur  ed  din  and  others  were  disposed  of  to  obtain 
sums  needed  for  campaigns  against  the  Crusaders  and  for  erecting 
fortifications,  mosques  and  schools. 

Though  there  was  a  strong  party  in  Cairo  hostile  to  Saladin,  a 
party  composed  of  officers  in  the  Egyptian  army,  palace  dependents 
and  even  some  of  the  Syrian  officers  who  were  embittered  by  the 
rapid  advance  of  so  young  a  man,  still  his  adherents  were  in- 
creasing. Nur  ed  din  saw  with  alarm  the  influence  and  power  of 
his  lieutenant  but  he  knew  well  that  embroiled  with  the  Crusaders 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  237 


and  the  Sultan  of  Rum  he  could  not  recall  the  master  of  Cairo. 
Hence  though  alert  and  watchful  he  remained  in  apparent  friend- 
ship, and  Saladin  was  prudent  enough  to  render  him  homage  as 
ruler  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  Meanwhile  to  secure  his  own  position 
he  gathered  his  family  around  him,  made  his  brothers,  his  nephews, 
and  his  relatives  commanders  in  the  army;  and  strengthened  the 
fortifications  of  Cairo. 

In  June,  1173,  by  the  Atabeg's  command  he  laid  siege  to  Karak, 
but  scarcely  were  his  troops  in  position  when  news  came  that  Nur 
ed  din  was  approaching  with  his  Syrian  army.  Saladin  withdrew 
hastily  and  returned  to  Cairo,  giving  his  father's  illness  as  a  reason 
for  the  withdrawal.  In  1174  he  sent  his  elder  brother,  Turan 
Shah,  with  an  army  against  Yemen,  a  place  which  he  thought 
would  be  convenient  for  defence  in  case  he  were  attacked  by  the 
Atabeg  of  Syria. 

Abdennebi,  a  follower  of  the  impious  Karmath,  was  master  of 
that  region  and  had  done  much  to  oppress  and  demoralize  his 
people.  Turan  Shah  soon  conquered  the  Yemens  and  for  more 
than  fifty  years  the  province  remained  in  the  possession  of  the 
Abbasids. 

Nur  ed  din  died  May  6,  1174,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Salih,  a  boy  eleven  years  of  age.  The  young  prince,  incapable  of 
governing,  was  under  control  of  guardians  among  whom  was 
the  eunuch  Gumushtegin,  a  man  greatly  disliked  by  the  Syrians 
of  Aleppo.  Master  of  Egypt  and  with  a  large  army  at  his  com- 
mand Saladin  could  have  seized  power  had  he  so  wished,  but  he 
remained  true  to  the  interests  of  Salih  and  at  once  ordered  that 
the  name  "  es  Salih,  son  of  Nur  ed  din  "  should  be  mentioned 
in  the  Friday  prayers  and  engraved  on  the  money. 

But  trouble  began  immediately.  The  Prince  of  Mosul  seizing 
the  opportunity  threw  off  allegiance,  and  annexed  Edessa.  The 
Crusaders  ever  anxious  to  get  possession  of  Damascus  threatened 
the  city  and  withdrew  only  when  the  governor,  Ibn  al  Mokadden, 
gave  them  a  large  sum  of  money.  In  August  Gumushtegin  took 
Salih  to  Aleppo  where  the  commander  of  the  army  assumed  the 
guardianship  of  the  young  prince.  The  people  of  Damascus 
alarmed  by  the  proximity  of  the  Crusaders,  and  in  dread  of  an 
attack  from  Aleppo,  now  begged  aid  of  the  Prince  of  Mosul.  When 
he  refused  they  turned  to  Saladin,  who  moved  by  quick  marches 


238 


The  Mongols 


across  the  desert  and  entered  the  city  on  the  27th  of  November. 
Making  his  brother  Governor  of  Damascus  he  set  out  for  Aleppo. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  that  place  he  sent  to  assure  the  prince  that 
he  was  in  Syria  to  defend  cities  threatened  by  Crusaders  and  by 
Seif  ed  din  of  Mosul.  When  the  governor  and  Gumushtegin 
closed  the  gates  and  refused  him  entrance  Saladin  laid  siege  to 
the  city,  declaring  that  he  did  so  to  rescue  his  sovereign. 

The  eunuch  now  had  recourse  to  the  Assassins.  Rashid  ed  din 
Sinan,  the  Grand  Prior  in  Syria  lived  in  those  days  at  Massiat, 
the  strongest  of  the  fortresses  belonging  to  the  Ismailians  of  that 
country. 

He  was  the  most  politic  and  learned  as  well  as  one  of  the  worst 
of  the  rulers  of  the  Assassin  Kingdom  and  was  at  this  moment 
all-powerful  in  the  mountains  of  North  Syria.  Saladin  as  a  strong 
champion  of  the  Abbasid  Kalifs  and  a  man  who  seemed  likely  to 
become  sovereign  was  the  natural  enemy  of  the  Order,  hence 
Sinan  was  willing  to  assist  Gumushtegin  especially  as  his  request 
that  Saladin  should  die  at  the  earliest  was  accompanied  by  a  large 
sum  of  money.  Three  Assassins  were  sent  at  once  who  although 
they  reached  Saladin 's  tent  and  even  his  presence  failed  of  their 
purpose  and  were  cut  down  by  his  attendants. 

At  this  critical  moment  the  Christians  made  an  attack  upon 
Emesa  where  a  part  of  the  Egyptian  troops  were  stationed.  Saladin 
was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Aleppo  and  march  to  Emesa 
where  he  soon  had  possession  both  of  the  town  and  the  citadel.  A 
few  days  later  he  occupied  Baalbek. 

The  Prince  of  Mosul  and  his  brother  alarmed  by  the  success  of 
Saladin  now  joined  their  forces  to  those  of  Aleppo  and  advanced 
against  him.  The  armies  met  April  13,  1175,  near  Hamath.  The 
troops  of  Aleppo  and  Monsul  were  routed  most  thoroughly  and 
pursued  even  to  the  gates  of  Aleppo. 

Saladin,  now  the  greatest  power  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  waited  no 
longer;  he  at  once  proclaimed  himself  King  and  named  the 
dynasty  which  he  founded  "  The  Eyubite  dynasty  "  in  honor  of 
his  father.  Twelve  months  later  the  Prince  of  Mosul,  who  had 
brought  together  a  numerous  army,  met  Saladin  near  Aleppo 
where  a  fierce  battle  was  fought  April  22,  1176.  Seif  ed  din  was 
defeated  and  lost  his  camp  and  his  army. 

Very  soon  after  this  victory  Saladin  took  three  important  for- 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  239 


tresses :  Bosaa,  Manbidj,  and  Azaz,  the  latter  only  after  a  siege 
lasting  nearly  a  month.  During  this  siege  the  king  was  again 
attacked  by  Assassins ;  the  first  struck  at  his  head  with  a  knife 
but  Saladin  seized  the  man's  hand  and  an  attendant  rushed  for- 
ward and  killed  him.  A  second  and  even  a  third  murderer  sprang 
forth  but  met  with  no  better  success. 

Saladin,  greatly  alarmed  by  these  repeated  attacks,  determined 
to  destroy  the  Assassins,  or  at  least  drive  them  out  of  Syria.  In 
1177,  after  peace  was  established  with  Mosul  and  Aleppo,  he 
advanced  with  a  large  force  and  blockaded  Massiat  which  was 
built  on  an  almost  inaccessible  peak  commanding  a  deep  ravine. 
Moslem  historians  assure  us  that  he  would  have  captured  this  all- 
important  fortress  and  thus  ended  the  Order  in  Syria  had  not  his 
uncle,  Shihab  ed  din,  Lord  of  Hamath,  begged  him  to  make 
peace  on  the  assurance  of  Sinan  that  the  king  would  thereafter 
be  protected  from  Assassins.  Other  historians  assert  that  he  was 
terrified  by  the  threats  of  Sinan  and  relate  how  on  a  night  Saladin 
awoke  and  found  by  his  bed  some  hot  scones  of  a  size  and  shape 
peculiar  to  the  Assassins.  Near  them,  pinned  down  by  a  dagger, 
was  a  paper  containing  a  threat  and  a  warning.  Whatever 
the  cause  may  have  been  Saladin  withdrew  to  Damascus  without 
capturing  the  Assassin  stronghold.  Then  leaving  Turan  Shah  in 
command  of  Syria  he  returned  to  Cairo  after  an  absence  of  two 
years. 

Thereafter  Saladin  campaigned  both  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  took 
possession  of  the  principal  cities  held  by  the  Crusaders,  and  won 
the  Holy  Land  for  Mohammedans,  but  was  never  again  attacked 
by  Assassins. 

Mohammed  II  died  at  Alamut  in  1213  from  poison,  as  is  stated, 
leaving  a  son,  Jelal  ud  din  Hassan,  who  was  twenty-five  years  of  age 
at  that  time.  From  boyhood  he  had  been  opposed  to  the  practices 
of  the  Assassins.  As  years  passed  this  opposition  became  so  intense 
that  father  and  son  feared  each  other  and  when  Mohammed  died 
suddenly  suspicion  rested  on  Jelal.  As  soon  as  the  new  Grand 
Prior  assumed  command  he  announced  his  return  to  the  true 
tenets  of  Islam,  and  gave  notice  to  the  Kalif  at  Bagdad,  the 
Kwaresmian  Shah  and  the  Governor  of  Irak  of  this  change  in  the 
teachings  at  Alamut,  undertaking  at  the  same  time  to  bring  all 


240 


The  Mongols 


Ismailians  to  follow  his  example.  Belief  seems  to  have  been  given 
to  these  assurances,  for  when  his  wife  and  mother  went  on  a  pil- 
grimage to  Mecca  they  were  received  with  distinction  at  Bagdad 
and  the  party  of  pilgrims  who  marched  under  the  banner  of  the 
Alamut  ruler  preceded  all  others.  He  lived  only  twelve  years  after 
coming  to  the  throne  but  during  those  years  he  built  mosques, 
established  schools  and  called  in  learned  men  to  teach  his  people  the 
true  faith.  Some  historians  consider  Jelal  ud  din  a  shrewd  politician 
rather  than  a  reformer  and  assert  that  he  remained  an  apostle  of 
atheism.  Be  this  as  it  may  he  did  for  a  short  time  suppress  assas- 
sination but  it  reinstated  itself  quickly  when  poison  removed 
him  and  his  son,  Alai  ed  din  Mohammed,  a  boy  nine  years  of  age, 
reached  the  throne.  During  Alai  ed  din's  reign  women  of  the 
harem  ruled  at  Alamut.  Every  law  established  by  Jelal  ud  din,  his 
father,  was  abolished  and  atheism  and  the  dagger  held  sway  as  in  the 
days  of  Hassan  Ben  Sabah.  When  nearing  manhood  Alai  ed  din 
showed  symptoms  of  mental  disorder  but  no  man  had  the  courage 
to  say  that  the  chief  was  in  need  of  assistance.  Had  a  physician 
dared  to  tell  the  truth  on  that  subject  he  would  have  been  torn 
limb  from  limb  by  the  rabble  at  Alamut.  As  his  illness  increased 
his  conduct  became  almost  beyond  sufferance,  though  his  associates 
declared  that  what  he  said  and  did  was  divine  in  its  origin.  When 
Alai  ed  din  was  eighteen  years  of  age  a  son  was  born  to  him. 
This  son  he  named  Rokn  ud  din  Kurshah  and  made  him  his 
successor. 

From  childhood  the  Ismailians  looked  upon  Rokn  ud  din  as 
their  future  Grand  Prior  and  showed  him  honor  equal  to  that 
given  his  father.  This  roused  anger  in  Alai  ed  din  and  he  re- 
solved to  depose  his  son  and  appoint  another  successor.  When 
his  advisors  declared  that  the  nomination  was  final  he  was  enraged 
and  from  that  time  on  annoyed  and  tormented  his  son,  till  at 
last  Rokn  ud  din  disclosed  his  whole  mind  to  those  courtiers  who 
were  as  much  dissatisfied  with  his  father  as  he  was.  He  declared 
that  Alai  ed  din  was  ruining  the  Commonwealth,  and  that  Mongol 
arms  would  destroy  it  because  of  his  conduct.  "  I  will  withdraw 
from  my  father,"  said  he,  "  send  envoys  to  the  Grand  Khan  and 
make  terms  with  him." 

The  greater  number  of  the  chief  men  agreed  with  Rokn  ud  din 
and  promised  to  defend  him  to  the  utmost,  but  in  case  of  attack 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  241 


by  his  father  the  person  of  the  chief,  as  they  said,  must  be  sacred, 
A  short  time  after  this  pact  and  agreement  Alai  ed  din  when  drunk 
fell  asleep  in  a  thatched  wooden  building  near  one  of  his  sheep 
pens,  a  place  which  he  visited  whenever  he  indulged  in  his  favorite 
amusement  of  acting  as  shepherd.  He  was  found  dead  in  that 
house  about  midnight,  his  head  cut  from  the  body.  A  Turkman 
and  a  native  of  India  were  found  wounded  near  him. 

At  the  end  of  eight  days,  after  many  had  been  tortured  on  sus- 
picion they  discovered  the  murderer.  He  was  a  certain  Hassan  of 
Masanderan,  the  late  chief's  nearest  intimate,  his  inseparable 
companion,  a  man  whom  he  loved  till  his  death  though  tormenting 
him  in  every  way  possible. 

Rokn  ud  din  instead  of  bringing  this  Hassan  to  trial  had  him 
slain  quickly,  an  act  which  confirmed  the  suspicions  which  rested 
on  the  youthful  chief,  who  gave  an  additional  example  of  savagery 
by  burning  with  the  body  of  Hassan  two  sons  and  one  daughter 
of  the  Assassin.  Of  course  they  were  innocent,  though  not  only  is  it 
possible  but  probable,  that  they  possessed  knowledge  which  Rokn 
ud  din  would  suppress  at  all  hazards.  Thus  Alai  ed  din  was  mur- 
dered by  an  Assassin  hired  by  his  own  son. 

The  first  act  of  this  new  ruler  was  to  order  his  subjects  to  observe 
every  practice  of  Islam,  and  next  he  took  measures  to  suppress 
robbery  and  murder.  But  only  one  year  had  passed  when  the 
Mongol  tempest  came.  Though  Rokn  ud  din  and  the  Ismailians 
could  not  foresee  it  the  doom  of  Alamut  and  all  who  belonged 
to  it  had  been  settled.  The  Grand  Khan  had  instructed  Hulagu 
to  destroy  them,  and  the  master  of  Persia  was  advancing  to  the 
execution. 

Rokn  ud  din  sent  an  officer  to  Yassaur,  at  Hamadan  to 
assure  him  of  his  submission  to  the  Mongol  Empire.  This  general 
advised  him  to  visit  Prince  Hulagu,  who  had  just  come  to  Persia. 
Rokn  ud  din,  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  answered  that  he  would 
send  his  brother,  Shahinshah,  in  advance.  Yassaur  consented  to 
this  and  charged  his  own  son  to  go  with  Shahinshah.  But  mean- 
while he  entered  the  Alamut  region  with  an  army  corps  of  Persians 
and  Turks,  and  attacked  that  great  fortress  June,  1256.  After  a 
sharp  struggle  his  men  were  forced  back,  and  out  of  revenge  he 
destroyed  all  the  harvest,  and  ravaged  the  country. 

Hulagu  had  commissioned  Guga  Ilga  and  Kita  Buga  to  finish 


242 


The  Mongols 


the  conquest  of  Kuhistan  which  the  latter  had  begun  two  years 
earlier.  He  had  made  rather  slow  progress  alone,  but  aided  by 
Guga  Ilga  he  captured  Tun  and  slew  all  the  people,  excepting 
young  women  and  children.  This  done  both  commanders  joined 
Hulagu. 

After  Hulagu  had  received  Shahinshah  at  headquarters  he  sent 
Rokn  ud  din  this  message :  "  Since  thou  hast  sent  thy  brother  with 
expressions  of  submission  we  will  forgive  the  crimes  committed  by 
thy  father.  Raze  thy  castles  and  come  to  our  camp.  No  harm 
will  be  done  to  the  country." 

When  Rokn  ud  din  had  demolished  several  castles  and  dis- 
mounted the  Alamut  gates  with  those  of  Meimundiz  and  Lemsher, 
Yassaur  left  Ismailian  territory.  But  Rokn  ud  din,  while  giving 
assurances  of  obedience,  and  receiving  a  Mongol  governor,  asked 
the  term  of  one  year  in  which  to  do  homage  to  Hulagu. 

Hulagu  sent  envoys  a  second  time  to  induce  the  Alamut  ruler, 
through  promises  and  threats,  to  visit  him.  When  these  envoys 
were  returning  Rokn  ud  din  sent  with  them  a  cousin  of  his  father, 
and  his  own  vizir  Shems  ud  din  Kileki,  who  were  to  present  his 
excuses  and  obtain  the  delay  which  he  asked  for.  He  begged  also 
to  retain  the  three  castles,  Alamut,  Lemsher  and  Lai,  engaging 
in  this  case  to  surrender  all  others.  He  hoped  by  this  yielding  to 
win  the  delay  which  he  needed.  He  was  merely  waiting  for 
winter,  which  would  stop  every  action  in  that  entire  mountain 
region. 

The  only  answer  given  by  Hulagu,  who  had  just  captured  the 
castle  of  Shahdiz,  was  a  summons  to  his  camp  pitched  at  that 
time  near  Demavend.  He  added  that  if  Rokn  ud  din  needed  a  few 
days  to  bring  his  affairs  into  order  he  might  have  them,  but  he 
must  send  his  son  straightway. 

Rokn  ud  din,  in  great  dread  on  receiving  this  message,  replied 
that  he  was  sending  his  son,  and  also  a  contingent  of  three  hundred 
warriors.  He  declared  that  he  would  demolish  castles  if  the  land 
were  not  invaded.  But  instead  of  his  son  he  sent  his  half  brother, 
a  boy  of  seven  years,  the  son  of  his  father  and  a  Kurdistan  woman. 
Hulagu  saw  the  trick,  but  dissembled,  was  kind  to  the  boy  and 
sent  him  back  saying  that  the  child  was  too  young.  He  required 
of  Rokn  ud  din  now  his  second  brother,  Shahinshah.  The  Alamut 
chief  sent  this  brother,  hoping  that  his  own  presence  would  not 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  243 


be  demanded.  Later  on  winter  would  come,  as  he  thought,  and 
confine  him  to  his  castle;  it  would  also  ward  off  every  enemy. 

At  this  juncture  Hulagu  sent  Shaninshah  to  Rokn  ud  din  with 
the  following  message:  "Thou  must  destroy  Meimundiz,  and 
come  quickly.  If  thou  come  thou  wilt  find  here  good  treatment, 
if  not  God  knows  and  He  alone  what  will  happen," 

Rokn  ud  din  repeated  his  worn  out  excuses.  Hulagu  would  not 
receive  them,  and  commanded  his  troops  to  march  into  Rudbar 
from  various  points  simultaneously.  The  right  wing  moved  from 
Mazanderan,  the  left  by  the  Khar  route  and  over  Lemnan,  while 
the  center  went  by  the  Talekan  highway.  By  order  of  Hulagu, 
who  advanced  with  the  center,  the  three  hundred  men  sent  by 
Rokn  ud  din  were  cut  down  near  Kazvin,  slain  in  secret.  Reaching 
Meimundiz  he  made  a  tour  of  the  fortress  and  summoned  a 
council.  Five  days  were  given  Rokn  ud  din  for  surrender.  If  he 
yielded  in  that  time  no  harm  would  be  done  him  or  his  subjects, 
but  after  that  term  an  assault  would  be  ordered. 

It  was  answered  that  Rokn  ud  din  was  then  absent,  that  without 
his  command  no  man  could  surrender.  The  Mongols  prepared 
for  immediate  action.  Trees  were  cut  down  and  shaped  into  beams 
of  right  size,  borne  by  men  to  the  neighboring  summits  and  made 
into  catapults.  Hulagu  fixed  his  tent  on  the  highest  position. 
On  the  morrow  the  conflict  had  already  begun  when  Rokn  ud  din 
sent  a  message  declaring  that  since  he  knew  now  where  the  prince 
was  he  asked  that  all  action  be  suspended,  and  on  that  day,  or  the 
morrow,  he  would  visit  headquarters.  Next  day  he  desired  to 
surrender  in  writing.  The  vizir  Ata  ul  Mulk  Juveini  was  deputed 
to  frame  the  surrender.  The  paper  was  sent  to  Rokn  ud  din  and 
he  promised  to  yield  up  the  stronghold,  but  when  his  brother  was 
leaving  the  fortress  such  a  tumult  arose  that  he  was  stopped,  and 
every  man  threatened  with  death  who  declared  for  surrender. 

Rokn  ud  din  informed  Hulagu  of  this  trouble,  and  the  peril  in 
which  he  then  found  himself.  In  answer  Hulagu  begged  him  not 
to  expose  his  life  needlessly.  Meanwhile  the  catapults  were 
mounted  and  the  following  morning  an  attack  was  begun  from  all 
points.  The  combat  lasted  till  evening  and  was  strenuous  on 
both  sides.  At  a  season  when  tempests  and  snow  had  till  that 
year  made  all  mountain  places  impassable  the  weather  was  favor- 
able for  siege  work  and  a  new  attack.  The  fourth  day  was  opening 


244 


The  Mongols 


when  Rokn  ud  din  thought  it  best  to  abandon  the  fortress.  He 
sent  his  chief  men  with  his  son  to  the  camp  of  the  Mongols,  and 
went  himself  the  next  morning  to  fall  prostrate  in  presence  of 
Hulagu.  With  him  went  his  minister,  the  famous  astronomer, 
Nassir  ud  din,  and  two  great  physicians,  who  had  always  advised 
a  surrender. 

Next  day  the  Mongols  marched  into  Meimundiz.  Hulagu 
treated  Rokn  ud  din  kindly,  but  Mongol  officers  watched  him 
and  he  was  forced  to  direct  Ismailian  commandants  to  surrender 
their  fortresses.  He  himself  had  to  go  with  Hulagu 's  agents  to 
effect  every  transfer.  More  than  forty  strong  castles  surrendered; 
all  were  destroyed  when  their  garrisons  had  withdrawn.  Alamut 
and  Lemsher  were  the  last  strongholds  left  standing  and  their 
commandants  declared  that  they  would  yield  only  when  Hulagu 
came  in  person,  and  Rokn  ud  din  ordered  the  transfer. 

Hulagu  set  out  for  Alamut  and  halted  nine  days  at  Sheherek, 
the  ancient  residence  of  the  Dilem  rulers,  where  he  celebrated 
the  happy  end  of  his  enterprise.  After  that  he  appeared  before 
Alamut  and  sent  Rokn  ud  din  to  summon  his  people  to  surrender. 
The  commandant  refused.  Hulagu  sent  now  a  large  corps  of  men 
to  lay  siege  to  the  fortress.  At  this  the  garrison  offered  to  yield, 
and  sent  deputations  repeatedly  to  Rokn  ud  din  to  intercede  in 
their  favor,  and  save  them. 

Three  days  were  given  to  remove  what  belonged  to  the  garrison 
personally.  On  the  fourth  day  the  Mongols  and  Persians  marched 
in,  seized  what  was  left  and  set  fire  to  the  buildings.  Hulagu,  it  is 
said,  himself  visited  the  fortress  and  was  amazed  at  the  height 
of  the  mountains  around  it. 

The  library  of  Alamut  was  renowned  in  those  regions,  but  the 
vizir  and  historian,  Ata  ul  Melik  Juveini,who  asked  and  obtained 
Hulagu's  permission  destroyed  every  manuscript  which  related  to 
Ismailian  opinions  and  teaching. 

The  foundations  of  this  famed  fortress  were  laid  in  860,  and  the 
castle,  enormously  strong  through  its  works  and  position,  was 
richly  provisioned.  This  was  the  true  head  and  capital  of  that 
kingdom  of  murder.  Connected  with  the  castle  were  great  apart- 
ments cut  into  the  rock,  for  storage  of  provisions  both  solid  and 
liquid;  of  the  latter  there  was  wine,  honey  and  vinegar.  It  was 
said  that  those  stores  had  been  put  there  one  hundred  and  seventy 


Hulagu  Destroys  the  Assassin  Commonwealth  245 


years  earlier,  in  the  days  of  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  and  were  preserved 
perfectly  owing  to  the  cleanliness  of  the  place,  and  the  pure  moun- 
tain air  of  that  region.  The  waters  of  the  river  Bahir,  conducted 
to  the  foot  of  the  fortress,  filled  a  moat  which  inclosed  half  the 
stronghold. 

A  Mongol  officer  of  Persian  and  Mongol  militia  now  received 
the  command  to  raze  Alamut.  Much  time  and  great  labor  were 
needed  to  do  this. 

Hulagu  then  went  to  Lemsher,  but  as  that  fortress  would  not 
yield  he  left  Tair  Buga  with  a  strong  corps  to  take  it,  and  returned 
to  headquarters  where  he  gave  a  great  feast,  eight  days  in  duration. 

Rokn  ud  din  followed  Hulagu  to  Hamadan  whence  he  sent 
officers  with  those  of  Hulagu  to  Syria  to  order  the  commandants 
of  Ismailian  castles  in  that  country  to  surrender  to  the  Mongols. 
While  in  Hamadan  the  late  master  of  Alamut  became  enamored  of 
a  Mongol  maiden  of  low  origin.  Hulagu  gave  the  girl  to  him  and 
he  married  her.  Thus  far  the  fallen  chief  had  been  useful  to  the 
Mongol  who  had  treated  him  with  kindness  while  commanding  him 
to  deliver  up  strongholds  which  might  have  stood  the  siege  for 
years  had  the  Ismailians  resisted.  When  he  had  no  further  use 
for  the  man  he  wished  to  be  rid  of  him,  but  he  had  given  such  a 
promise  of  safety  that  he  did  not  like  to  break  his  word  openly. 
Rokn  ud  din  saved  him  from  embarrassment  by  expressing  a  wish 
to  visit  the  court  of  Mangu,  the  Grand  Khan.  Hulagu  beyond 
doubt  suggested  this  idea  very  deftly  through  others.  He  sent  the 
fallen  chief  with  nine  attendants  of  his  own  people  under  an  escort 
of  Mongols  (1257). 

When  Rokn  ud  din  reached  the  Mongol  court  Mangu  would  not 
see  him,  and  said  that  the  authorities  in  Persia  should  not  have 
permitted  the  journey,  which  wearied  post  horses  for  nothing. 
Rokn  ud  din  turned  homeward,  but  when  near  the  mountain 
Tungat,  the  escort  cut  him  down  with  his  attendants.  According 
to  Rashid,  Mangu  had  him  killed  on  the  way  to  Mongolia,  not  while 
returning. 

Since  the  Grand  Khan  had  given  orders  to  exterminate  the 
Ismailians,  Rokn  ud  din's  subjects  had  been  distributed  among 
Mongol  legions.  When  the  Assassin  chief  had  set  out  on  this 
journey,  which  was  ignominous  and  doleful,  command  was  given 
Mongol  officers  to  slay  the  Assassins,  and  spare  no  man,  woman 


246 


The  Mongols 


or  child ;  hence  all  were  massacred.  Infants  at  the  breast  were 
not  spared  any  more  than  their  mothers.  Not  a  child  or  a  relative 
of  Rokn  ud  din  was  left  living. 

This  last  ruler  of  the  Assassins  was  among  the  most  loathsome 
of  characters  in  history  —  a  pitiless  coward  who  had  caused  the 
death  of  his  own  father,  killed  the  murderer  of  that  father  without 
trial  lest  he  tell  what  he  knew  of  his  master's  evil  doing,  and 
burned  the  children  of  the  murderer  with  the  corpse  of  their 
father  lest  they  too  might  expose  him.  He  gave  away  power  with- 
out an  effort  to  save  it,  and  lost  his  own  life  with  indignity. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  KALIFAT 

HULAGU  had  destroyed  the  Assassins:  he  was  now  to 
extinguish  the  line  of  the  Abbasids.  In  August,  1257,  this 
Mongol  master  of  Persia  sent  his  envoys  to  Bagdad,  with  a  letter 
to  Mostassim,  the  Kalif  then  in  office,  who  was  a  grandson  of  Nassir, 
that  successor  of  the  Prophet  who  had  invited  Jinghis  Khan  to 
destroy  Shah  Mohammed. 

After  certain  introductions  and  complaints  in  the  letter,  Hulagu 
warned  against  resistance  substantially  as  follows :  "  Strike  not 
the  point  of  an  awl  with  thy  fist,  mistake  not  the  sun  for  the  glowing 
wick  of  a  flameless  taper.  Level  the  walls  of  Bagdad  at  once,  fill  its 
moats ;  leave  government  to  thy  son,  for  a  season,  and  come  to  us  or, 
if  thou  come  not,  send  thy  vizir  with  Suleiman  Shah  and  the  chan- 
cellor. They  will  take  to  thee  our  counsels  with  precision;  thus 
wilt  thou  use  them  correctly  and  we  shall  not  be  forced  then  to 
anger.  If  we  march  against  Bagdad  thou  wilt  not  escape  us, 
even  shouldst  thou  hide  in  the  deepest  earth,  or  rise  to  highest 
heaven. 

"  If  thou  love  thy  own  life  and  the  safety  of  thy  house  give  ear 
to  these  counsels;  if  not  the  world  will  behold  Heaven's  anger 
without  waiting." 

The  answer  to  this  letter  showed  no  sign  of  fear  or  humility. 
"  Young  man,"  replied  the  Kalif,  "  seduced  by  ten  days  of  favor- 
ing fortune  thou  art  in  thy  own  eyes  High  Lord  of  the  universe, 
and  thinkest  thy  commands  the  decisions  of  destiny.  Thou  re- 
quirest  of  me  that  which  will  never  be  given. 

"  Knowest  not  that  from  the  West  to  the  East  all  who  worship 
God  and  hold  the  true  faith  are  my  servitors  ?  Had  I  the  wish  I 
could  make  myself  master  of  Iran.  With  what  is  left  of  its  people 
I  could  go  beyond  Iran  and  put  every  man  in  his  real  position.  But 
247 


248 


The  Mongols 


I  have  no  wish  to  rouse  war,  that  scourge  of  all  nations.  I  desire 
not  that  troops  should  at  my  command  wring  curses  from  my 
subjects,  especially  as  I  am  a  friend  to  the  Grand  Khan,  as  well  as 
to  Hulagu.  If  thou  sow  seeds  of  friendship  how  canst  thou  be 
concerned  with  the  moats  and  ramparts  of  Bagdad?  Walk  in 
the  ways  of  peace  and  return  to  Khorassan." 

Three  officers  carried  this  answer;  they  went  with  Hulagu 's 
envoys,  who  were  met  outside  Bagdad  by  an  immense  mass  of 
people  who  covered  them  with  insults,  tore  their  clothes,  spat  in 
their  faces,  and  would  have  slain  them  all  had  not  guards  rushed 
out  and  saved  the  men  promptly. 

"  The  Kalif  is  as  crooked  as  a  bow,"  said  Hulagu  on  receiving 
Mostassim's  sharp  answer,  "  but  I  will  make  him  as  straight  as  an 
arrow.  Heaven  has  given  the  Empire  of  the  earth  to  Jinghis  Khan 
and  his  descendants.  Since  your  master  refuses  submission  to 
this  power,"  added  he  to  the  envoys  at  parting,  "  war  is  all  that 
remains  to  him." 

Mostassim  in  doubt  what  to  do  turned  to  his  vizir  who  advised 
him  to  send  precious  gifts  to  the  Mongols.  "  There  is  no  better 
use  for  wealth,"  said  he,  "  than  to  spend  it  in  defending  the 
Kalifat." 

The  chancellor  accused  the  vizir  of  high  treason,  and  added: 
"  We  hold  every  road  touching  Bagdad ;  if  gifts  are  sent  out  to 
the  enemy  we  will  seize  them."  The  Kalif  told  the  vizir  that  his 
fears  were  unfounded,  that  the  Mongols  would  merely  threaten; 
that  should  they  make  bold  to  move  on  the  Abbasids  they  would 
rush  to  their  own  certain  ruin. 

Suleiman  Shah,  the  chief  general,  and  others  hastened  to  the 
vizir  and  stormed  against  the  Kalif,  saying :  "  Given  over  to 
buffoons  and  to  dancers  he  has  no  mind  left  for  warriors  or 
seriousness.  If  measures  be  not  taken  immediately  we  shall  see 
the  foe  at  our  gates,  and  Bagdad  will  suffer  the  fate  of  all  cities 
taken  by  Mongols ;  neither  high  nor  low,  rich  nor  poor  will  escape 
death  by  massacre.  We  are  able  to  collect  a  large  army ;  we  hold 
all  approaches;  we  may  fall  on  the  enemy  and  triumph,  or  if 
fortune  should  fail  us  we  can  at  least  die  with  honor." 

These  words  were, brought  to  the  Kalif  and  roused  him.  He 
charged  the  vizir  to  make  levies,  strengthen  Suleiman,  and  guard 
with  all  power  the  safety  of  Bagdad.   The  vizir  made  the  levies* 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


249 


but  made  them  very  slowly.  The  troops  were  ready  only  at  the 
end  of  five  months.  Even  then  the  neglectful  Mostassim  would  not 
give  the  coin  needed.  Mongol  spies  knew  what  was  happening 
at  all  points.  There  was  no  chance  at  that  day  to  stop  Hulagu 's 
armies,  or  surprise  them. 

The  Kalif  sent  envoys  a  second  time  to  warn  Hulagu  against 
war  on  the  Abbasids  whose  house  would  endure,  as  he  said,  till 
the  end  of  all  ages.  Cases  were  cited  of  those  who  had  touched 
that  sacred  house  to  their  own  ghastly  ruin,  the  last  being  Shah 
Mohammed,  who  died  in  dire  misery  on  an  island  of  the  Caspian. 
"  Keep  their  fate  in  mind  if  thou  hast  their  plans  in  thy  counsel." 
This  was  the  Kalif  s  sharp  warning. 

Hulagu  paid  small  attention  to  warnings  of  that  kind.  He  was 
preparing  troops  to  besiege  a  great  city  which  might  have  many 
defenders.  His  chief  camp  was  at  Hamad  an,  and  Bagdad  must  be 
taken,  hence  his  first  point  was  to  seize  all  the  roads  between  those 
two  cities.  One  road,  that  over  which  the  left  wing  of  his  army 
must  travel,  lay  among  mountains  and  over  high  passes,  snow- 
covered  almost  at  all  times.  In  these  difficult  districts  was  the  fort- 
ress Daritang  which  commanded  a  defile  and  guarded  Arabian  Irak 
at  its  boundary.  In  Daritang  the  commandant  Ake  was  a  man 
who  had  griefs  of  his  own  brought  about  by  the  Kalif.  Hulagu 
sent  for  this  person,  seduced  him  with  favors,  engaged  him  to 
yield  his  own  fortress,  and  win  over  other  commandants  if  possible. 

Once  at  home  Ake  felt  his  heart  change ;  he  repented.  Through 
a  friend  he  made  known  at  Bagdad  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  and  de- 
clared that  if  the  Kalif  would  send  him  one  corps  of  trained  horse- 
men he  would  furnish  a  hundred  thousand  good  warriors,  Turk- 
mans and  Kurds ;  with  these  he  would  stop  every  Mongol  advance 
against  Bagdad.  This  offer  was  laid  before  the  vizir,  but  the 
Kalif  refused  it.  Hulagu  knew  all  these  details  soon  after  and 
sent  a  strong  mounted  force  to  settle  with  the  Daritang  command- 
ant. The  Mongol  on  nearing  the  fortress  called  out  the  com- 
mandant to  consult  with  him,  as  he  said.  Ake  appeared  and 
was  seized  that  same  moment.  "  If  thou  wish  to  save  life 
for  thyself,  and  save  also  thy  office,  call  out  all  thy  people; 
we  are  taking  a  census."  Ake  was  submissive  and  called  out  the 
people.  "  If  faithful,  thou  wilt  tear  down  the  fortress."  The 
commandant  saw  that  he  had  been  discovered,  still  he  obeyed 


250 


The  Mongols 


calmly  and  had  the  fortress  demolished.  Then  he  was  slain  with 
all  the  men  under  him,  and  also  his  household.  Emir  Said,  Ake's 
son,  fled  quickly  and  wandered  about  in  the  mountains,  but  he 
sought  safety  in  Bagdad  at  last  where  they  killed  him. 

The  Daritang  road  once  secured,  Hulagu  called  in  the  astrologer 
whom  the  Grand  Khan,  his  brother,  had  given  him,  to  choose  days 
propitious  for  action  of  all  sorts.  This  man,  a  religious  adherent 
cf  the  Kalif,  and  bribed  perhaps  also,  predicted  six  great  calamities 
should  Mongols  lay  siege  to  the  capital  of  Islam.  Nassir  ud  din, 
the  astrologer  of  Alamut,  a  Shiite,  was  summoned.  Hulagu 
asked  him :  "  Will  these  six  things  predicted  come  true  ?  "  "  Surely 
not  one  of  them."  "  What  then  will  happen  ?  "  "  The  city  of 
the  Kalif  will  be  taken  by  Hulagu,"  replied  the  adherent  of  Ali. 
Nassir  then  met  the  other  astrologer  and  overcame  him  by  naming 
the  Kalifs  who  had  been  killed  without  causing  calamity  to  mankind. 

Command  was  now  given  the  Mongols  to  converge  upon  Bag- 
dad. Those  in  Rum  and  the  West  were  to  march  through  Mosul, 
halt  somewhat  west  of  the  capital  and  encamp  there.  These  men 
would  form  the  right  wing  of  Hulagu 's  army.  The  left  wing 
would  march  on  the  road  by  Daritang  to  camp  northeast  of  the 
capital.  Hulagu  himself  was  to  be  in  the  center,  hence  he  took 
the  road  through  Heulvan  by  which  Mohammed  Shah  had  ad- 
vanced when  he  met  his  disaster.  From  Essed  Abad  new  envoys 
were  sent  to  the  Kalif  inviting  him  to  visit  headquarters.  Mostas- 
sim  refused  this,  but  promised  an  annual  tribute  if  Hulagu  would 
lead  away  all  his  warriors.  The  prince  answered  that  being  so 
near  he  could  not  go  back  without  seeing  the  Kalif.  But  before 
going  farther  Hulagu  despatched  a  third  embassy  asking  to  send 
the  vizir,  with  the  chancellor. 

Meanwhile  Luristan  in  greater  part  had  been  taken  by  the 
Mongols.  When  the  right  wing  was  drawing  near  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Tigris  a  real  panic  seized  all  people  who  were  living 
in  that  region  and  immense  crowds  sought  refuge  in  Bagdad. 
Such  was  the  panic  that  men  and  women  rushed  into  the  water 
in  their  great  anxiety  to  cross  the  river.  Rich  bracelets,  or  all  the 
gold  coins  which  a  hand  could  grasp,  were  given  gladly  to  boatmen 
for  a  passage  to  the  city. 

Now  the  chancellor  who  with  the  general,  Feth  ud  din,  had  an 
army  disposed  on  the  Heulvan  roadway,  moved  to  meet  this 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat  251 


strong  Mongol  division.  He  attacked  the  vanguard  which  was 
beaten,  and  then  pursued  till  it  reached  the  main  army.  There  the 
Mongols  faced  the  pursuers  and  a  second  battle  began  which  con- 
tinued till  nightfall.  The  two  armies  camped  face  to  face  until 
daybreak.  During  the  night  the  Mongols  opened  canals  from 
the  Tigris  and  submerged  a  great  plain  in  the  rear  of  their  op- 
ponents, thus  making  retreat  very  difficult,  and  in  places  im- 
possible. At  daybreak  a  fresh  battle  followed  in  which  most  of 
the  Bagdad  men  perished.  The  chancellor  fled  to  the  city  with  a 
very  small  party.  Only  then  did  the  Kalif's  advisers  set  about 
strengthening  the  walls  and  defending  the  capital.  Some  days 
later  the  right  Mongol  wing  touched  the  suburbs  along  the  west 
bank  of  the  Tigris.  Hulagu  himself  attacked  the  eastern  side  of 
the  city.  Just  after  the  chancellor  had  fled  from  the  field  to  the 
city  defences  the  Kalif  sent  his  vizir  to  headquarters;  with  him 
went  the  Nestorian  patriarch.  The  vizir  took  this  message:  "  I 
have  yielded  to  Hulagu's  wishes,  and  hope  that  the  prince  will 
remember  his  promise."  Hulagu  gave  this  answer :  "  I  made  my 
demand  when  in  Hamadan.  I  desired  then  to  see  the  vizir  and 
the  chancellor.  I  am  now  at  the  gates  of  the  capital,  and  my  wish 
may  be  different." 

Next  day  the  vizir,  the  home  minister,  and  many  among  the  . 
chief  citizens  went  in  a  body  to  Hulagu.  He  would  not  receive 
them.  The  attack  was  renewed  then  and  lasted  six  days  in  suc- 
cession. At  the  end  of  that  period  the  whole  eastern  wall  had  been 
seized  by  the  Mongols.  The  investment  was  absolute,  escape  by 
the  river  was  impossible  either  down  with  the  current,  or  upward 
against  it.  The  chancellor  tried  to  escape  but  was  met  by 
a  tempest  of  stones,  burning  naphtha  and  arrows.  He  was  driven 
back  after  three  of  his  boats  had  been  captured  and  the  men  in 
them  slaughtered. 

The  Kalif  saw  now  that  he  must  bend  to  the  Mongols,  and  he 
bent  in  his  own  foolish  fashion :  He  sent  two  officials  with  presents, 
not  too  rich  or  too  many  lest  the  Mongols  might  think  him  over 
timid,  and  become  too  exacting.  Hulagu  refused  these  envoys 
an  audience.  Next  the  youngest  son  of  the  Kalif  and  the  Sahib 
Divan  went  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy  bearing  this  time  rich 
presents,  but  they  gained  no  sight  of  the  great  Mongol.  The 
eldest  son  of  the  Kalif  took  the  vizir  and  with  him  made  a  new  trial, 


252 


The  Mongols 


but  these  two  had  no  more  success  than  the  others.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  Hulagu  sent  two  messengers  into  the  city  with  this  order ; 
"  Bring  to  me  Suleiman  Shah  with  the  Chancellor.  The  Kalif  may 
come,  or  not  come,  as  he  chooses."  These  two  men  were  brought, 
and  then  sent  back  to  the  city  to  say  to  all  people  with  whom  they 
had  contact  that  they  would  be  taken  to  Syria,  and  were  to  issue 
forth  through  the  gates  without  hindrance.  In  the  hope  of  finding 
safety  in  some  place  many  persons  left  Bagdad.  These  people 
were  all  parceled  out  among  Mongol  divisions,  and  died  by  the 
sword  every  man  of  them.  The  Chancellor  was  put  to  death 
first,  then  Suleiman  was  led  with  bound  hands  into  Hulagu's 
presence.  "  Since  thou  hast  knowledge  of  the  stars,  why  not 
see  the  fatal  day  coming,  and  give  to  thy  sovereign  due  notice  ?  " 
asked  the  Mongol.  "  The  Kalif  was  bound  by  his  destiny,  and 
would  not  hear  faithful  servants,"  replied  the  commander. 
Suleiman  was  put  to  death,  and  his  whole  household  died  with 
him,  seven  hundred  persons  all  counted.  The  son  of  the  Chancellor 
died  with  the  others. 

It  was  the  Kalif 's  turn  then ;  he  went  forth  with  his  three  sons 
from  Bagdad,  three  thousand  persons  went  with  him,  high  digni- 
taries and  officials.  When  he  appeared  before  Hulagu  the  prince 
asked  about  his  health  very  affably,  and  then  said  that  he  must 
proclaim  to  the  city  that  all  men  were  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and 
come  out  to  be  counted.  Mostassim  returned  and  proclaimed  to 
the  people  of  Bagdad  that  whoso  wished  for  his  life  had  to  lay  down 
his  arms  and  repair  to  the  camp  of  the  Mongols.  Then  all  people, 
both  warriors  and  civilians,  pressed  in  crowds  toward  the  gates  of 
the  city.  When  outside  they  were  slaughtered,  slain  every  one  of 
them,  save  the  Kalif  and  his  sons  who  were  taken  to  the  army 
on  the  left  wing,  and  guarded  there  strictly.  From  that 
moment  the  high  priest  of  Islam  could  see  his  own  fate  very 
plainly. 

Three  days  later  on  began  the  sack  and  the  pillage  of  Bagdad. 
The  Mongols  rushed  in  from  all  sides  simultaneously ;  they  spared 
only  houses  of  Christians  and  those  of  a  few  foreigners.  On  the 
second  day  of  the  city's  undoing  Hulagu  went  to  the  palace  in 
Bagdad  and  gave  a  great  feast  to  his  commanders;  toward  the 
end  of  that  feast  the  Kalif  was  brought  in  to  stand  before  Hulagu. 
"  Thou  art  master  of  this  house,"  said  the  conqueror,  "  I  am  the 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


253 


guest  in  it.  Let  us  see  what  thou  hast  which  might  be  a  good  and 
proper  gift  to  me." 

The  Kalif  had  two  thousand  rich  robes  and  ten  thousand  gold 
dinars  brought  and  many  rich  jewels  also.  Hulagu  would  not  look 
at  them.  "  Our  men,"  remarked  he,  "  will  find  all  wealth  of  that 
kind,  which  is  for  my  servitors.  Show  hidden  treasures."  The 
Kalif  described  then  a  place  in  the  courtyard.  Men  went  to  work 
straightway  and  dug  till  they  came  to  two  cisterns  filled  with  gold 
pieces,  each  piece  a  hundred  miskals.  In  various  parts  of  the 
palace  the  Mongols  found  gold  and  silver  vessels;  of  these  they 
made  no  more  account  than  if  they  had  been  tin  or  copper. 

Hulagu  desired  then  that  all  persons  in  the  harem  be  counted. 
Seven  hundred  women  and  slave  girls  were  found  there,  and  one 
thousand  eunuchs.  The  Kalif  begged  to  have  those  women  given 
him  who  had  never  been  under  sunlight  or  moonlight  directly. 
The  conqueror  gave  him  one  hundred.  Mostassim  chose  relatives 
and  they  were  led  forth  from  the  palace.  All  the  Kalif's  best 
treasures  were  taken  to  Hulagu 's  camp  ground.  Around  the  im- 
mense tent  of  Jinghis  Khan's  grandson  were  piled  up  great 
masses  of  wealth,  being  a  portion  of  that  which  the  Abbasids  had 
taken  from  men  during  half  a  millennium. 

The  sack  of  the  city  continued  seven  days  and  nights  in  suc- 
cession; most  of  the  mosques  were  burned  during  that  time.  A 
deputation  came  then  to  beg  pity  of  the  conqueror.  Seeing  that 
the  place  if  he  spared  it  might  yield  him  some  profit  he  relented 
after  eight  hundred  thousand  human  beings  had  been  slaughtered. 
Those  who  had  hidden  from  death  came  forth  now  into  daylight 
with  safety;  few  were  they  in  number  and  pitiful  to  look  at. 
Many  Christians  had  assembled  in  a  church  strongly  guarded 
and  were  saved  from  death  and  every  evil  by  the  Mongols.  The 
Nestorian  Patriarch  had  power  to  effect  this.  A  few  wealthy 
Moslems  had  entrusted  the  best  of  their  treasures  to  the  Patriarch 
to  keep  for  them;  they  had  hoped  to  survive,  but  all  perished. 

Hulagu  withdrew  to  the  village  of  Vakaf,  some  distance  from 
Bagdad,  because  the  air  of  the  city  had  grown  pestilential  and 
loathsome.  He  summoned  Mostassim.  The  trembling  Kalif 
asked  Ibn  Alkamiya  if  there  was  no  way  of  salvation.  "  My  beard 
is  long,"  replied  the  vizir,  referring  to  a  taunt  of  the  chancellor.1 
l"Long  beard,  short  wit,"  an  Arabic  proverb. 


254 


The  Mongols 


The  Kalif  and  his  eldest  son  were  placed  each  in  a  felt  sack,  and 
trampled  to  death  under  horse  hoofs.  Mostassim's  attendants  were 
cut  down,  and  slaughtered  by  various  methods.  Next  day  the 
youngest  son  of  the  Kalif  died,  and  all  of  the  Abbasids  whose 
names  were  on  the  list  of  that  ruling  family  were  then  put  to 
death. 

The  Kalif,  whose  mother  was  an  Ethiopian  slave,  was  the  thirty- 
seventh  of  his  line.  He  was  forty-six  years  of  age  when  he  died, 
February  21,  1258,  after  a  reign  of  fifteen  years.  Hulagu  ap- 
pointed new  dignitaries  for  Bagdad.  The  old  vizir,  Ibn  Alkamiya, 
was  continued  in  office.  Among  new  men  was  one  quite  deserving 
of  notice;  this  was  Ben  Amran,  prefect  of  a  place  east  of  Bagdad 
and  touching  it.  This  man  had  been  a  servant  to  the  governor  of 
Yakuba.  One  day  when  stroking  the  soles  of  that  governor's 
feet  to  bring  sleep  to  him  Ben  Amran  himself  began  to  slumber. 
Roused  by  his  master  he  said  that  he  had  just  had  a  marvelous 
vision.  "  What  was  it  like?  "  asked  the  governor.  "  I  thought 
that  Mostassim  and  the  Kalifat  were  gone,  and  that  I  was  the 
governor  of  Bagdad."  His  master  gave  him  in  answer  a  kick  of 
such  force  that  he  fell  over  backward.  Being  in  Bagdad  during 
the  siege  days  Ben  Amran  heard  that  provisions  were  scarce  in 
the  camp  of  the  Mongols.  He  tied  a  letter  to  an  arrow  and  shot 
it  over  the  wall  with  this  message :  "  If  Hulagu  would  learn  some- 
thing of  value  let  him  send  for  Ben  Amran."  The  letter  was  taken 
to  the  Mongol,  and  he  sent  for  Ben  Amran.  The  Kalif,  who  was 
foolish  in  all  things,  permitted  the  man  to  go  from  the  city.  When 
brought  to  the  chief  of  the  Mongols  he  declared  that  he  could  obtain 
a  great  stock  of  provisions.  Hulagu,  though  not  greatly  believing 
his  phrases,  sent  him  off  with  an  officer;  Ben  Amran  took  the 
man  to  large  underground  granaries  near  Yakuba  where  there 
was  wheat  enough  to  supply  all  the  Mongols  for  a  fortnight,  and 
thus  he  enabled  Hulagu  to  continue  the  siege  without  trouble. 
Ben  Amran  received  the  reward  of  his  treachery,  and  now  was 
made  prefect. 

Ibn  Alkamiya,  the  vizir,  was  accused  of  treason  both  before  the 
fall  of  the  city,  and  afterward.  For  a  long  time  the  books  used  in 
schools  bore  this  sentence :  "  Cursed  of  God  be  he  who  curses 
not  Ibn  Alkamiya."  On  the  Friday  next  after  the  death  of  the 
Kalif  these  words  were  pronounced  in  place  of  the  usual  invoca- 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


255 


tion :  "  Praise  to  God  who  has  destroyed  high  existences,  and 
condemned  to  nonentity  dwellers  in  this  abode  (of  humanity). 
O  God,  assist  us  in  woes  such  as  Islam  has  never  experienced: 
but  we  belong  to  God  and  return  to  Him." 

Hulagu  was  now  master  of  Bagdad,  and  he  proposed  to  the 
Ulema  this  question :  "  Which  man  is  better  as  sovereign,  an 
unbeliever  who  is  just,  or  a  Moslem  unjust  in  his  dealings  ?  " 
The  assembled  Ulema  gave  no  answer  till  Razi  ud  din  Ali,  a  sage 
esteemed  greatly,  wrote  as  follows :  "  The  unbeliever  who  is  just 
should  be  preferred  to  the  unjust  believer."  All  the  Ulema  sub- 
scribed to  this  answer. 

Every  place  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  Bagdad  was  subjected. 
And  it  is  of  great  interest  to  note  the  conduct  of  some  and  the  fate 
that  befell  them.  The  story  of  Ben  Amran,  the  prefect,  is  in  strong 
contrast  with  that  of  Teghele,  son  of  Hezerasp,  who  had  given 
good  advice  in  his  day  to  Shah  Mohammed.  Teghele  had  joined 
the  Mongol  forces,  but  expressed  regret  at  the  ruin  of  Bagdad,  and 
the  death  of  the  Kalif.  Hulagu  heard  of  this  and  grew  angry. 
Teghele,  informed  of  his  peril,  left  the  camp  without  permission 
and  withdrew  to  his  mountains.  A  force  was  despatched  to  Luris- 
tan  to  bring  back  the  fugitive,  whose  brother,  Shems  ud  din  Alb 
Argun,  set  out  to  appease  Hulagu  and  gain  pardon.  Argun  was 
met  on  the  Luristan  border  by  Mongols  who  put  him  in  chains, 
and  slew  his  whole  escort.  The  Mongols  went  on  then  and  sum- 
moned Teghele  to  yield  himself.  At  first  he  refused  through  dis- 
trust of  their  promises,  but  he  made  no  active  resistance.  When  at 
last  they  gave  him  Hulagu 's  ring  as  a  token  of  favor  he  believed, 
and  they  took  him  to  Tebriz  where  Hulagu  had  him  tried,  and 
put  to  death  on  the  market  place. 

The  throne  of  Luristan  was  then  given  to  Alb  Argun  the  brother 
of  the  dead  man.  About  this  time  appeared  at  headquarters 
the  rival  Sultans  of  Rum,  Rokn  ud  din  Kelidj  Arslan,  and 
Yzz  ud  din  Kei  Kavus;  the  latter  had  come  with  some  fear 
since  he  had  roused  Hulagu  by  resistance.  When  admitted  to 
audience  he  offered  the  Mongol  a  pair  of  splendid  boots  with  his 
own  portrait  painted  inside  on  the  soles  of  them.  "  I  hope," 
added  he,  "  that  the  monarch  will  deign  to  show  honor  with  his 
august  foot  to  the  head  of  his  servitor."  These  words,  and  the 
intercession  of  Dokuz  Khatun,  Hulagu's  wife,  obtained  the  grace 


256 


The  Mongols 


which  he  needed  and  was  seeking.  The  brothers  were  reconciled 
and  Rum  was  divided  between  them. 

Hulagu  now  summoned  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu  of  Mosul  to  his  pres- 
ence. This  prince  was  then  more  than  eighty  years  old  and  very 
crafty.  He  had  been  a  slave  of  Nur  ud  din  Arslam,  Shah  of  Diar- 
bekr,  who  at  death  left  him  as  guardian  to  his  son  Massud.  Lulu 
governed  Mosul  for  this  Massud  who  died  in  1218  leaving  two  sons 
of  tender  years.  These  boys  followed  their  father  to  that  other 
existence  before  two  years  had  passed,  and  the  former  slave  became 
sovereign.  He  had  reigned  in  Mosul  forty  years  lacking  one, 
before  coming  to  Hulagu 's  presence  with  splendid  gifts  and  ap- 
parently unlimited  obedience.  When  leaving  Mosul,  Lulu's 
friends  were  in  dread  for  his  safety,  but  he  calmed  them,  and  gave 
this  assurance :  "I  will  make  the  Khan  mild,  and  even  pull  his 
ears  while  I  speak  to  him." 

Lulu  was  received  by  Hulagu  very  graciously  and  when  the 
official  gifts  had  all  been  delivered  he  added :  "  I  have  something 
for  the  Khan's  person  specially,"  and  he  drew  forth  a  pair  of  gold 
earrings  in  which  were  set  two  pearls  of  rare  beauty.  When 
Hulagu  had  admired  them  Lulu  continued :  "If  the  Khan  would 
but  grant  me  the  honor  to  put  these  two  jewels  in  their  places  I  should 
be  exalted  immediately  in  the  eyes  of  all  rulers,  and  in  those  of  my 
subjects."  Permission  was  granted,  so  he  took  the  Khan's  ears  and 
put  the  two  rings  in  them  very  deliberately.  Then  he  glanced  at 
his  own  suite,  thus  telling  them  that  he  had  kept  his  strange 
promise. 

The  fate  of  both  Christians  and  Jews  had  been  painful  and 
bitter  under  Abbasid  dominion.  Favor  and  solace  now  came 
from  the  Mongols.  The  invaders  cared  no  more  at  that  time  for 
Christians  than  for  the  followers  of  Mohammed,  but  when  at- 
tacking new  lands  it  was  to  their  interest  to  win  populations  which 
were  hostile  to  the  dominant  nation.  The  protection  of  the  con- 
querors, and  the  shattered  condition  of  Islam,  weakened  by  such 
dire  devastation,  had  roused  hopes  among  Christians  to  dominate 
those  who  had  trampled  them  for  centuries.  Upon  the  choice 
which  the  conqueror  would  make  between  the  religions  their  fate 
was  depending,  and  the  issue  of  that  struggle  to  win  the  Mongols 
•was  for  some  time  uncertain,  but  surely  momentous.  Christians 
of  the  Orient,  as  well  as  Crusaders,  were  rejoiced  to  see  Hulagu 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


257 


making  ready  to  march  upon  Syria,  and  to  them  it  seemed  sure 
that  they  saw  in  advance  the  destruction  of  Islam  in  regions  where 
Christian  blood  had  been  shed  so  abundantly. 

On  the  eve  of  this  Mongol  invasion  Syria  was  ruled  by  Salih, 
a  descendant  of  Saladin,  but  Saladin 's  grand-nephews  had  lost 
Egypt  a  little  before  that.  While  the  army  of  Saint  Louis  was  in 
Damietta  the  Sultan,  Salih,  died  (1249).  His  death  was  kept 
secret  till  his  son  Moazzam  Turan  Shah  should  arrive  from  his 
appanage  between  the  two  rivers,  that  is  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris. 
The  French  army  was  ruined,  and  Saint  Louis  was  captured. 
Three  weeks  later  on  Turan  Shah  fell  by  the  daggers  of  men  who 
had  been  Mameluk  chiefs  in  the  reign  of  his  father.  He  had  wished 
to  replace  these  by  friends  of  his  own,  so  they  slew  him.  After 
this  deed  the  chiefs  gave  allegiance  to  Shejer  ud  dur,  the  late 
Sultan's  slave  girl  and  concubine.  She  had  enjoyed  his  full  con- 
fidence, and  was  governing  till  Turan  Shah  might  reach  Cairo. 

Eibeg,  a  Mameluk  chief,  was  elected  commander.  Shejer  ud  dur 
now  married  Eibeg  and  when  three  months  had  passed  she  re- 
signed in  his  favor.  In  mounting  the  throne  the  new  Sultan  took 
the  title  Moizz,  and  chose  as  associate  El  Ashraf,  an  Eyubite 
prince  six  years  old,  the  great-grandson  of  Kamil  the  Sultan. 
This  revolution,  which  placed  a  Mameluk  chief  on  the  throne  of 
the  Eyubites,  shows  how  powerful  these  warriors  had  become  then 
in  Egypt.  Saladin,  on  gaining  power  in  1169,  had  disbanded  the 
troops  of  the  Fatimid  Kalifs.  Those  troops  were  negro  slaves, 
Egyptians,  and  Arabs,  and  he  put  Kurds  and  Turks  in  their 
places.  This  new  force  was  formed  of  twelve  thousand  horsemen. 
Saladin,  and  the  Sultans  who  followed  him,  were  fond  of  buying 
young  Turks,  whom  they  reared  very  carefully  to  military  service, 
but  Salih,  ruling  sixth  after  Saladin,  preferred  Mameluks  to  others. 
Before  coming  to  power  this  prince  had  tested  the  Mameluks  and 
esteemed  them;  when  Sultan  he  increased  the  number  of  them 
greatly,  by  purchase.  These  new  men  were  brought  from  regions 
north  of  the  Caucasus  and  the  Caspian,  from  those  tribes  known 
in  the  Orient  as  Kipchak,  and  as  Polovtsi  by  the  Russians.  At 
first  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  them,  but  after  the  Mongol  invasion 
of  Russia  young  prisoners  were  sold  in  large  numbers  into  Egypt 
and  Syria.  Salih  had  a  thousand,  whom  he  lodged  in  the  fortress 
of  Randhat,  on  an  island  in  front  of  Cairo;  he  called  them  the 


258 


The  Mongols 


Bahriye,  or  men  of  the  river.  These  young  slaves  were  brought 
up  in  the  practice  of  arms,  and  in  the  religion  of  Islam.  The 
guard  of  the  Sultan  was  composed  wholly  of  Mameluks.  Salih 
chose  from  their  chiefs  the  great  officers  of  his  household,  and  his 
most  trusted  advisers.  They  attained  the  highest  military  offices, 
enjoyed  the  richest  fiefs,  and  received  the  best  revenues;  they 
saved  Egypt  at  Mansura,  and  did  most  to  destroy  the  French  army ; 
their  power  lay  in  esprit  de  corps  and  ambition.  Their  chiefs 
rose  to  dominion  in  Egypt,  and  then  put  a  check  on  the  Mongols. 

Syria  belonged  now  to  Nassir  Salah  ud  din  Yusseif,  who  from 
his  father,  Aziz,  a  grandson  of  Saladin,  inherited  the  principality 
of  Aleppo  in  1236,  and  took  in  1250,  after  the  slaying  of  Turan 
Shah,  the  principality  of  Damascus,  which  belonged  to  the  Sultan 
of  Egypt.  Master  now  of  the  best  part  of  Syria,  Nassir  Salih 
undertook  to  drive  from  the  throne  of  Egypt  the  Turkish  freed- 
man,  who  had  recently  usurped  it,  but  he  was  beaten  by  Eibeg, 
and  an  envoy  of  the  Kalif  proposed  mediation;  peace  was  made, 
and  Nassir  1251  ceded  to  the  Sultan  Jerusalem,  Gaza  and  the  coast 
up  to  Nablus.  Faris  ud  din  Aktai,  a  great  chief  among  Mameluks, 
was  assassinated  at  command  of  Eibeg,  whom  he  had  offended. 
Seven  hundred  troopers  of  this  chief  and  some  Bahriye  officers 
fled,  among  others  Beibars  and  Kelavun,  both  of  whom  occupied 
the  Egyptian  throne  later  on.  They  left  Cairo  in  the  night, 
went  to  Syria,  and  obtained  of  Prince  Nassir  permission  to  appear 
at  his  court.  They  received  money,  robes  of  honor,  and  then 
they  advised  him  to  march  on  Cairo.  Nassir  was  distrustful  of 
these  men,  against  whom  Eibeg  had  roused  his  suspicions  by  letter, 
but  he  made  use  of  the  incident  to  demand  back  the  lands  which 
he  had  ceded  to  Egypt,  because  the  Mameluks  who  had  received 
them  as  fiefs  were  now  in  his  service. 

Eibeg  gave  back  the  lands,  and  Nassir  confirmed  the  Mameluks 
in  the  use  of  them.  But  those  river  Mameluks  did  not  remain 
faithful  to  Nassir,  since  they  thought  him  too  feeble  for  their 
projects.  They  went  to  another  Eyubite,  Mogith  Omar,  Prince 
of  Karak,  and  asked  him  to  aid  in  the  attack  upon  Eibeg,  alleging 
falsely  that  they  had  been  called  to  that  action  by  generals  in 
Cairo. 

Mogith,  a  son  of  the  Sultan  Adil,  had  been  confined  by 
Turan  Shah  in  the  castle  of  Shubek,   when  Turan  had  been 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


259 


slain  Mogith  was  set  free  by  the  castle  commandant.  In  1251 
this  same  Mogith  became  sovereign  of  Karak  and  also  of  Shubekc 
Circumstances  seemed  to  favor  a  descent  upon  Egypt.  The 
Prince  of  Karak  marched  against  Egypt,  but  was  beaten  by 
Kutuz,  Eibeg's  general,  who  seized  many  Bahriye  chiefs  captive 
and  cut  their  heads  off  immediately. 

Some  years  before  his  defeat  by  Eibeg  Prince  Nassir  had 
sent  to  Hulagu  his  vizir,  Zein  ud  din  el  Hafizzi,  who  brought 
back  with  him  letters  of  safety  to  his  master.  The  im- 
mense progress  of  Hulagu 's  arms  and  his  menacing  plans  dis- 
turbed Nassir,  who  grieved  now  that  he  had  not  sent  homage 
earlier  to  the  conquering  Mongol.  In  1258  he  despatched  his 
son,  Aziz,  still  a  boy,  with  his  vizir,  a  general,  and  some  officers, 
giving  also  a  letter  to  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu,  the  aged  and  crafty  Mosul 
prince,  whom  we  know  as  having  pulled  Hulagu 's  ears  at  an 
audience. 

When  Nassir 's  envoys  were  received  by  Hulagu,  he  inquired 
why  their  master  had  not  come  with  them.  "  The  Prince  of 
Syria  fears,"  said  they,  "  that  should  he  absent  himself  his  neigh- 
bors, the  Franks,  who  are  also  his  enemies,  would  invade  his 
possessions,  hence  he  has  sent  his  own  son  to  represent  him." 
Hulagu  feigned  to  accept  this  false  answer.  The  envoys^  it  is 
said,  requested  Mongol  aid  to  save  Egypt  from  the  Mameluks. 
Hulagu  detained  Aziz  some  months,  and  when  at  last  he  per- 
mitted the  boy  to  take  leave  and  return  to  his  father,  the  vizir 
received  a  message  for  Nassir,  which  was  in  substance  as  follows : 
"  Know  thou,  Prince  Nassir,  and  know  all  commanders  and 
warriors  in  Syria,  that  we  are  God's  army  on  earth.  He  has 
taken  from  our  hearts  every  pity.  Woe  to  those  who  oppose  us, 
they  must  flee,  we  must  hunt  them.  By  what  road  can  they  save 
themselves,  what  land  will  protect  them?  Our  steeds  rush  like 
lightning,  our  swords  cut  like  thunderbolts,  our  warriors  in  num- 
ber are  like  sands  on  the  seashore.  Whoso  resists  us  meets  terror; 
he  who  implores  us  finds  safety.  Receive  our  law,  yours  and  ours 
will  then  be  in  common.  If  ye  resist,  blame  yourselves  for  the 
things  which  will  follow.  Choose  the  safe  way.  Answer  quickly, 
or  your  country  will  be  changed  to  a  desert.  Ye  yourselves  will 
find  no  refuge.  The  angel  of  death  may  then  say  of  you:  'Is 
there  one  among  them  who  shows  the  least  sign  of  life,  or  whose 


260 


The  Mongols 


voice  gives  out  the  slightest  of  murmurs  ?  '  We  are  honest,  hence 
give  you  this  warning." 

Since  Nassir  had  no  hope  of  aid  to  fight  Hulagu  he  chose  to 
make  common  cause  with  every  Mohammedan,  and  sent  back  a 
brave  answer.  These  are  some  words  of  it :  "  Ye  say  that  God  has 
removed  from  your  hearts  every  pity.  That  is  the  condition  of 
devils,  not  sovereigns.  But  is  it  not  strange  to  threaten  lions  with 
bruises,  tigers  with  hyenas,  and  heroes  with  clodhoppers?  Re- 
sistance to  you  is  obedience  to  the  Highest.  If  we  slay  you  our 
prayers  have  been  answered;  if  ye  slay  us  we  go  into  paradise. 
We  will  not  flee  from  death  to  exist  in  opprobrium.  If  we  sur- 
vive we  are  happy;  if  we  die  we  are  martyrs.  Ye  demand  that 
obedience  which  we  render  the  vicar  of  the  Prophet,  ye  shall  not 
have  it;  we  would  rather  go  to  the  place  in  which  he  is.  Tell 
the  man 1  who  indited  your  message  that  we  care  no  more  for  his 
words  than  for  the  buzz  of  a  fly  or  the  squeak  of  a  Persian  fiddle." 

Hulagu  gave  command  to  his  army  to  march  into  Syria.  He 
summoned  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu,  who,  excused  because  of  great  age, 
had  to  send  his  son,  Melik  Salih  Ismail,  with  the  troops  of  Mosul. 
When  this  young  man  arrived  at  the  camp  of  the  Mongols  Hulagu 
made  him  marry  a  daughter  of  Jelal  ud  din,  the  last  Shah  of 
Kwaresm.  Kita  Buga  went  with  the  vanguard,  Sinkur,  a  de- 
scendant of  Kassar,  and  Baidju  led  the  right  wing,  the  left  was  com- 
manded by  Sunjak.  Hulagu  set  out  with  the  center,  September 
12,  1259.  He  passed  Hakkar,  where  all  Kurds  whom  they  met 
were  cut  down  by  the  sword,  not  one  man  being  spared.  On 
entering  Diarbekr  Hulagu  took  Jeziret  on  the  Tigris,  and  sent 
his  son  Yshmut  with  Montai  Noyon  to  take  Mayafarkin,  an  old 
and  famous  town  northeast  of  Diarbekr,  whose  Eyubite  prince, 
Kamil  Nasir  ud  din  Mohammed,  he  wished  to  punish  for  hostility 
to  the  Mongols.  He  was  all  the  more  angry  since  this  man 
had  been  received  well  years  before  that  by  Mangu  the  Grand 
Khan,  and  given  letters  which  put  his  lands  under  that  sovereign's 
protection.  Hulagu  accused  Kamil  now  of  crucifying  a  Syrian 
priest,  who  had  come  to  his  court  with  the  Grand  Khan's  safe- 
conduct  ;  with  having  expelled  Mongol  prefects,  and  with  having 
sent  a  corps  of  troops  to  help  Bagdad  at  demand  of  the  Kalif  — 

1  This  man  was  Nassir  ud  din  the  astronomer  who  had  been  at  Alamut,  and 
had  confounded  the  astrologer  favorable  to  the  Kalif. 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


261 


these  troops  when  they  had  gone  half  the  distance  turned  back 
on  learning  that  the  capital  had  fallen.  To  finish  all,  Kamil  had 
been  in  Damascus  asking  Prince  Nassir  to  march  on  the  Mongols. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  Hulagu  sent  his  son  to  punish  Prince 
Kamil,  who  had  barely  returned  with  vain  promises  when  he  found 
himself  sealed  in  at  Mayafarkin  securely.  v 

Hulagu  summoned  next  to  obedience  Said  Nedjmud  din  el 
Gazi,  Prince  of  Mardin.  That  prince  sent  his  son,  Mozaffer 
Kar  Arslan,  his  chief  judge,  and  an  emir  with  presents,  and  a  letter 
in  which  he  alleged  severe  illness  as  his  excuse  for  not  giving 
personal  homage.  Hulagu  sent  the  following  answer,  making  the 
judge  go  alone  with  it  to  his  master :  "  The  prince  says  that  he 
is  ill,  he  says  this  because  he  fears  Nassir  of  Syria,  and  thinks  that 
if  I  should  triumph  he  must  be  friendly  with  me  hence  he 
feigns  this  illness,  and  if  I  fail  he  will  be  on  good  terms  with  Nassir." 

The  son  of  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu  was  sent  against  Amid.  Hulagu 
himself  took  Nisibin.  He  had  encamped  close  to  Harran,  and 
received  the  submission  of  its  people,  who  were  spared,  as  were 
also  the  inhabitants  of  Koha,  who  followed  the  example  of  Harran ; 
but  the  people  of  Sarudj,  who  sent  no  deputation  to  beg  for  their 
lives,  were  cut  down  with  the  sword  every  man  of  them. 

Hulagu 's  march  spread  dismay  throughout  Syria.  Prince  Nassir 
had  spent  his  time  thus  far  in  discussing  with  Mogith.  The  year 
before  a  corps  of  three  thousand  horsemen  came  to  Syria;  these 
were  deserters  from  Hulagu's  army,  so  called  Sheherzurians, 
doubtless  Kurds  of  Sheherzur.  Nassir  took  these  men  to  his  serv- 
ice, and  gave  them  good  treatment ;  on  hearing  that  they  wished 
to  desert  him  for  Mogith  he  doubled  his  bounty,  but  still  they 
passed  over  to  Mogith.  With  these  men  and  the  Mameluks 
Prince  Mogith  considered  that  he  could  master  Damascus.  Nassir 
went  out  to  meet  him  and  camped  near  Lake  Ziza.  He  staid 
there  six  months  discussing  conditions  with  Mogith,  through 
envoys.  It  was  agreed  at  last  that  the  latter  would  yield  up  his 
Mameluks  to  Nassir,  and  discharge  the  Bahriyes. 

This  treaty  concluded,  Nassir  went  back  to  Damascus.  On 
learning  that  Hulagu  was  at  Harran,  he  consulted  his  generals 
and  resolved  on  resistance.  Nassir  fixed  his  camp  at  Berze,  a 
short  distance  north  of  Damascus,  but  he  could  not  confide  in 
his  army;  volunteers,  Turks  and  Arabs,  he  knew  that  his  generals 


262 


The  Mongols 


and  soldiers  greatly  feared  Hulagu's  victors.  He  himself  was  a 
man  of  weak  character  who  roused  no  respect  in  his  army. 

Seeing  Nassir's  alarm,  Zein  ud  din  el  Hafizzi,  the  vizir,  extolled 
Hulagu's  greatness  and  counseled  submission.  Indignant  at  this  an 
emir,  Beibars  Bundukdar,  sprang  up  one  day,  rushed  at  the  vizir, 
struck  the  man,  cursed  him,  and  said  that  he  was  a  traitor  seeking 
the  destruction  of  Islam.  Zein  ud  din  complained  to  Nassir  of  these 
insults.  Nassir  himself  was  assailed  that  same  night  in  a  garden, 
by  Mameluks,  who  had  determined  to  cut  him  down  immediately, 
and  choose  a  new  Sultan;  he  barely  succeeded  in  fleeing  to  the 
citadel,  but  returned  later  on  to  the  camp  at  the  prayer  of  his 
officers.  Beibars  left  for  Gaza  whence  he  sent  an  officer  named 
Taibars  to  Mansur  the  new  sovereign  of  Egypt  with  his  oath  of 
fidelity. 

At  a  council,  held  to  discuss  coming  perils,  it  was  settled  without 
any  dissent,  that  the  prince,  his  officers,  and  his  warriors  should 
send  their  families  to  Egypt.  Nassir  sent  thither  his  wife,  a 
daughter  of  Kei  Kobad,  the  Seljuk  Sultan,  he  sent  also  his  son, 
and  his  treasures.  Next  followed  the  wives,  sons  and  daughters 
of  officers,  and  a  great  throng  of  people.  The  fears  of  individuals 
were  communicated  to  the  army,  officers  went,  as  if  to  take  farewell 
of  their  families,  but  many  of  those  officers  never  returned  to  their 
places.  Thus  Nassir's  army  was  disbanded. 

Nassir  now  asked  assistance  of  Mogith,  and  besides  sent  Sahib 
Kemal  ud  din  Omar  to  Cairo  to  obtain  aid  from  the  Sultan.  Eibeg 
had  just  been  slain  by  the  hands  of  Shejer  ud  dur,  his  wife, 
who,  convinced  that  he  was  ready  to  slay  her,  had  been  too  quick 
for  him.  Prompt  punishment  was  inflicted :  Shejer  was  given  to 
the  widow  of  Sultan  Aziz,  who,  assisted  by  eunuchs  and  females, 
beat  her  to  death,  stripped  her  body  and  hurled  it  over  the  wall 
to  the  moat  of  the  fortress,  where  it  lay  several  days  without  clothing 
or  burial. 

Eibeg's  son,  Mansur,  a  boy  fifteen  years  of  age,  was  raised  to  the 
throne,  with  Aktai,  a  former  comrade  of  his  father,  as  guardian,  or 
Atabeg,  to  be  followed  soon  by  Kutuz,  who  had  once  been  a  slave  of 
his.  When  Nassir's  envoy  arrived  the  Egyptian  general  held  council 
in  presence  of  the  Sultan.  At  the  council  this  question  was  put 
to  the  chief  judge  and  the  elders :  "  Is  it  possible  to  levy  a  legal 
war  tax  on  the  nation  ?  "    The  answer  was  that  after  needless 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat 


263 


objects  of  value  had  been  taken  from  people,  and  sold,  a  tax  might 
be  levied.  This  was  accepted  by  the  council.  The  Sultan  was  a 
boy  who  had  been  spoiled  by  his  mother,  hence  was  unfitted  for 
rule  at  that  terrible  period.  Kutuz  desired  supreme  power  and 
was  ready  to  seize  it  as  soon  as  the  generals  would  start  for  Upper 
Egypt.  When  they  had  gone  he  imprisoned  the  Sultan  with  his 
brother  and  mother,  and  was  then  proclaimed  sovereign. 

Captured  by  Mongols  in  boyhood,  Kutuz  had  been  sold  in 
Damascus,  and  later  in  Cairo.  He  declared  himself  a  nephew  of 
the  Kwaresmian  ruler,  Shah  Mohammed.  Manumitted  by 
Moizz  ud  din  Eibeg  he  added  El  Moizzi  to  his  name,  thus  follow- 
ing the  Mameluk  custom. 

When  generals  condemned  Kutuz  for  taking  the  dignity  from 
Mansur  he  referred  to  Hulagu,  and  the  fear  caused  by  Prince 
Nassir  of  Syria.  "  All  I  wish  is  to  drive  out  the  Mongols.  Can  we 
do  that  without  a  leader  ?  When  we  have  driven  out  this  enemy, 
choose  whom  you  please  as  the  Sultan."  Thus  he  pacified  his 
rivals  and,  feeling  sure  in  his  power,  removed  Mansur  with  his 
mother  and  brother  to  Damietta.  In  the  following  reign  they 
were  sent  to  Stambul,  the  Turkish  capital,  and  remained  there. 

The  new  Sultan  imprisoned  eight  generals,  then,  receiving  the 
oath  of  the  army,  he  prepared  his  campaign  against  the  Mongols. 
First  he  sent  an  assuring  epistle  to  Nassir,  swearing  that  he  would 
lay  no  claim  to  that  prince's  possessions ;  that  he  looked  on  him- 
self as  Nassir 's  lieutenant  in  Egypt,  that  he  would  put  him  on  the 
throne  if  he  would  come  at  that  juncture  to  Cairo.  If  the  prince 
wished  his  services  he  would  march  to  his  rescue,  but  if  his  presence 
was  disquieting  the  army  would  go  with  the  chief  whom  Prince 
Nassir  might  indicate. 

This  letter,  borne  to  the  prince  by  an  officer  from  Egypt,  who 
went  with  the  envoy  whom  the  prince  had  sent  to  Egypt  asking  for 
aid,  allayed  the  suspicions  of  Nassir.  Danger  was  imminent, 
Hulagu  had  just  marched  into  Syria.  Master  of  all  lands  be- 
tween the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  Hulagu  laid  siege  to  El  Biret  on 
the  first  of  these  rivers,  and  took  it.  In  that  citadel  Said,  the 
Eyubite  prince,  who  had  been  nine  years  in  prison,  was  freed  by 
Hulagu  and  put  in  possession  of  Sebaibet  and  Banias.  The  Mongol 
then  crossed  the  Euphrates  by  bridges  of  boats  at  Malattia,  Kelat 
ur  Rum,  El  Biret,  and  Kirkissia;  he  sacked  the  city  Mahuj,  and 


264 


The  Mongols 


left  garrisons  in  El  Biret,  Nedjram,  Joaber,  Kallomkos,  and  Lash,, 
having  put  to  the  sword  their  inhabitants.  After  that  he  marched 
with  all  his  armed  strength  on  Aleppo. 

The  terror  which  preceded  the  Mongols  drove  multitudes  of 
people  from  the  city  to  seek  shelter  in  Damascus,  while  still  greater 
numbers  were  fleeing  from  Damascus  to  Egypt.  The  season  was 
winter,  many  perished  from  cold  on  the  journey,  the  majority  had 
been  robbed  of  their  property,  and  to  complete  their  distress  and 
great  wretchedness  the  plague  was  then  raging  throughout  Syria 
and  worst  of  all  in  Damascus. 

One  Mongol  division  came  now  and  camped  near  Aleppo,  a 
part  of  it  marched  on  the  city  from  which  the  garrison  sallied 
forth  followed  by  volunteers  from  among  the  lowest  people. 
These,  finding  the  enemy  superior  in  numbers,  and  resolute,, 
returned  through  the  gates  very  quickly.  Next  day  the  bulk  of 
the  Mongol  division  approached  the  walls  closely.  The  chiefs 
of  the  garrison  went  out  to  the  square  where  they  counseled. 
Though  Prince  Moazzam  Turan  Shah,  the  governor,  had  for- 
bidden attacks  on  an  enemy  so  evidently  superior,  a  part  of  the 
troops,  and  with  them  a  crowd  of  common  people,  marched  out 
to  the  mountain  Bankussa  which  they  occupied.  Seeing  Mongols 
advancing,  some  of  those  on  the  mountain  hurried  down  to  attack 
them.  The  Mongols  turned  to  flee,  the  others  pursued  for  the 
space  of  an  hour  and  fell  into  an  ambush.  Those  who  escaped 
from  the  trap  fled  back  toward  Aleppo,  pursued  by  the  enemy. 
When  abreast  of  Bankussa  the  people  who  had  remained  on  the 
mountain  rushed  down  toward  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  a  great 
number  perished,  That  same  day  the  Mongols  appeared  at  Azay, 
a  town  somewhat  north  of  Aleppo,  and  took  it. 

In  a  few  days  Hulagu  came  and  summoned  Prince  Moazzam, 
its  governor,  to  surrender :  "  Thou  canst  not  resist  us,"  said  Hulagu. 
"  Receive  a  commandant  from  us  in  the  city,  and  one  in  the  citadel. 
We  are  marching  now  to  meet  Nassir;  should  he  be  defeated  the 
country  will  be  ours,  and  Moslem  blood  will  be  spared  by  thee. 
If  we  are  beaten  thou  canst  expel  our  commandants,  or  kill  them." 
The  Prince  of  Erzen  ur  Rum  bore  this  summons  to  which  Moazzam 
answered ;  "  There  is  nothing  between  thee  and  me  but  the  sabre." 

The  walls  of  Aleppo  were  strong,  and  inside  was  a  good  stock 
of  weapons.  The  besiegers  made  in  one  night  a  firm  counter  wall ; 


Destruction  of  the  Kalifat  265 


twenty  catapults  were  trained  on  the  city,  which  was  taken  by 
assault  on  the  seventh  day  of  investment  January  25,  1260.  When 
Aleppo  had  been  sacked  during  five  days  and  nights,  and  most  of 
the  inhabitants  had  been  cut  down,  Hulagu  proclaimed  an  end  to 
the  massacre.  The  streets  were  blocked  up  with  corpses.  Only 
those  men  escaped  who  found  refuge  in  four  houses  of  dignitaries, 
in  a  Mohammedan  school,  and  a  synagogue,  all  these  were  safe- 
guarded. One  hundred  thousand  women  and  children  were  sold 
into  slavery.  The  walls  of  Aleppo  were  leveled,  its  mosques  were 
demolished,  its  gardens  uprooted  and  ruined.  One  month  later 
on  the  citadel  yielded.  The  victors  found  immense  booty  in  the 
stronghold  and  also  many  artisans  whom  they  spared  for  captivity. 

Prince  Nassir  was  in  his  camp  at  Berze  near  Damascus,  when  he 
received  news  of  the  sack  of  Aleppo.  His  general  advised  to 
retreat  upon  Gaza  and  implore  the  Sultan  Kutuz  for  assistance. 
Nassir  left  Damascus  defenseless  and  set  out  for  Gaza  with  the 
Hamat  Prince,  Mansur,  and  a  few  others  who  had  clung  to  him. 
By  Nassir 's  command  all  who  could  go  to  Egypt  were  to  start 
immediately.  Terror  reigned  in  Damascus;  property  was  sold 
for  a  song,  while  the  value  of  camels  was  fabulous. 

Nassir  halted  a  short  time  at  Nablus,  and  when  on  the  way 
from  that  city  to  Gaza  two  officers  whom  he  had  left  there  with 
troops  were  captured  by  Mongols  and  slaughtered.  This  swift 
approach  of  the  enemy  made  him  retire  to  El  Arish,  whence  he 
sent  an  envoy  to  Sultan  Kutuz,  imploring  him  to  send  succor 
quickly. 

After  Nassir  had  gone  Zein  ud  din  el  Hafizzi,  the  vizir,  closed  the 
gates  of  Damascus,  and  decided  with  the  notables  to  surrender  to 
the  envoys  who  had  been  sent  by  Hulagu  to  see  Nassir  at  Berze. 
Hence  a  deputation  of  the  most  distinguished  men  went  with  rich 
presents  and  the  keys  of  the  city  to  Hulagu 's  camp  near  Aleppo. 
Hulagu  put  a  mantle  of  honor  on  the  chief  of  these  men,  and 
made  him  grand  judge  in  Syria.  This  cadi  returned  to  Damascus 
immediately  and  called  an  assembly.  Appearing  in  the  mantle, 
he  read  his  diploma,  and  an  edict  which  guaranteed  safety  to  all 
men.  But  in  spite  of  grand  words  of  this  kind  consternation  and 
dread  were  universal. 

Two  commandants  came  now,  one  a  Mongol,  the  other  a  Per- 
sian, who  gave  orders  to  follow  the  wishes  of  Zein  ud  din  el  Hafizzi, 


266 


The  Mongols 


and  treat  the  inhabitants  with  justice.  Soon  after  this  Kita  Buga 
arrived  with  a  body  of  Mongols,  safety  was  proclaimed  at  his 
coming,  and  respect  for  life  and  property.  The  citadel  refused  to 
surrender  but  was  taken  after  sixteen  days  of  siege  labor.  The 
commandant  and  his  aid  were  beheaded  at  Hulagu 's  direction. 
Ashraf,  the  Eyubite  prince  and  grandson  of  Shirkuh,  who  after 
the  departure  of  Nassir  for  Egypt  .went  to  give  homage  to  Hulagu 
near  Aleppo,  had  been  reinstated  in  the  sovereignty  of  Hims, 
which  Nassir  had  taken  from  him  twelve  years  before,  giving 
Telbashir  in  exchange  for  it.  Hulagu  now  made  Ashraf  his  chief 
lieutenant  in  Syria.  Ashraf  arrived  at  Merj-Bargut  and  Kita 
Buga  commanded  Zein  ud  din  el  Hafizzi  and  the  other  authorities 
«of  Damascus  to  yield  up  their  power  to  him. 

After  reducing  Aleppo  Hulagu  moved  against  Harem,  a  fortress 
two  days'  journey  toward  Antioch.  The  garrison  was  summoned 
to  surrender  with  a  promise  under  oath  that  no  man  would  be 
injured.  The  defenders  replied,  that  the  religion  which  Hulagu 
held  was  unknown  to  them,  hence  they  knew  not  how  to  consider 
his  promise,  but  if  a  Moslem  would  swear  on  the  Koran  that  their 
lives  would  be  spared,  they  would  surrender  the  castle.  Hulagu 
asked  whom  they  wished  as  the  man  to  give  oath  to  them;  they 
replied  Fakhr  ud  din  Saki,  last  commandant  in  the  citadel  of 
Aleppo.  Hulagu  sent  this  man  with  directions  to  swear  to  every- 
thing asked  of  him.  On  the  faith  of  his  oath  the  place  was  de- 
livered. All  then  were  ordered  to  go  forth  from  Harem.  Hulagu, 
angry  that  his  word  had  been  questioned,  put  Fakhr  ud  din  to 
death  straightway,  and  slaughtered  the  whole  population,  not 
pitying  even  infants.  He  spared  one  person  only,  an  Armenian, 
a  jeweller  of  skill,  whom  he  needed. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


VICTORY  OF  KUTUZ,  SULTAN  OF  EGYPT 

HULAGU  received  news  now  of  the  death  of  Mangu,  the 
Grand  Khan,  and  deciding  at  once  to  return  to  Mongolia, 
he  made  Kita  Buga  commander  of  the  armies  in  Syria,  and  when 
departing  ordered  him  to  level  the  walls  of  Aleppo  and  its  citadel. 
A  deputation  of  Crusaders  came  at  this  time  to  Kita  Buga. 

It  is  said  by  historians,  that  Hulagu  had  resolved  to  take  Pales- 
tine from  the  Moslems,  and  give  it  to  Christians,  and  that  he  was 
about  to  do  this  when  news  came  of  Mangu's  demise  in  Mongolia. 
He  turned  homeward  immediately,  intending  to  strive  for  his  own 
elevation,  but  he  learned  in  Tebriz  that  his  brother,  Kubilai, 
was  elected,  and  this  stopped  his  journey. 

From  El  Arish  Nassir  had  hastened  on  toward  Kathia,  but 
Kutuz,  now  in  Salahiyet,  not  desiring  an  Eyubite  prince  as  a  ruler 
for  Egypt,  wished  to  render  him  harmless.  He  wrote  to  the  chiefs 
under  Nassir's  command,  among  others  the  false  Sheherzurians, 
and  requested  them  to  enter  his  service,  offering  high  places,  and 
money  as  he  did  so.  Seduced  by  these  offers  the  Turks  and  Kurds 
deserted  Nassir.  There  remained  with  the  prince,  but  his  brother 
and  a  very  few  other  men.  On  reaching  Kathia  he  dared  not  go 
farther  toward  Egypt,  so  changing  his  road  he  went  on  by  the 
desert  toward  Shubek ;  when  he  arrived  there,  he  and  the  men  with 
him  had  naught  but  their  horses  and  two  or  three  servants.  He 
held  on  farther  toward  Karak;  the  sovereign  of  that  place  sent 
horses,  tents,  and  all  needed  articles  to  Nassir  with  the  statement 
that  he  might  stay  with  him  or  go  to  Shubek.  Nassir  would  do 
neither;  he  continued  his  journey  to  Balka,  but,  betrayed  by  two 
Kurd  attendants  who  informed  Kita  Buga  of  his  whereabouts,  he 
was  seized  near  Lake  Ziza  by  Mongols  and  taken  to  their  general, 
who  was  laying  siege  then  to  Ajalon.  The  general  forced  Nassir 
267 


268 


The  Mongols 


to  order  the  commandant  to  surrender  that  fortress  to  the  Mongols. 
The  commandant  obeyed  after  certain  resistance  and  Ajalon, 
that  stronghold  built  by  Iziz  ud  din,  one  of  Saladin's  emirs,  was 
leveled  to  the  ground.  The  Mongols  had  a  short  time  before 
taken  possession  of  Baalbek  and  ruined  that  city  and  its  citadel. 
Kita  Buga  now  sent  Nassir  to  Tebriz  with  his  brother  and  Salih, 
son  of  the  Hims  prince.  Mogith,  Prince  of  Karak,  sent  his  son 
Aziz,  a  boy  six  years  of  age,  with  him.  When  they  passed  through 
Damascus  Nassir  was  greatly  affected  and  when  he  saw  the  ruins 
of  Aleppo  he  wept,  unable  to  restrain  his  grief. 

Hulagu  received  Nassir  well  and  promised  to  reinstate  him  in 
Syria  when  he  should  subdue  Egypt . 

Egypt,  up  to  that  time  a  refuge  for  those  who  were  fleeing  from 
Mongols,  now  felt  the  terror  of  a  threatened  invasion.  The  Mon- 
gols had  conquered  all  lands  invaded  by  them  thus  far,  hence 
most  men  felt  certain  that  they  would  take  Egypt.  The  Africans 
living  in  Cairo  returned  to  their  distant  homes  because  of  this 
conviction.  Soon  after  Hulagu's  departure  for  Persia  envoys 
announced  themselves  in  Cairo,  and  summoned  the  Sultan  to 
obedience;  war  was  threatened  in  case  of  refusaL  Kutuz  called 
a  great  council  immediately  to  decide  upon  final  action.  Nassir 
ud  din  Kaimeri,  a  Kwaresmian  general  who  had  just  left  the  serv- 
ice of  Nassir,  favored  war  and  declared  for  it*  "  No  one,"  he 
said,  "  could  believe  Hulagu  who  has  broken  faith  with  the  Alamut 
chief,  with  the  Kalif,  with  Ake,  commandant  of  Daritang,  and 
with  the  Prince  of  Erbil.,,  Beibars,  the  emir  from  Damascus, 
called  for  war  also.  After  some  debate  every  chief  present  agreed 
with  the  Sultan.  "  It  is  well,"  said  Kutuz0  "  We  take  the  field. 
Victors  or  vanquished  we  shall  do  our  whole  duty,  and  Moslems 
hereafter  will  never  make  mention  of  us  as  of  cowards." 

It  was  then  decided  that  Hulagu's  envoys  must  die,  hence  they 
were  thrown  into  prison  to  await  execution.  The  Sultan  made 
immense  efforts;  he  levied  tribute,  illegal  in  Islam;  he  taxed 
revenues,  he  taxed  heads,  but  that  was  still  insufficient;  then  he 
seized  the  goods  of  all  who  had  deserted  Nassir  for  his  sake.  Nas- 
sir's  wife  had  to  yield  up  a  part  of  her  jewels ;  other  women  were 
forced  to  make  similar  sacrifices.  Those  who  did  not  part  with 
their  jewels  willingly  were  ill-treated.  When  ready  for  marching 
Kutuz  took  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  his  generals,  and  set  out  from 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  269 


his  castle  called  the  Castle  of  the  Mountain  July  26,  1260.  His 
forces  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  strong  were  composed 
of  the  army  of  Egypt,  of  Syrians  who  had  passed  to  his  service,  of 
Arabs,  and  also  of  Turkmans.  On  the  day  of  departure  he  had 
the  chief  Mongol  envoy  and  the  three  next  in  dignity  beheaded, 
one  in  each  quarter  of  Cairo .  The  four  heads  were  exposed  at  the 
gate  of  Zavila ;  of  the  twenty-six  envoys  remaining  he  spared  only 
one,  a  young  man  whom  he  placed  in  a  company  of  Mameluks. 
A  summons  was  issued  throughout  Egypt  for  every  warrior 
to  march  in  that  struggle  for  Islam.  All  had  to  go,  if  any  man 
tried  to  hide  himself  the  bastinado  was  used  on  him  without 
mercy. 

Kutuz  sent  an  envoy  to  demand  aid  of  Ashraf  of  Hims,  the  chief 
governor  of  Syria  under  Hulagu's  orders,  and  Said,  who  had  been 
liberated  from  prison  in  El  Biret  and  had  received  Sebaibet  and 
Banias  as  his  portion.  Said  abused  the  envoy,  but  Ashraf  received 
him,  and  in  private  prostrated  himself  in  his  presence  through 
respect  for  Kutuz,  who  had  sent  him,  and  added  in  answer  to  the 
message :  "  I  kiss  the  earth  before  the  Sultan,  and  say  to  him, 
that  I  am  his  servant,  and  subject  to  his  orders.  I  am  thankful 
that  God  has  raised  up  Kutuz,  for  the  succor  of  Islam.  If  he 
combats  the  Mongols  our  triumph  is  certain." 

At  Salahiyet  Kutuz  held  a  council;  the  greater  part  of  the 
leaders  refused  to  go  farther;  they  wished  to  wait  at  Salahiyet. 
*'  O  chiefs  of  Islam,"  said  the  Sultan  "  I  march  to  this  holy  war, 
the  man  who  is  willing  to  fight  in  it  will  follow  me;  he  who  is 
unwilling  may  return,  but  God  will  not  take  his  eye  off  that  recreant. 
On  his  head  will  be  counted  the  dishonor  of  our  women  and  the 
ruin  of  our  country."  From  every  leader  who  liked  him  he  took 
an  oath  then  to  follow  and  next  morning  he  sounded  the  signal 
to  march  against  the  Mongols.  The  chiefs  who  had  wished  not 
to  go  were  borne  away  now  by  the  example  of  others;  the  whole 
army  moved  forward  and  entered  the  desert,  Beibars,  who 
commanded  the  vanguard,  had,  with  other  Bahriyan  chiefs, 
quitted  Nassir  and  joined  Kutuz,  who  gave  him  the  district  of 
Kaliub  as  an  income.  Beibars  found  the  Mongols  at  Gaza,  but 
they  left  the  place  straightway,  and  he  entered  it  unopposed.  The 
Sultan  made  only  a  brief  halt  at  Gaza,  and  moved  along  near  the 
coast  line.   Kita  Buga,  who  heard  at  Baalbek  of  this  hostile  ad- 


270 


The  Mongols 


vance,  sent  his  family  and  baggage  to  Damascus,  collected  his 
troops,  and  set  out  to  encounter  the  forces  of  Egypt. 

The  two  armies  saw  each  other  first  on  the  plain  of  Ain  Jalut 
(Fountain  of  Goliah),  between  Baissan  and  Nablus.  Before  the 
battle  Kutuz  spoke  with  great  feeling  to  his  generals,  and  strength- 
ened them  for  the  conflict.  He  mentioned  the  peoples  whom  the 
Mongols  had  ruined,  and  he  threatened  his  hearers  with  the  same 
lot  unless  they  won  victory.  He  roused  them  to  liberate  Syria,  and 
vindicate  Islam;  if  not  they  would  earn  Heaven's  wrath  and 
dire  punishment.  Moved  by  his  words  they  shed  tears,  and  swore 
to  do  all  that  was  in  them  to  hurl  back  the  enemy. 

The  two  armies  met  September  3,  1260.  The  Egyptians  entered 
the  battle  without  confidence.  At  first  they  were  timid  and  con- 
fusion appeared  in  the  left  wing  which  turned  to  flee;  at  that 
moment  the  Sultan  cried  out :  "  O  God,  give  Thou  victory  to  thy 
servant  Kutuz."  He  charged  then  in  person,  cut  into  the  thick 
of  the  enemy,  and  performed  miracles  of  valor.  He  charged  again 
and  again,  encouraging  others  to  meet  death,  and  fear  nothing. 

Meanwhile  the  left  wing  had  rallied,  re-formed,  and  reappeared 
on  the  battlefield.  These  warriors  fought  now  with  invincible 
fury,  and  stopped  not  till  they  had  broken  the  ranks  of  the  Mon- 
gols, who  fled  after  having  lost  most  of  their  officers.  Kita  Buga 
was  killed  in  the  action.  A  Mongol  division  entrenched  on  a 
neighboring  height  was  attacked,  and  cut  to  pieces.  The  emir, 
Beibars,  surrounded  the  fugitives,  of  whom  only  a  very  small 
number  escaped.  Some  hid  among  reeds  near  the  battle-ground ; 
Kutuz  set  fire  to  the  reeds  and  all  those  men  perished.  When  the 
great  battle  was  over  the  Sultan  came  down  from  his  horse,  and 
returned  thanks  to  God  in  a  prayer  of  two  verses.  Prince  Said, 
who  had  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Mongols,  came  now  to  sur- 
render. On  dismounting  he  went  to  the  Sultan  to  kiss  his  hand, 
but  Kutuz  kicked  his  mouth,  and  commanded  an  equerry  to  cut 
his  head  off  immediately. 

In  the  rage  of  that  terrible  battle  the  young  Mongol  placed  by 
Kutuz  among  Mameluks  found  a  chance,  as  he  thought,  to  avenge 
his  father;  but  one  of  those  near  him  seized  his  hand  in  time  to 
turn  aside  the  missile  which,  missing  Kutuz,  killed  the  horse  on 
which  he  was  riding. 

The  camp  of  the  Mongols,  their  women,  and  children,  and 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  271 


baggage  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerers.  Hulagu's  com- 
mandants were  slaughtered  wherever  the  Moslems  could  seize 
them.  Those  in  Damascus  were  able  to  save  themselves.  News 
of  the  Mongol  defeat  arrived  there  September  8  in  the  night 
between  Saturday  and  Sunday.  The  commandants  rushed  off 
immediately.  Seven  months  and  ten  days  had  they  occupied 
Damascus.  September  9  the  Sultan  sent  from  Tiberias  a  rescript 
to  Damascus,  announcing  the  victory  which  God  had  given 
Islam.  This  news  caused  a  joy  all  the  greater  since  Moslems  had 
despaired  of  deliverance  from  the  Mongols,  deemed  until  that 
day  invincible.  Their  delight  was  unbounded,  hence  they  rushed 
straightway  to  the  houses  of  Christians  where  they  pillaged 
and  slew  all  unhindered.  The  churches  of  Saint  James  and  Saint 
Mary  were  burned.  Jew  shops  were  plundered  most  thoroughly, 
and  the  houses  of  that  people  with  their  synagogues  were  saved 
only  by  armed  forces.  Next  the  turn  came  to  Moslems  who  had 
been  partisans  and  agents  of  the  Mongols;  these  too  were  mas- 
sacred without  pity. 

Kutuz  arrived  at  Damascus  with  his  army,  and  entered  the 
city  two  days  later.  He  hanged  a  number  of  Moslems,  who  had 
favored  the  Mongols,  among  others  the  Kurd  who  had  betrayed 
Nassir ;  he  hanged  also  thirty  Christians  and  forced  the  remainder 
to  contribute  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  drachmas. 

Beibars,  who  was  sent  to  pursue  the  fleeing  Mongols,  hurried 
forward  to  Hamath.  The  fugitives,  when  almost  overtaken, 
abandoned  their  baggage,  let  their  prisoners  go  free,  and  rushed 
toward  the  seacoast,  where  they  were  captured,  or  slain  by  the 
Moslem  inhabitants.  Noyon,  who  was  powerless  to  resist  the 
Egyptians,  withdrew  to  Rum  with  the  remnant  of  his  warriors. 

Kutuz,  who  had  saved  Egypt  and  become  master  of  Syria  as  far 
as  the  Euphrates,  was  the  only  man  of  that  period  who  could  have 
turned  back  the  tide  of  Mongol  conquest .  He  now  gave  fiefs  and 
rewards  to  whomever  his  good-will  selected.  He  gave  the  govern- 
ment of  Damascus  to  Sindjar;  and  of  Aleppo  to  Mozaffer,  a  son 
of  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu ;  Prince  Mansur  was  confirmed  in  possession 
of  Hamat;  Ashraf,  Prince  of  Hims,  Hulagu's  chief  lieutenant  in 
Syria,  asked  grace  of  the  Sultan  and  got  it.  When  he  had  named 
all  his  lieutenants  in  Syria  Kutuz  left  Damascus  for  Egypt  Oct. 
5th.   Beibars,  who  had  shown  immense  valor  in  battle,  asked  for 


272 


The  Mongols 


the  government  of  Aleppo,  and  failing  to  get  it,  conceived  such 
resentment  that  with  six  other  malcontents  he  formed  a  plot  to 
assassinate  the  Sultan. 

Between  Koissem  and  Salahiyet  the  Sultan  left  his  road  for  a 
short  hunting  trip ;  the  conspirators  followed  till  they  found  him  un- 
attended. Beibars  then  approached  Kutuz  and  begged  for  a  favor 
which  was  granted;  he  took  the  Sultan's  hand  to  kiss  it;  that  mo- 
ment one  of  the  six  struck  Kutuz  on  the  back  of  the  neck  with  a 
sabre,  a  second  man  pushed  him  down  from  the  horse,  a  third 
pierced  his  body  with  an  arrow,  and  Beibars  with  a  last  blow  took 
life  from  the  Sultan,  October  25, 1260,  The  assassins  left  the  body 
of  Kutuz  where  he  died  and  hastened  on  to  his  camp  at  Salahiyet. 
They  entered  the  Sultan's  pavilion  and  immediately  set  about 
enthroning  Bilban,  an  emir,  the  most  considerable  person  among 
them.  Fari  ud  din  Aktai,  the  Atabeg,  ran  in  and  asked  what  they 
were  doing.  "  Taking  this  man  for  Sultan,"  said  they  as  they 
pointed  at  Bilban.  "  What  is  the  Turk  usage  in  cases  of  this 
kind  ?  "  inquired  Aktai.  "  The  slayer  succeeds,"  was  the  answer. 
"  Who  slew  the  Sultan  ?  "  "  That  man,"  said  they  pointing  to 
Beibars.  The  Atabeg  took  Beibars  by  the  hand  and  led  him  to 
the  throne  of  the  Sultan .  "  I  seat  myself  here  in  the  name  of  the 
Highest,"  said  Beibars,  "  now  give  your  oath  to  me."  "  It  is  for 
thee  to  swear  first,"  said  the  Atabeg,  "  to  treat  them  with  loyalty 
and  give  them  advancement."  The  new  Sultan  made  promises 
in  that  sense  and  swore  to  them,  the  others  then  gave  their  oath 
of  allegiance. 

After  this  unexpected  enthronement  Beibars  started  for  Cairo 
where  he  arrived  just  at  midnight.  The  city  had  been  adorned  at 
all  points  for  Kutuz,  the  deliverer  of  Islam.  The  people  were 
waiting  and  expecting  to  see  their  famed  ruler,  and  rejoice  at  the 
victory  of  the  faithful.  What  was  their  wonder  and  amazement 
when  heralds  at  daybreak  passed  through  all  Cairo  and  shouted: 
"  O  people,  implore  divine  favor  for  the  soul  of  El  Mozaffer  Kutuz, 
and  pray  for  Ez  Zahir  Beibars  your  new  Sultan." 

All  were  in  great  consternation  for  they  feared  the  Bahriyans 
and  their  tyranny.  Beibars,  a  man  of  the  Kipchak,  or  Polovtsi 
Turks,  had  been  sold  at  Damascus  for  eight  hundred  drachmas, 
but  the  purchaser  found  a  white  spot  on  his  eye  and  broke  the 
bargain.    He  was  bought  then  by  Emir  Eidikin  Bundukdar; 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  273 


following  Mameluk  usage  he  called  himself  Beibars  el  Bunduk- 
dari.  In  1246  the  Eyubite  Sultan,  Salih,  disgraced  Eidikin,  took 
his  Mameluk,  and  advanced  Beibars  until  he  became  one  among 
the  highest  Bahriyans* 

Beibars  now  made  his  old  owner  a  general,  and  gave  him  the 
government  of  Damascus.  Hulagu  had  given  Damascus  and  its 
province  to  Prince  Nassir,  and  had  sent  him  from  Hamadan,  with 
an  escort  of  three  hundred  Syrians,  on  the  eve  of  the  day  when  news 
came  that  the  Mongols  were  crushed  at  Ain  Jalut.  It  was  sug- 
gested to  Hulagu  then  by  a  Syrian  that  Nassir  on  getting  Damascus 
would  join  Kutuz  surely.  Thereupon  Halagu  sent  three  hundred 
Mongols  on  horseback  to  follow  Nassir.  They  came  up  with  the 
prince  in  the  mountains  of  Salmas  where  they  killed  him,  and 
spared  no  man  of  his  suite  except  the  astrologer,  who  gave  the 
historian  Bar  Hebraeus  the  details  of  this  slaughter.  Hulagu 
wras  impatient  to  avenge  the  defeat  of  Ain  Jalut,  but,  occupied 
greatly  by  the  death  of  Mangu,  he  could  not  begin  an  expedition 
at  that  timeo 

As  we  have  stated,  Mayafarkin  had  been  summoned  to  surrender 
and  then  besieged  by  Yshmut  while  his  father,  Hulagu,  was  ad- 
vancing on  Aleppo.  Prince  Kamil  of  Mayafarkin  gave  this  answer 
to  the  summons :  "  I  have  learned  from  the  fate  of  other  sovereigns 
to  put  no  trust  whatever  in  Mongols  and  will  fight  to  the  utmost." 
Inflaming  the  courage  of  his  people,  he  opened  all  his  supplies 
and  every  treasure,  not  wishing,  as  he  said,  to  act  like  the  Kalif  of 
Bagdad  who  lost  life  and  an  Empire  through  avarice.  He  began 
by  a  sortie,  in  which  he  slew  many  besiegers.  He  had  in  his  serv- 
ice a  man  of  rare  skill  in  hurling  great  stones  with  catapults. 
This  man  did  immense  harm  to  the  assailants;  they  too  had  a 
man  of  much  art  in  this  matter  whom  they  got  from  Bedr  ud  din 
Lulu,  late  prince  of  Mosul.  It  is  said  that  once  the  two  men  dis- 
charged their  engines  at  the  very  same  instant  and  the  two  stones 
from  their  catapults  met  in  the  air  and  shivered  each  other  to 
fragments.  Two  champions  of  wonderful  strength  came  out  of 
Mayafarkin  each  time  with  a  sortie,  and  never  retired  till  they 
had  left  on  the  plain  many  Mongols.  The  siege  turned  in  time 
to  a  blockade,  and  with  the  blockade  appeared  famine.  The 
besieged  were  forced  to  eat  dogs,  cats,  shoes,  and  at  last  they  ate 
people.    After  the  blockade  had  continued  a  full  year  and  resistance 


274 


The  Mongols 


was  exhausted,  the  inhabitants  sent  to  Yshmut  declaring  that  there 
were  no  more  defenders  in  Mayafarkin.  He  sent  Oroktu  Noyon, 
who  found  only  seventy  half  famished  people.  The  Mongols 
rushed  in  to  pillage.  The  two  champions  went  to  a  house  top 
whence  they  killed  men  as  they  passed  them;  surrounded  at  last 
they  refused  to  surrender  and  died  fighting  desperately.  In  the 
spring  of  1260  the  famous  old  town  of  Mayafarkin  was  in  the 
possession  of  Mongols.  Prince  Kamil  and  nine  Mameluks  were 
captured,  taken  to  Telbashir,  and  led  into  the  presence  of  Hulagu, 
who  put  Kamil  to  death  in  a  horrible  manner :  bits  of  flesh  were 
torn  from  his  body  and  thrust  down  his  throat  until  life  left  him. 
His  head,  cut  off  and  fixed  on  a  lance,  was  borne  from  Aleppo  to 
Hamath,  and  taken  finally  to  Damascus.  There  it  was  carried 
through  the  streets  and  tambourines  and  singers  moved  before  it. 
At  last  it  was  tied  to  the  wall  next  the  gate  El  Feradis  (Paradise) 
where  it  hung  till  Kutuz  made  his  entry  after  the  victory  of  Ain 
Jalut.  The  Sultan  had  this  head  placed  in  the  mausoleum  of 
Hussein,  son  of  Ali. 

Of  the  nine  Mameluks  in  Mayafarkin  eight  were  put  to  death. 
The  last  man  was  spared  because  he  had  been  chief  hunter  for  the 
Prince  of  Mayafarkin,  and  Hulagu  took  him  into  his  service. 

Yshmut  now  attacked  Mardin  at  command  of  his  father.  Hulagu 
had  invited  Said  of  Mardin  to  come  to  him,  but  Said  was  distrust- 
ful, and  sent  his  son  Mozaffer,  to  render  homage  at  Aleppo; 
Hulagu  sent  him  back  to  Mardin  and  said :  "  Tell  thy  father  to 
come;  prevent  his  revolt  and  thus  save  him."  The  father  would 
not  listen  and  imprisoned  Mozaffer;  then  Hulagu  sent  troops 
against  Mardin.  The  place  was  on  a  height  beyond  reach  of  pro- 
jectiles, and  the  attackers  were  forced  to  blockade  it.  At  the  end 
of  eight  months  an  epidemic  and  famine  had  produced  fearful 
ravages;  Prince  Said  died  of  the  malady  or,  as  some  historians 
state,  of  poison  administered  by  his  son.  Mozaffer  was  set  free 
then  and  surrendered;  Hulagu  gave  him  Mardin  which  he  kept 
till  his  death  in  1296. 

After  the  capture  of  Bagdad  and  the  destruction  of  the  Kalifat 
Abul  Kassin  Ahmed,  an  uncle  of  the  Kalif  Mostassim,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  escaping  and  had  found  a  refuge  among  Beduins  in 
Irak  till  1261,  when  he  went  to  Damascus  attended  by  Arabs. 
Beibars  sent  orders  at  once  to  treat  this  descendant  of  Abbas  with 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  275 


distinction,  and  conduct  him  to  Egypt.  When  Kassin  Ahmed 
approached  Cairo,  June  19,  1261,  the  Sultan  went  out  to  meet  him 
with  a  great  suite  of  military  leaders,  also  cadis,  ulema  and  an 
immense  throng  of  people,  followed  by  Jewish  Rabbis  bearing 
their  Scriptures,  and  Christian  priests  bearing  with  them  the 
Gospels. 

Four  days  later  the  chief  functionaries  and  the  ulema  assembled 
in  the  palace,  and  Ahmed's  genealogy  was  established.  Taj  ud 
din  the  chief  justice  gave  him  the  oath  of  allegiance,  next  the  Sul- 
tan pledged  his  homage  and  faith  in  case  the  new  Kalif  acted  always 
according  to  the  Divine  law  of  Islam,  and  all  traditions  of  the 
Prophet,  commanded  what  the  law  commands,  forbade  what  the 
law  forbids,  and  walked  in  the  ways  of  the  Almighty.  Also  that  he 
received  legally  in  the  name  of  God  the  contributions  of  the  faith- 
ful and  gave  them  to  those  who  had  the  right  to  receive  them.  The 
Kalif  then  invested  Beibars  with  the  sovereignty  of  countries  sub- 
mitted to  Islam,  and  those  which  God  might  permit  him  to  free 
from  unbelievers.  This  act  of  investiture  was  fixed  in  a  diploma, 
which  was  given  to  the  Sultan.  Then  every  man  present  pledged 
faith  to  the  Kalif,  now  called  Al  Mostansir  Billahi,  and  gave  him 
homage.  The  Sultan  sent  an  order  to  every  prefect  in  the  provinces 
to  have  the  new  Kalif  recognized,  his  name  mentioned  in  public 
prayers  and  stamped  on  new  coinage.  The  Kalif  gave  the  Sultan 
a  mantle  of  the  House  of  Abbas .  Some  days  later  this  successor 
of  Mohammed  rode  forth  in  public  on  a  white  steed  with  black 
trappings.  He  wore  a  black  turban,  a  violet  mantle,  a  collar  of 
gold,  and  the  sabre  of  a  Beduin.  On  the  day  of  installation  the 
Kalif  invested  the  Sultan  with  robes  of  office,  and  put  a  gold 
chain  on  his  neck.  After  that  the  vizir  read  the  diploma  con- 
ferring sovereign  power  upon  Beibars,  The  Sultan  now  mounted 
and  rode  through  the  city  with  great  pomp  and  the  utmost  solem- 
nity, preceded  by  the  vizir  and  the  grand  marshal,  who  carried 
alternately,  above  their  heads  the  diploma  given  by  the  Kalif.  All 
houses  were  decorated,  and  the  Sultan's  horse  walked  on  the 
richest  of  stuffs  which  had  been  spread  on  the  streets  of  his 
passage. 

The  following  Friday  the  Kalif  preached  in  the  mosque  of  the 
citadel ;  the  Sultan,  uncertain  of  the  effect  which  he  might  produce, 
and  to  be  sure  of  results  in  every  case,  so  arranged  as  to  shower 


276 


The  Mongols 


gold  and  silver  coins  from  above  on  his  person,  and  thus  interrupt 
the  discourse  which  he  was  giving. 

Beibars  now  formed  for  the  Kalif  a  household  with  all  the- 
officers,  horsemen  and  servants  which  were  requisite.  He  added 
one  hundred  Mameluks,  each  having  three  dromedaries  and 
three  horses ;  he  gave  also  two  thousand  mounted  warriors,  and  a 
body  of  Beduins. 

The  Sultan  and  the  Kalif  left  Cairo  for  Damascus  September  4th,. 
1262.  On  the  10th  of  October  the  Kalif  took  the  road  for  Bag- 
dad, attended  by  the  generals  Self  ud  din  Bilban  and  Sonkor 
of  Rum  who  had  been  deputed  to  go  with  him  to  the  Euphra- 
tes, and  to  hold  themselves  ready  to  follow  into  Irak  at  the  first 
signal  from  the  Kalif. 

The  three  sons  of  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu,  then  princes  of  Mosul,, 
Jeziret  and  Sindjar,  set  out  with  the  Kalif,  but  halted  at  Rahbah 
despite  his  entreaties,  leaving  with  him,  however,  sixty  Mamluks. 
Mostansir  was  joined  at  that  place  by  Yezid,  an  emir  who  was- 
chief  of  the  Al  Fazl,  and  had  with  him  four  hundred  Beduins,, 
and  by  Eidikin,  an  emir  who  brought  with  him  thirty  horsemen 
from  Hamath. 

Advancing  by  the  western  bank  of  the  Euphrates  they  met  at 
Ana  the  Abbasid  Iman,  Al  Hakim,  attended  by  seven  hundred 
Turkmen;  Al  Burunli,  the  Marmaluk  chief  who  had  seized 
command  of  Aleppo  in  spite  of  the  Sultan,  had  made  Al  Hakim 
set  out  with  these  horsemen.  The  Kalif  overtook  Hakim  and  his. 
party  at  the  river  where  the  seven  hundred  Turkmen  deserted. 

Thereupon  Hakim  adhered  to  Mostansir,  and  was  ready  tor 
assist  in  installing  him  at  Bagdad.  The  people  of  Ana  had  re- 
fused to  receive  Hakim .  The  Sultan  of  Egypt,  they  said,  had 
recognized  a  Kalif  who  was  coming;  to  him  alone  would  they 
open  the  gates  of  their  city. 

When  Mostansir  appeared  he  was  met  with  due  homage; 
Haditse  acted  like  Ana,  but  Hitt  refused  sternly  to  open  its  gates 
and  was  taken  by  violence.  The  Kalif  entered  the  city  November 
24  with  his  warriors,  who  plundered  both  Christians  and  Jews  with- 
out mercy. 

Kara  Buga,  the  commander  of  those  Mongols  who  guarded 
Arabian  Irak,  hearing  of  Mostansir's  approach  marched  against 
Anbar  with  five  thousand  cavalry.    Anbar  was  friendly  to  the* 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


277 


Kalif  and  might  give  him  aid.  Kara  Buga  entered  the  city  on  a 
sudden  and  cut  down  the  people  on  all  sides.  Bahadur  Ali, 
governor  of  Bagdad,  went  hither  also  with  the  troops  in  his  gar- 
rison. These  two  commanders  after  joining  their  forces  near 
Anbar  encountered  the  new  Kalif  who,  ranging  the  Turkmans  on 
his  right,  the  Arabs  on  his  left,  charged  himself  in  the  center. 
Bahadur's  troops  took  to  flight  and  the  greater  part  threw  them- 
selves into  the  river.  Kara  Buga  put  some  of  his  forces  in  ambush 
and  waited .  When  the  Turkmen  and  Arabs  met  the  Mongols 
they  fought  very  little,  and  rushed  off  in  panic.  The  center,  now 
left  unsupported,  was  surrounded  and  overpowered,  crushed  into 
disorder  and  cut  to  pieces.  The  Kalif  was  lost  in  that  chaos,  and 
was  never  seen  again.  According  to  some  he  was  killed,  others 
said  that  he  escaped  to  Arabs  and  died  of  his  wounds  while  among 
them. 

Mostansir  was,  as  is  said,  a  man  of  great  strength  and  good 
courage,  with  a  loftiness  of  bearing  very  different  indeed  from 
Mostassim,  the  last  Kalif  of  the  Kalifat,  who  was  trampled  to  death 
under  horsehoofs  at  Hulagu's  camp  ground.  But  whatever  his 
merits  this  adventure  reached  the  acme  of  folly.  It  is  difficult  to 
explain  how  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  with  all  his  shrewd  management 
could  have  spent  so  much  treasure  on  a  journey  foredoomed  be- 
yond doubt  to  disaster,  unless  he  had  a  sinister  motive  in  the 
enterprise,  and  wished  it  to  end  in  the  destruction  of  that  Kalif 
whom  he  had  perhaps  inaugurated  through  diplomacy  and  for  his 
own  aggrandizement.  One  historian  declares  that  Beibars  was 
sending  ten  thousand  warriors  to  set  up  the  Kalif  in  Bagdad,  and 
giving  him  as  aids  the  Prince  of  Mosul  and  his  brothers,  when  one 
of  these  warned  the  Sultan  that  the  Kalif  if  settled  in  Bagdad 
might  take  Egypt  from  him.  We  may  well  suppose  that  Beibars 
wished  simply  to  establish  his  own  power  with  firmness,  and 
give  himself  freedom  in  Islam,  and  that  he  wished  to  be  rid  of  the 
new  Kalif  so  as  to  put  in  his  place  a  man  who  could  not  be  strong, 
and  who  would  be  obedient.  Hakim,  who  met  the  late  Kalif  at 
Anbar,  claimed  to  be  fourth  in  descent  from  Mostershed  who  was 
slain  in  1135  by  the  Assassins.  This  Hakim  now  fled  to  Egypt, 
where  Beibars  received  him  with  distinction  and  gave  him  a 
residence  in  the  palace  called  Munasir  al  Kebesh.  His  duties  were 
simply  to  legitimize  with  the  holiness  of  Islam  the  Sultan  of  Egypt, 


278 


The  Mongols 


and  ward  off  all  Fatimid  pretensions.  His  power  beyond  that  was 
as  nothing.  He  was  styled  "  Shadow  of  God  upon  Earth,  Ruler 
by  command  of  Godo"  He  lived  this  life  for  forty  years  and  was 
first  in  that  line  of  Egyptian  Kalifs  who  were  puppets  of  the 
Mameluke  sovereigns.  An  end  was  put  to  that  line  only  when 
Egypt  was  conquered  by  Selim  I.  and  the  Turkish  Sultans  took 
to  themselves  the  Kalifai,  and  became  the  successors  of  Mo- 
hammed. 

Salih,  the  eldest  son  of  Bedr  ud  din  of  Mosul,  met  a  worse  fate 
by  far  than  the  Kalif .  Soon  after  the  accession  of  Beibars  Salih 's 
brother  Said,  who  had  been  driven  from  Aleppo  by  the  Mamelukes,, 
went  to  Egypt,  whence  he  wrote  to  his  brother  advising  a  visit  to 
Beibars,  who  when  he  had  conquered  the  Mongols  could  make 
Salih  ruler  not  of  some  petty  place  in  the  West  but  of  great  Eastern 
regions.  This  letter  was  kept  very  carefully  by  Salih,  who  took  it 
to  bed  with  him.  Ibn  Yunus,  an  official  who  had  been  a  great 
personage  in  Bedr  ud  din's  day,  stole  it  from  under  the  coverlet 
while  Salih  was  sleeping.  He  set  out  immediately  for  Baashika  his 
birthplace  in  the  province  of  Nineveh. 

On  missing  the  letter  Salih  sent  two  slaves  to  Baashika.  Ibn 
Yunus,  fearing  dire  punishment  if  caught,  turned  toward  Erbil  and 
at  Bakteli,  on  the  way,  he  advised  one  Abad  Ullah  to  flee  with  all 
his  people  without  waiting,  for  Salih  would  destroy  every  Christian 
and  escape  straightway  to  Egypt.  He  fled  then  to  Erbil. 

Meanwhile  Salih,  fearing  lest  Ibn  Yunus  might  give  the  letter  to 
the  Mongols,  withdrew  with  his  son,  Alai  ul  Mulk,  toward  Syria. 
Turkan  Khatun,  his  wife,  would  not  go  with  him0  She  re- 
mained in  Mosul  with  Yasan,  the  Mongol  prefect.  She  and 
Yasan  shut  the  gates  and  prepared  a  defence  for  the  city.  One  of 
Salih 's  officers,  Alam  ud  din  Sanjar,  left  him  while  journeying  and 
returned  to  occupy  Mosul.  He  found  the  gates  closed  and  began 
to  attack  them.  This  attack  lasted  several  days  unsuccessfully. 
At  last  a  number  of  citizens  threw  the  gates  open  and  he  entered. 
The  prefect  and  Salih's  wife  fled  to  the  citadel. 

Sanjar  killed  all  the  Christians  who  would  not  accept  Islam, 
hence  many  renounced  their  religion  to  save  themselves. 

Meanwhile  the  Kurds  attacked  places  in  the  surrounding 
country,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  Christians.  They  took  the 
Kudida  convent  by  storm  and  put  to  death  many  of  its  inmates. 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  279 


The  monastery  of  Mar  Matthew  they  besieged  during  four  months 
with  warriors  on  foot  and  one  thousand  on  horseback.  They 
attempted  to  storm  it,  but  the  monks  repelled  every  effort,  and 
burned  all  scaling  ladders  with  naphtha.  The  Kurds  now  let  down 
two  immense  rocks  from  a  neighboring  mountain  top.  One  of 
these  remained  fast  in  the  wall  and  was  fixed  there  like  a  stone  in 
its  setting;  the  other  passed  through  and  left  a  wide  breach  be- 
hind it.  When  the  Kurds  tried  to  rush  through  the  opening  the 
monks  met  them  with  a  desperate  valor,  using  stones,  darts,  and 
every  weapon  in  the  monastery.  They  kept  the  Kurds  out  and 
filled  up  the  great  breach.  The  Abbot,  Abunser,  fought  with  the 
foremost  and  lost  one  eye  in  that  venomous  struggle.  But  in  time 
the  defenders  were  failing  and  would  have  been  forced  to  sur- 
render had  the  attacks  been  continued.  But  the  Kurds  too  had 
their  weakness.  They  greatly  feared  an  attack  from  the  Mongols, 
though  this  they  concealed  very  cleverly,  and  even  extorted  a 
ransom*  The  monks  gave  the  silver  and  gold  of  the  churches, 
and  all  the  treasure  which  they  could  get  from  the  people,  after 
which  the  Kurds  left  them. 

At  Erbil  the  Mongol  emir,  Kutleg  Beg,  cut  down  men  and 
women  without  mercy.  Salih's  officer,  Sanjar,  having  heard  that 
the  Mongols  were  moving  on  Mosul,  marched  out  and  engaged 
them ;  he  was  killed  and  his  forces  defeated.  Salih,  the  Melik  of 
Mosuls  and  his  son  had  gone  meanwhile  to  Beibars  who  was  then 
at  Damascus  with  the  new  Kalif.  He  was  received  with  great 
pomp  by  the  Sultan,  as  were  also  his  brothers.  Horses  and  ban- 
ners and  robes  of  honor  were  presented  to  them,  also  diplomas 
confirming  their  titles.  These  diplomas  were  strengthened  further 
by  the  Kalif.  The  three  brothers  then  escorted  the  Kalif  to 
Rahbah,  as  has  been  already  stated,  where  they  left  him,  each 
going  back  to  his  own  place. 

Salih  returned  to  Mosul  which  was  at  that  time  invested  by 
Mongols.  Samdagu,  the  commander,  having  learned  from  a  spy 
that  Salih  was  coming,  withdrew  to  a  point  not  remote  from  the 
city  where  he  waited.  When  Salih  had  passed  the  gate,  Samdagu 
reinvested  it  with  two  tumans  of  warriors  and  twenty-five  cata- 
pults. He  then  began  siege  work  which  lasted  from  December 
till  summer. 

Salih  gave  good  gifts  to  his  garrison,  and  promised  that  the  Sul- 


280 


The  Mongols 


tan  would  send  reinforcements.  The  defence  was  a  brave  one  and 
effective.  One  day  eighty  Mongols  succeeded  in  scaling  the  bul- 
warks, but  were  killed  every  man  of  them  and  their  heads  shot  out 
from  catapults  to  their  comrades. 

Samdagu  felt  need  of  reinforcements  which  came  to  him  promptly 
from  Hulagu.  At  last  the  Sultan  commanded  Akkush,  who  was 
governing  Aleppo,  to  march  on  Mosul  and  relieve  it.  He  set  out, 
and  sent  a  pigeon  with  news  of  his  coming.  This  bird  settled 
down,  by  a  wonderful  chance,  on  a  catapult  in  Samdagu 's  army, 
was  caught,  and  through  the  letter  attached  to  it  gave  notice  not 
to  the  Prince  of  Mosul  but  to  Samdagu. 

Samdagu  sent  straightway  a  strong  corps  of  warriors  to  beat 
Akkush  back  and  destroy  him  if  possible.  The  Mongols  were 
placed  in  three  ambushes  where  they  waited .  The  Egyptians 
suffered  partly  from  these  ambushes  and  partly  from  a  fierce  wind 
which  blew  in  their  faces,  and  hurled  clouds  of  sand  at  them. 
The  Sultan's  army  was  slaughtered  except  a  mere  remnant.  The 
Mongols  attacked  then  the  people  of  Sinjar,  killed  nearly  all  the 
men  and  seized  captive  the  women  and  children.  Next  they  put 
on  the  clothing  of  Akkush's  dead  warriors  and  moved  toward 
Mosul.  When  nearing  that  city  they  were  seen  from  the  watch- 
towers  by  the  people,  who  mistook  them  for  forces  sent  by  the 
Sultan,  and  went  out  in  large  numbers  to  meet  them.  These 
citizens  were  surrounded  immediately  by  the  Mongols  and  slain  to 
the  very  last  person. 

When  the  siege  had  continued  six  months  the  fierce  heat  of 
summer  was  raging  and  each  side  ceased  its  action.  The  Mongol 
commander  made  a  promise  to  spare  all  and  send  Salih  to  Hulagu 
with  a  request  for  full  pardon.  Thereupon  Salih  yielded  and  sent 
to  Samdagu  a  letter  containing  the  terms  of  surrender. 

He  went  to  the  Mongol  camp  from  the  city  June  25,  1262,  with 
presents  and  dainties,  preceded  by  dancers,  musicians  and  har- 
lequins. The  Mongol  commander,  forgetting  all  promises,  would 
not  receive  Salih,  or  look  at  him,  nay  more,  he  put  the  prince  under 
a  strong  guard  immediately. 

But  Samdagu  reassured  the  people;  they  were  to  be  of  good 
cheer  he  declared  and  fear  nothing.  Meanwhile  they  must  tear 
down  the  walls  and  remove  them.  They  did  this  work  straight- 
way, and  when  all  was  cleared,  and  the  whole  place  was  laid  open,, 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


281 


a  massacre  began  in  that  woebegone  city.  Nine  days  did  that 
terrible  slaughter  continue,  till  the  sword  had  finished  every  one. 
Mosul  was  deserted,  not  a  soul  now  remained  there.  It  was  only 
when  the  Mongols  had  moved  far  away  that  eight  or  ten  hundred 
people  who  had  hidden  in  the  hills  and  in  caverns  crept  out  and 
came  back  to  inhabit  the  city. 

The  first  governor  of  this  spectral  and  death-stricken  Mosul 
was  that  Ibn  Yunus  who  had  stolen  the  letter  from  Salih  and 
betrayed  him. 

Salih  was  sent  to  Hulagu  for  a  judgment.  The  sentence  was 
revolting  and  hideous.  The  late  Prince  of  Mosul  was  deprived 
of  his  clothing  and  wrapped  in  a  sheepskin  just  stripped  from  the 
animal.  This  skin  was  fastened  firmly  round  Salih  who,  exposed 
to  the  sun  of  July  in  that  climate,  suffered  terribly.  The  skin  was 
soon  covered  with  a  life  most  repulsive  and  the  all  conquering 
worm  now  lived  with  Salih.  The  Prince  had  passed  a  whole 
month  in  that  horrible  sheepskin  when  death  came  to  him. 

His  son,  Alai  ud  din,  a  boy  of  three  years,  was  sent  back  to 
Mosul  and  put  to  death  there.  They  made  the  child  drunk,  tied 
cords  around  his  middle  very  tightly  in  such  fashion  as  to  force 
upward  his  entrails ;  they  then  cut  his  body  across  into  two  pieces 
and  hung  one  on  each  bank  of  the  Tigris,  on  a  gibbet.  Mohai,  son 
of  Zeblak,  who  with  others  had  opened  the  gates  to  Salih,  was 
beheaded. 

Samdagu  after  his  triumph  at  Mosul  marched  on  to  Jeziret 
to  which  he  laid  siege  all  the  following  winter  and  spring  and  a 
part  of  the  summer  of  1263.  This  place  was  saved  from  destruc- 
tion by  the  bishop,  Hanan  Yeshua  (Grace  of  Jesus),  a  Nestorian, 
who  through  his  knowledge  of  alchemy  was  a  favorite  of  Hulagu, 
to  whom  he  went  straightway  and  obtained  ayarlyk,  or  decree 
securing  their  lives  to  the  people.  The  gates  were  thrown  open  to 
Samdagu,  who  had  the  walls  leveled  at  once.  Gulbeg,  an  officer 
of  the  Jeziret  prince,  was  made  governor,  but  Samdagu  on  learning 
soon  after  that  Gulbeg  had  given  the  late  prince's  messenger  gold 
which  that  prince  himself  had  secreted,  put  Gulbeg  to  death 
promptly. 

About  this  time  Salar  of  Bagdad,  a  deserting  emir,  went  from 
Irak  to  Egypt.  This  man  was  a  native  of  Kipchak  and  had  once 
been  a  Mameluk  of  Dhahir,  the  Kalif ,  and  from  him  received  rule 


282 


The  Mongols 


over  Vassit,  Kufat  and  Hillet;  this  he  retained  under  Mostassim 
and  Mostansir.  After  the  ruin  of  Bagdad  by  Hulagu,  Salar 
joined  his  forces  with  others  in  resisting  the  Mongols,  but  finding 
that  they  had  not  strength  to  do  anything  effective  he  went  to  the 
desert  of  Hidjaz  and  was  six  months  in  it  when  a  message  from 
Hulagu  bestowed  former  rule  on  him.  He  went  and  took  it. 
When  Beibars  became  Sultan  he  wrote  to  Salar  repeatedly  inviting 
him  to  Cairo.  Salar  was  inclined  to  the  visit  but  deferred  it;  he 
wished  to  secure  all  his  treasures. 

Meanwhile  the  Sultan  said  one  day  to  Kilidj  of  Bagdad :  "  Salar 
thy  friend  is  coming  to  see  me."  "  I  do  not  think  he  will  come," 
said  the  other,  "  he  is  ruling  in  Irak,  why  leave  what  he  has  which 
is  certain  for  something  in  Egypt  ?  "  "  Very  well,"  said  the  Sultan, 
"  unless  he  comes  of  himself  I  will  force  him."  Beibars  then  sent 
a  messenger  to  Salar  with  letters,  as  it  were  in  reply  to  some  others ; 
he  sent  a  second  man  also  to  kill  the  first  as  soon  as  he  crossed 
Salar's  boundary,  and  leave  the  man  where  he  fell  with  the  letters 
upon  him.  All  this  was  done  as  Beibars  had  commanded.  Mon- 
gol outposts  discovered  the  body  and  searched  it.  The  letters  were 
sent  to  the  court  for  perusal.  In  Hulagu 's  service  there  were  sons 
of  former  Mameluks  of  the  Kalif .  These  men  told  Salar  directly 
what  had  happened  and  he  knew  straightway  that  Beibars 
had  tricked  him.  He  received  soon  an  order  to  appear  at 
the  Mongol  court,  but  fearing  death  there  from  Hulagu  he 
fled  to  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  leaving  behind  both  his  family  and 
property. 

Beibars  received  him  with  distinction  and  bestowed  on  the 
fugitive  a  military  command  with  a  fief  of  good  value. 

Hulagu  was  stopped  now  very  seriously  in  his  plans  against 
Syria  and  Egypt  by  the  Golden  Horde  Khan,  Berkai,  his  cousin, 
son  of  Juchi.  The  death  of  Batu,  1255,  was  followed  quickly 
by  that  of  Sartak  his  son  and  successor.  Next  after  Sartak  came 
Sartak's  infant  son,  Ulakchi,  under  the  care  of  his  mother.  The 
child  died  some  months  later  and  Berkai,  the  third  son  of  Juchi, 
was  put  on  the  throne  in  1256.  Berkai  had  been  converted  to 
Islam  and  was  spreading  its  doctrines  effectively.  Strong  through 
support  of  Mangu,  the  Grand  Khan,  whom  he  had  helped  to 
the  Empire,  Berkai  now  reproached  Hulagu  with  needless  cruel- 
ties, with  slaughter  of  both  friends  and  enemies;   with  the 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


283 


ruin  of  many  cities ;  with  the  death  of  the  Kalif ,  brought  about 
without  sanction  of  the  Jinghis  Khan  family.  There  were 
still  other  causes  of  complaint.  Three  descendants  of  Juchi 
had  marched  into  Persia  with  Hulagu:  Balakan  and  Tumar, 
a  grandson  and  great  grandson  of  Juchi.  These  two  at  the 
head  of  Batu's  contingent,  and  Kuli,  also  a  grandson  of  Juchi. 
Kuli  led  the  contingent  of  Urda's,  his  father.  Tumar  was  ac- 
cused before  Hulagu  of  attempting  to  harm  him,  through  witch- 
craft. He  confessed  guilt  when  examined  while  in  torture. 
Hulagu  out  of  respect  for  Berkai  sent  Tumar  to  him  attended 
by  Sugundjak,  a  commander.  Berkai,  thinking  that  Tumar 's 
offence  had  been  proven,  sent  him  back  to  Hulagu,  who  had 
the  prince  put  to  death  without  waiting.  Balakan  died  soon 
after  as  did  also  Kuli.  Berkai  supposed  these  deaths  caused  by 
poison  and  was  enraged.  The  families  of  those  princes  escaped 
then  from  Persia.  Policy  may  have  played  a  large  part  in  these 
murders,  for  Berkai  and  the  descendants  of  Juchi  desired  the 
election  of  Arik  Buga,  while  Hulagu  favored  Kubilai  in  the  contest 
for  Grand  Khanship.  Hulagu,  tired  of  excessive  reproaches  from 
Berkai,  was  ready  for  warfare.  On  hearing  this,  Berkai  declared 
his  intention  of  avenging  the  blood  of  his  relatives  and  many 
thousands  of  others.  He  sent  southward  an  army  of  thirty  thou- 
sand commanded  by  Nogai,  a  cousin  of  Tumar,  who  marched 
on  and  camped  near  Shirvan  beyond  the  Caucasus.  When  the 
troops  of  the  princes  descended  from  Juchi  saw  war  breaking  out 
between  their  own  sovereign  and  Hulagu  they  left  Persia  quickly. 
One  part  went  home  through  Derbend,  another,  pursued  by 
Halagu's  warriors,  passed  through  Khorassan  to  seize  upon  Gazni 
and  lands  touching  India. 

Hulagu  left  Alatag,  his  summer  camp  ground,  and  marched  at 
the  head  of  an  army  gathered  in  from  all  Persia.  On  November 
11,  1262,  his  vanguard  commanded  by  Shiramun  was  thoroughly 
defeated  near  Shemaki,  but  some  days  later  Abatai  repaired  this 
reverse  by  a  victory  near  Shirvan. 

Hulagu  advanced  to  continue  this  victory  and  met  the  enemy 
north  of  Derbend  near  the  Caspian.  Nogai  was  put  to  flight  and 
pursued  by  a  large  force  of  warriors  who  seized  a  camp  left  by 
him  north  of  the  Terek  in  which  were  vast  numbers  of  cattle  and 
of  women  and  children.   Hulagu 's  army  remained  at  that  camp 


284 


The  Mongols 


and  for  three  days  continued  to  drink,  and  to  yield  themselves  up 
to  every  indulgence  accessible. 

All  on  a  sudden  Nogai  reappeared  with  his  armyD  Hulagu 's 
men  were  surprised  near  the  river  and  thoroughly  defeated  (Jan- 
uary 13,  1263).  The  only  escape  for  survivors  was  to  cross  the 
frozen  river.  They  tried  this,  the  ice  broke  and  immense  numbers 
sank  in  the  Terek.  Hulagu  returned  to  Tebriz  greatly  grieved  and 
cast  down  by  the  overthrow,  but  he  summoned  at  once  a  new  army 
and  avenged  his  wrath  on  those  merchants  of  Kipchak  whom  he 
found  in  Tebriz  at  his  coming.  He  put  them  to  death,  and  then 
seized  their  property.  Berkai  answered  straightway  by  killing  all 
traders  within  his  reach  who  were  subjects  of  Hulagu,  and  living 
in  Kipchak.  Hulagu  next  killed  Bokhara  people.  Population 
had  grown  in  that  city,  though  not  greatly,  since  its  ruin.  It  reached 
seventeen  thousand  according  to  a  census.  Of  these  five  thousand 
were  subjects  of  Kipchak,  three  thousand  belonged  to  Siurkukteni, 
the  mother  of  Hulagu,  and  the  rest  to  the  Grand  Khan.  Hulagu 
commanded  that  those  five  thousand  subjects  of  Berkai  be  driven 
to  the  plains  near  the  city;  there  the  men  were  slaughtered  with 
swords ;  the  women  and  children  were  reduced  to  captivity. 

In  1264,  the  year  following,  report  ran  that  Nogai  was  to  lead 
an  attack  on  lands  south  of  the  Caucasus.  While  Hulagu  was 
preparing  to  meet  this,  Jelal  ud  din,  son  of  the  second  chancellor 
to  the  late  Kalif,  told  Hulagu  that  there  were  thousands  of 
Kipchaks  then  living  in  Persia  who  would  serve  in  the  vanguard 
with  readiness.  They  knew  northern  methods  of  warfare,  and 
would  be,  as  he  said,  of  use  beyond  others  in  the  campaign  against 
Berkai.  Hulagu  sent  this  man  to  summon  those  warriors,  and 
commanded  that  supplies,  arms,  and  money  be  given  him  in 
sufficiency,  and  that  no  one  should  thwart  him. 

When  Jelal  had  assembled  those  people  of  Kipchak  he  declared 
that  Hulagu  would  put  them  in  the  vanguard  to  be  slain  there. 
"  I  do  not  wish  this,"  said  he.  "  Follow  me  and  we  will  free  our- 
selves from  Mongols."  He  gave  the  men  money  and  arms  from 
the  treasury  and  arsenals  of  Bagdad ;  then,  he  told  the  commandant 
of  the  city  that  to  gather  provisions  he  was  making  a  raid  against 
Kafadje  Arabs,  at  war  with  Hulagu;  that  done,  he  would 
march  toward  Shirvan.  He  crossed  the  Euphrates,  all  his  men 
following,  taking  with  them  their  families  and  baggage.  Then  he 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


285 


declared  to  them  that  he  was  going  to  Syria  and  Egypt.  Hulagu 
was  beside  himself  with  anger  when  he  learned  of  Jelal's  treachery. 

Beibars,  the  shrewd  Sultan  of  Egypt,  noting  Hulagu 's  alertness, 
and  the  movements  of  Berkai,  which  might  mean,  as  he  thought, 
an  invasion  of  Syria,  sent  mounted  men  toward  the  boundary  of 
Persia  to  reconnoitre.  Later  on  he  commanded  the  people  of 
Damascus  to  move  to  Egypt  with  their  families  for  safety,  and  thus 
leave  more  food  for  his  warriors.  He  instructed  the  governor  of 
Aleppo  to  burn  all  the  grass  in  the  regions  toward  Amid.  This 
was  done  to  the  width  of  ten  days'  journey.  Information  came  next 
to  the  Sultan  that  a  Kipchak  detachment  had  appeared  in  his 
territory.  These  men,  people  told  him,  were  subjects  of  Berkai 
and  were  from  the  contingent  given  Hulagu  on  his  coming  to 
Persia.  Berkai  had  recalled  them,  if  stopped  they  were  to  take 
Tefuge  in  Egypt. 

The  Sultan  commanded  his  officials  to  treat  these  men  well,  to 
give  them  provisions  and  clothing.  They  came  to  Cairo  about 
two  hundred  strong  and  under  four  captains.  Each  captain  re- 
ceived the  land  given  to  commanders  of  a  hundred.  Beibars  gave 
also  clothing,  horses  and  money.  All  became  Moslems.  This 
generous  treatment  induced  others  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Egypt. 

When  he  had  talked  with  these  strangers  concerning  their 
sovereign  and  country  the  Sultan  resolved  to  send  envoys  to  Ber- 
kai. He  chose  for  this  office  Seif  ud  din  Keshrik,  a  man  who  had 
once  served  Jelal  ud  din  the  Kwaresmian  Sultan;  he  knew  the 
country  to  which  he  was  sent  and  its  language.  Madjd  ud  din,  a 
juris-consult,  went  with  him.  Two  men  of  the  Kipchaks  who  had 
received  hospitality  from  Beibars  were  attached  to  the  party.  The 
envoys  bore  a  letter  from  Beibars  assuring  Berkai  of  the  Sultan's 
good  feeling  and  urging  him  to  act  against  Hulagu. 

The  Sultan's  troops  made  up  of  many  nations  were  lauded ;  his 
vassals,  Mohammedan  and  Christian,  were  mentioned ;  the  letter 
ended  by  stating  that  a  body  of  warriors  had  visited  Cairo  and 
declaring  themselves  subjects  of  Berkai,  had  been  received  gladly 
because  of  him.  To  this  letter  the  pedigree  of  the  new  Kalif, 
Hakim,  was  added. 

The  envoy  and  his  associates  set  out  for  the  Volga,  but  were 
stopped  in  Greek  regions  by  the  Emperor  Michael 1  who  had  com- 
1  Michael  PalaBlogus. 


286 


The  Mongols 


plaints  against  Berkai  whose  troops  had  been  raiding  his  posses- 
sions. Michael  had  sent  some  time  before  a  Greek  document  in 
which  he  had  sworn  peace  and  amity  to  the  Sultan. 

Beibars  summoned  straightway  the  Patriarch  and  bishop  to  get 
their  decision  on  oath  breaking.  They  declared  that  by  breaking 
an  oath  a  sovereign  abjures  his  religion.  Beibars  sent  to  the  Em- 
peror this  document  signed  by  the  Patriarch  and  bishops ;  he  sent 
also  a  letter  to  Berkai,  in  which  he  implored  him  to  stop  all  attacks 
on  the  Empire. 

Michael  now  freed  the  envoys,  who  sailed  over  the  Black  Sea 
and  landed  at  Sudak  whence  they  crossed  the  Crimea  and  went  to 
Sarai  situated  somewhat  east  of  the  Volga.  They  were  twenty  days 
making  that  journey.  Berkai's  vizir,  Al  Furussi,  went  out  to  meet 
them.  When  instructed  in  Sarai  ceremonial  they  were  taken  to 
Berkai,  who  was  in  a  tent  large  enough  for  five  hundred  persons. 
They  left  behind  every  weapon  and  were  careful  not  to  touch  the 
threshold  while  entering.  Presented  on  the  left  of  the  throne  they 
were  taken  with  the  suite  to  the  right  of  it,  after  the  letter  from 
Beibars  had  been  read  before  Berkai.  At  the  right  of  the  Khan 
sat  his  principal  wife.  Fifty  or  sixty  high  officers  occupied  stools 
near  him. 

The  Khan  addressed  several  questions  to  the  envoys.  He  did 
not  detain  them  at  Sarai  without  need  and  sent  with  them  envoys 
to  the  Sultan  at  Cairo  where  Seif  ud  din  arrived  after  an  absence  of 
two  years. 

About  six  months  after  the  Sultan's  men  had  started  from 
Cairo  two  envoys  from  Berkai  arrived  in  that  city ;  both  men  were 
Mussulmans  and  had  passed  through  the  Byzantine  capital.  One 
was  an  officer,  Jelal  ud  din  el  Kadi,  the  other  a  Sheik,  Nur  ud  din 
Ali.  Beibars,  who  had  just  come  from  Syria  after  the  taking  of 
Karak,  gave  them  an  audience  in  the  Castle  of  the  Mountain  in 
presence  of  his  commanders  and  a  numerous  assembly. 

Berkai  announced  in  a  letter  that  he  with  his  four  brothers  had 
received  Islam.  He  proposed  an  alliance  against  Hulagu,  asking 
to  send  a  corps  of  Egyptians  toward  the  Euphrates.  He  expressed 
also  interest  in  one  of  the  Rum  Sultans,  Yzz  ud  din,  and  asked 
Beibars  to  aid  him. 

The  Sultan  gave  these  envoys  from  Berkai  many  proofs  of 
munificence,  and  when  they  were  going  he  added  his  envoys  to  the 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


287 


company.  These  envoys  took  with  them  an  answer  on  seventy 
pages  half  margin.  Rich  presents  went  also  to  Berkai,  a  copy  of 
the  Koran,  made,  as  was  stated,  by  Osman  the  Kalif,  with  Osman's 
pulpit  and  prayer  carpet;  tunics,  candelabras  and  torches  from 
Barbary;  all  kinds  of  linen  from  Egypt;  cotton  stuffs,  morocco, 
tapestry,  sabres,  bows,  arms,  helmets,  breast  pieces,  saddles, 
bridles,  boxes  filled  with  arrow  heads,  vases  of  dried  grapes,  gilded 
lamps,  black  eunuchs,  women  who  could  prepare  delicate  dishes, 
Arab  horses,  dromedaries,  white  camels,  wild  asses,  a  giraffe,  and 
some  balsam.  A  turban  which  had  been  in  Mecca  was  added  also, 
for  Beibars  had  sent  an  officer  in  Berkai's  name  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  holy  city,  and  messengers  to  Medina  and  Mecca  to  put  the 
Khan's  name  next  his  own  in  the  public  prayer  of  each  Friday; 
this  was  done  also  in  Jerusalem  and  Cairo.  He  sent  to  Berkai  the 
first  Friday  sermon  of  the  new  Kalif. 

Beibars  sent  back  with  the  Berkai  envoys  the  two  hundred  war- 
riors from  Kipchak. 

Three  months  after  the  envoys  had  gone  thirteen  hundred 
Kipchaks  set  out  for  Cairo.  Beibars  commanded  to  treat  them 
well  on  the  way,  and  he  went  out  to  meet  them.  They  dismounted 
and  bowed  to  the  earth  when  they  saw  him.  Soon  after  a  second 
and  a  third  party  came.  Among  these  were  ten  officers  of  distinction 
with  the  title  of  Aga.  All  were  treated  most  liberally.  Beibars 
asked  them  to  accept  Islam.  This  they  did,  accepting  the  faith 
in  his  presence. 

The  Sultan  received  also  in  Cairo  a  number  of  high  officers  from 
Fars,  chiefs  of  the  Arab  tribe,  Kafadje,  and  the  emir  of  Arabian 
Irak.  These  came  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Egypt,  and  he  gave  them 
fiefs.  The  next  year  he  sent  Shuja  ud  din,  one  of  his  chamberlains, 
to  Berkai,  begging  him  to  stop  his  people  from  raiding  the  lands  of 
the  Byzantine  Emperor,  who  had  asked  his  good  offices.  He  sent  at 
the  same  time  three  turbans  to  Berkai  which  he  had  worn  while  mak- 
ing the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  two  marble  vases  and  other  presents. 

While  Hulagu  was  defending  his  northern  frontier  against 
Berkai's  armies  Hayton,  the  King  of  Cilicia,  attacked  Egyptian 
regions.  Hayton  when  returning  from  Hulagu 's  court  saw  at 
Heraclea  Rokn  ud  din,  the  Rum  Sultan,  with  whom  he  formed  a 
close  friendship.  On  reaching  home  he  summoned  troops  and 
marched  against  Aintab. 


288 


The  Mongols 


Beibars,  informed  always  with  accuracy  of  what  was  happening 
near  his  borders,  had  already  commanded  troops  in  Hamat  and 
Hims  to  march  on  Aleppo.  Egyptian  troops  followed  quickly. 
The  Armenians  were  surprised,  and  put  to  flight  with  some  loss. 
Hayton  summoned  in  seven  hundred  Mongols,  who  were  in 
Rum  at  that  juncture,  and  advancing,  was  joined  by  one  hundred 
and  fifty  from  Antioch.  This  little  army  encamped  on  the  steppes 
of  Harem  where  it  suffered  from  rain,  snow  and  scant  food  and  was 
at  last  forced  to  retreat,  losing  meanwhile  many  warriors. 

Hayton  had  a  thousand  Mongol  coats  and  caps  which  he  put 
on  his  men  to  make  it  seem  that  Mongol  troops  had  come  to  him. 
This  trick  merely  brought  more  Egyptians  against  him.  They 
attacked  Hayton  in  force  and  dispersed  his  small  army ;  after  that 
the  Sultan's  men  rushed  into  Antioch  lands,  and  committed  great 
havoc. 

Beibars  was  informed  now  by  secret  servants  in  Irak  that  Hulagu 
had  sent  two  agents  to  corrupt  leading  officers  of  Egypt,  and  that 
these  men  would  visit  Siss  as  they  traveled.  This  news  was  con- 
firmed by  his  agents  in  that  capital  of  Armenia.  The  Sultan  learned 
afterward  from  Acre  that  those  two  agents  had  gone  to  Damascus ; 
he  commanded  to  arrest  them  directly.  Brought  to  Cairo  they 
could  not  deny  the  accusation,  so  Beibars  hanged  them  promptly. 

The  Egyptians  intercepted  this  same  year  a  letter  from  Hulagu  to 
Mogith,  Prince  of  Karak;  this  seemed  an  answer  to  some  com- 
munication, from  which  it  might  be  inferred  that  the  prince  had 
been  asking  the  Mongols  to  take  Egypt,  and  also  Syria  to  Gaza. 
Beibars  set  out  straightway  for  Gaza,  and  feigning  great  friendship 
for  Mogith  invited  him  to  Gaza.  Mogith  made  the  visit,  but  the 
moment  he  entered  the  camp  he  was  seized. 

Beibars  next  summoned  the  chief  judge  of  Damascus,  the 
princes,  feudatories,  commanders  and  notable  persons,  also 
European  ambassadors,  and  had  Hulagu 's  letters  to  Mogith  read 
in  their  presence.  He  declared  thereupon  that  this  letter  was 
the  cause  of  the  prince's  detention.  After  that  he  seized  Karak 
and  returned  to  Cairo  where  he  took  Mogith's  life  without  waiting. 

Hulagu  was  interested  greatly  during  the  last  year  of  his  rule 
in  building  a  palace  at  Alatag,  and  in  finishing  the  observatory 
at  Meraga.  Though  not  a  scholar  himself  he  liked  to  con- 
verse with  learned  men,  especially  astronomers  and  alchemists, 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  289 


but  beyond  all  the  latter,  who  had  known  how  to  captivate 
his  fancy,  and  on  whom  he  expended  large  sums  of  money. 

Administration  had  now,  (1264),  become  greatly  important. 
Hulagu's  rule  extended  from  the  Oxus  to  Syria  and  the 
Byzantine  Empire.  He  gave  his  eldest  son,  Abaka,  Mazanderan, 
Irak  and  Khorassan ;  to  Yshmut  his  third  son,  Azerbaidjan  and 
Arran;  to  Tudan,  one  of  his  commanders,  Diarbekr  and  Diar- 
rabiat  up  to  the  Euphrates;  Rum  he  gave  to  Moyin  ud  din  Per- 
vane ;  to  the  Melik  Sadr  ud  din,  the  province  of  Tebriz,  and  Fars 
to  an  emir,  Ikiatu.  According  to  Rashid  he  gave  Kerman  to  Tur- 
kan  Khatun,  but  this  is  questioned  by  some  historians.  In  1263 
he  had  put  to  death  his  vizir  Seif  ud  din  Bitikdji  while  on  the  march 
from  Shemaki  to  Derbend,  and  put  in  his  place  Shems  ud  din 
Juveini,  whose  brother,  Alai  ud  din,  Ata  ul  Mulk,  was  made 
governor  of  Bagdad.  This  same  year  Hulagu  condemned  to 
death  Zein  ud  din  Muyyed  Suleiman,  son  of  the  emir  El 
Akarbani,  better  known  as  El  Hafizzi,  a  name  which  he  had  taken 
from  his  former  master,  Prince  Hafizzi.  He  was  accused  of  having 
turned  to  his  own  profit  a  part  of  the  income  from  the  province  of 
Damascus.  Hulagu  reproached  him  for  his  perfidy.  "  Thou  hast 
betrayed  me,"  said  he,  "  thou  didst  betray  also  Prince  Nassir, 
and  before  him  Prince  Hafizzi,  and  earlier  than  all  the  Baalbek 
prince." 

The  death  sentence  which  struck  down  El  Hafizzi  included 
his  family,  his  brothers,  his  relatives  and  clients,  fifty  persons 
in  all.  Only  two  escaped,  one  was  his  son,  and  the  other  his 
nephew. 

The  troubles  in  Fars  at  this  time  roused  Hulagu's  attention  very 
keenly.  The  princes  of  that  region  were  subject  to  Mongol  do- 
minion from  the  first.  After  the  death,  in  1231,  of  the  Atabeg  of  Fars, 
Said  Abu  Bekr,  his  son  and  successor,  sent  his  brother  Tehemten 
with  his  homage  to  Ogotai  and  also  rich  presents.  The  Grand 
Khan  gave  a  patent  of  investiture  with  the  title  Kutlug  Khan. 
Fars  had  been  saved  by  prompt  submission  from  every  Mongol 
hostility.  Its  sovereign  paid  the  Grand  Khan  each  year  thirty 
thousand  gold  dinars,  a  small  sum  if  the  wealth  of  that  region 
be  considered;  presents  also  were  given. 

When  Hulagu  came  to  the  Transoxiana  Abu  Bekr's  nephew, 
Seljuk  Shah,  came  with  rich  presents  to  greet  him.   Seljuk  Shah 


290 


The  Mongols 


was  befittingly  received  at  the  Oxus  by  Hulagu ;  but  was  after- 
ward imprisoned. 

Abu  Bekr  died  in  1260,  after  a  reign  of  thirty  years.  His  son 
Said  succeeded  him  but  died  twelve  days  after  reaching  the  throne, 
leaving  a  son  of  tender  years  in  the  care  of  his  mother,  Turkan 
Khatun.  This  child,  named  Mohammed,  died  in  1262,  and  the 
Fars  throne  fell  to  Mohammed  Shah,  one  of  his  uncles,  a  son  of 
Salgar  Shah  and  grandson  of  Said,  son  of  Zengwi.  This  prince 
had  commanded  the  contingent  of  Fars  in  Hulagu 's  great  campaign 
against  Bagdad.  Brave,  but  unsparing  and  dissolute,  his  tyranny 
had  roused  great  complaints  upon  all  sides.  Called  to  the  camp 
by  Hulagu,  who  feigned  a  desire  to  consult  him  concerning  Fars 
matters,  the  prince  delayed  him  under  various  excuses  till  Turkan 
Khatun,  now  his  wife,  who  was  displeased  with  his  conduct,  but 
especially  with  his  treatment  of  herself,  had  the  man  seized  as  he 
was  passing  the  harem  and  taken  to  Hulagu,  whom  she  informed 
that  Mohammed  Shah  was  unfitted  to  govern.  This  decision  of 
the  princess  found  favor  with  Hulagu,  so  she  had  her  husband's 
brother,  Seljuk  Shah,  freed  from  prison,  and  though  his  temper 
was  untamed  and  fiery,  she  married  him  soon  after. 

One  night  when  flushed  with  wine  at  a  banquet  Seljuk  Shah 
was  taunted  with  having  risen  through  the  favor  of  his  wife,  and 
not  through  any  other  cause,  and  when  besides  her  conduct  was 
described,  a  fit  of  fury  seized  the  man.  He  commanded  a  eunuch 
to  cut  her  head  off  immediately  and  bring  it  to  him.  When  the 
black  man  brought  the  head  of  the  princess,  Seljuk  Shah  tore  two 
splendid  pearls  from  the  ears,  and  threw  them  to  musicians  who 
were  playing  at  the  banquet. 

When  this  raging  man  heard  that  Hulagu 's  prefects  in  Shiraz, 
Ogul  Beg  and  Kutluk  Bitikdji,  disapproved  of  this  horrible  action, 
instead  of  trying  to  appease  them  he  killed  one  with  his  own  hand, 
and  cut  down  the  other  through  his  servants;  he  murdered  also 
the  people  attached  to  them.  At  news  of  these  horrors  Hulagu 
commanded  to  execute  Mohammed  Shah,  to  whom  he  had  just 
given  permission  to  return  to  his  country,  and  ordered  his  generals, 
Altadju  and  Timur,  to  march  against  Seljuk  Shah.  Their  two 
divisions  were  to  be  strengthened  by  troops  from  Ispahan,  Yezd, 
Itch  and  Kerman. 

Altadju  sent  Seljuk  a  message  from  Ispahan,  stating  that  if 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


291 


he  repented  he  might  yet  obtain  pardon,  and  that  he  would  act  in 
his  favor.  The  raging  prince  maltreated  the  messenger  cruelly. 
Altadju  marched  after  that  into  Fars  with  the  forces  of  the  sovereign 
of  Kerman,  the  Atabeg  of  Yezd,  Seljuk's  brother-in-law,  and 
other  forces.  Seljuk  Shah  retired  to  the  Persian  Gulf  border.  The 
magistrates  and  notables  bearing  flags,  food  and  copies  of  the  Koran 
went  forth  to  meet  Altadju.  He  reassured  them,  and  commanded 
his  troops,  who  were  eager  for  pillage,  not  to  harm  them  in  any 
way.  He  marched  with  speed  after  Seljuk,  who  met  him  at  Kazerun 
and  displayed  wondrous  valor,  but  yielded  to  necessity  at  last  and 
fled  to  the  tomb  of  the  holy  Sheik  Morshed,  which  the  Mongols 
surrounded. 

At  bay  and  in  his  last  refuge  Seljuk  rushed  to  the  sepulchre  of 
the  saint  and  broke  with  one  blow  of  his  club  the  flat  covering  of 
stone  which  was  over  the  body.  "  O  Sheik,  give  thy  aid  !  "  cried 
the  fugitive.  It  was  known  in  that  region  that  the  saint  had 
declared,  "  When  peril  threatens,  give  notice  on  my  tomb  and  I 
will  save  you." 

The  Mongols  burst  in  the  door  and  killed  many  of  Seljuk's 
people  who  had  sought  refuge  there  also.  They  then  seized  the 
fleeing  Seljuk  whom  they  killed  at  the  tomb.  No  Salgarid  was  left 
save  two  daughters  of  the  Atabeg  Said,  son  of  Abu  Bekr.  One  of 
these,  Uns  Khatun,  whose  mother  Seljuk  Shah  had  beheaded, 
was  placed  on  the  Fars  throne  by  Hulagu  (1264). 

When  Seljuk  Shah's  life  was  ended  Timur  wished  to  put  all 
Shiraz  men  to  death,  and  thus  give  a  warning  to  people  such  as 
Seljuk  and  his  partisans,  but  Altadju  insisted  that  the  citizens 
were  innocent,  and  that  punishment  like  that  might  be  given  only 
at  Hulagu's  order.  The  army  was  dismissed,  and  Altadju  taking 
the  most  notable  people  of  Fars  went  to  Hulagu 's  court  with  them. 

In  1265  another  storm  made  its  appearance  in  Fars :  Sherif  ud 
din,  the  Grand  Kadi,  a  chief  man  among  the  descendants  of  the 
Prophet,  who  had  lived  many  years  in  Khorassan  and  won  signal 
fame  by  his  piety,  tried  now  to  use  this  reputation  to  further  his 
ambition.  He  had  the  people  show  him  homage,  and  many  joined 
him  in  each  town  and  village  which  he  visited.  Multitudes  believed 
him  to  be  that  Madhi  expected  in  the  fulness  of  time  by  the 
Shiites,  and  thought  that  he  had  the  power  to  work  wonders. 
Assuming  the  insignia  of  royalty  he  advanced  from  Shebankiare 


292 


The  Mongols 


towards  Shiraz  with  his  followers  who  already  formed  a  small 
army. 

The  Mongol  commander  at  Shiraz  and  Uns  Kahtun's  chief 
minister  took  proper  measures  and  marched  against  this  descend- 
ant of  Mohammed.  They  met  near  Guvar.  Many  thought  that 
the  "  Madhi "  was  assisted  by  spirits,  and  that  whoso  attacked  him 
would  be  paralyzed.  For  some  time  no  man  in  the  army  of  Shiraz 
would  raise  a  hand  against  Sherif .  At  last  two  warriors  ventured 
to  discharge  arrows  at  him,  others  followed  this  example.  The 
Mongols  then  charged  the  insurgents,  who  fled;  Sherif  was 
killed  in  the  melee  with  most  of  his  followers. 

At  the  first  news  of  this  uprising  Hulagu  commanded  to  bastinado 
Altadju  for  sparing  the  people  of  Shiraz,  and  he  ordered  a  tuman 
of  warriors  to  punish  them.  When  he  learned,  however,  that 
Sherif  ud  din  had  been  slain,  and  that  the  people  of  Shiraz  were 
innocent,  for  the  greater  part,  he  recalled  his  first  order. 

When  Uns  Khatun  had  ruled  for  one  year  she  was  sent  to  the 
Ordu  to  marry  Mangu  Timur,  son  of  Hulagu,  to  whom  she  brought 
a  rich  dowry.  Fars  was  managed  thenceforth  by  the  Divan, 
though  in  the  name  of  Uns,  who  died  during  1287  in  Tebriz. 
With  her  died  the  Salgarid  dynasty. 

At  the  end  of  1264  the  Mongols  laid  siege  to  El  Biret.  This 
place  was  considered  the  master  stronghold  of  Syria.  Akkush 
commanded  for  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  The  Mongols  filled  up  the 
fosse  of  the  fortress  with  wood.  The  besieged  made  a  tunnel  to 
that  fosse  and  burned  all  the  wood  which  then  filled  it.  The 
Mongols  worked  with  seventeen  catapults,  but  they  met  firm  and 
active  resistance,  women  showing  more  courage  than  men  in  that 
struggle. 

News  had  reached  Beibars  earlier  that  Franks  were  advising  the 
Mongols,  by  letter,  to  march  into  Syria  during  spring  when  the 
troops  were  at  home,  and  their  horses  were  out  grazing.  As  soon 
as  he  heard  that  the  Mongols  were  attacking  El  Biret,  the  Sultan 
sent  a  corps  of  four  thousand  to  oppose  them.  He  sent  four  days 
later  another  four  thousand,  who  were  to  reach  El  Biret  by  forced 
marches.  The  Sultan  himself  set  out  January  27,  1265,  and  by 
February  3  was  at  Gaza,  where  he  learned  that  the  enemy  had 
raised  the  siege  and  retreated. 

The  Mongols  at  approach  of  their  opponents  had  removed  all 


Victory  of  Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt  293 


their  catapults,  sunk  their  boats,  and  fled  quickly.  Beibars  gave 
command  to  bring  in  arms  and  supplies  for  a  siege  that  might  last 
a  whole  decade.  Three  hundred  robes  of  honor  and  a  hundred 
thousand  drachmas  in  money  were  sent  out  by  him  to  reward  those 
who  had  fought  in  El  Biret. 

Hulagu  died  suddenly  February  8, 1265,  at  the  age  of  forty-eight. 
He  was  buried  on  the  summit  of  that  mountainous  island  called  Tala 
in  the  lake  of  Urumia  where  a  fortress  had  been  built  to  contain 
his  chief  treasures.  According  to  the  custom  of  Mongols  much 
gold  and  many  gems  were  placed  in  the  grave  with  him.  Youthful 
maidens  of  rare  beauty,  richly  dressed  and  adorned  to  the  utmost, 
were  buried  alive  to  go  with  him.  Four  months  and  eleven  days 
later  died  Dokuz  Khatun,  his  chief  wife,  who  was  a  Christian. 
She  was  the  grand-daughter  of  Wang  Khan  and  so  wise  a  woman 
that  Mangu  had  in  1253  enjoined  on  Hulagu  to  take  no  step 
without  consulting  her.  Rashid  ud  din  states  that  through  her 
influence  Hulagu  had  favored  the  Christians  and  permitted  them 
to  build  churches  in  many  parts  of  the  Empire. 

The  death  of  Hulagu  and  his  consort  was  deplored  by  the 
Christians,  to  whom  both  had  shown  great  respect.  Near  the 
entrance  of  Dokuz  Khatun's  palace  was  a  church  with  its  bell 
which  tolled  at  all  seasons.  Hulagu  had  five  wives;  from  these, 
not  counting  other  women,  he  had  thirteen  sons  and  seven 
daughters. 

Accounts  have  come  down  to  us  of  interesting  judgments  con- 
nected with  Hulagu.  On  a  time  certain  people  came  to  him  for 
justice ;  a  file-maker  had  killed  a  near  relative  of  theirs,  and  they 
asked  that  the  criminal  be  given  them  for  punishment.  "  Are  file- 
makers  numerous  in  the  country  ?  "  asked  Hulagu.  "  They  are 
few,"  was  the  answer.  Hulagu  thought  a  moment  and  answered : 
"  I  will  give  you  a  maker  of  pack  saddles ;  since  there  are  many  of 
these  we  can  spare  one  more  easily  than  a  file-maker."  The 
friends  of  the  dead  man  declared  that  they  wanted  the  murderer. 
Hulagu  would  not  yield,  and  gave  them  a  cow  as  an  equiv- 
alent. 

A  man  lost  his  eye  in  a  quarrel  with  a  weaver,  and  came  to  get 
justice :  The  prince  put  out  the  eye  of  a  maker  of  arrows  in  satis- 
,  faction.    Some  one  asked  why  he  did  this.    "A  weaver,"  said 
he,  "  needs  both  his  eyes,  while  one  is  enough  for  the  arrowsmith ; 


294 


The  Mongols 


he  always  closes  the  other  when  he  tests  the  straightness  of  an 
arrow." 

A  letter  without  signature  or  date  was  sent  to  Hulagu  from  a 
Pope,  supposed  to  be  Alexander  IV,  though  assigned  to  1261., 
In  this  letter  the  Pope  declared  his  delight  on  hearing  that  Hulagu 
wished  to  be  a  Catholic.  "  Think,"  continued  he,  "  how  your 
power  to  subjugate  Saracens  will  be  increased  if  Christian  war- 
riors assist  you  openly  and  with  force,  as  with  God's  grace  they 
would,  sustained  by  Divine  power  under  the  shield  of  Christianity. 
In  shaping  your  actions  by  Catholic  teaching  you  will  heighten 
your  power  and  acquire  endless  glory."  Hulagu  is  credited  not 
only  with  favoring  Christians,  but  learned  men  of  all  creeds. 

In  the  spring  of  1266  Berkai  began  a  second  campaign  in  lands 
south  of  the  Caucasus.  Abaka,  who  was  Hulagu's  eldest  son  and 
successor,  held  the  right  bank  of  the  Kur  with  his  forces.  Abaka 
sent  forward  Yshmut,  his  brother,  who  met  Berkai's  first  army 
commanded  by  Nogai.  A  stubborn  engagement  took  place  near 
the  Aksu.  Nogai 's  army  was  forced  to  retreat  on  Shirvan  in  dis- 
order, Nogai  himself  being  wounded.  Abaka  now  crossed  the  Kur, 
but  hearing  of  Berkai's  advance  with  a  numerous  army,  he  re- 
crossed  and  destroyed  all  the  bridges. 

Berkai  came  up  with  his  forces  and  the  two  armies  camped  on 
opposite  sides  of  the  river.  They  remained  fifteen  days  in  their 
places  discharging  arrows  at  each  other,  and  sending  words  of 
defiance  and  ridicule.  Neither  could  cross,  hence  no  battle  was 
possible.  At  last  Berkai  marched  up  the  river  intending  to  cross  at 
some  point  east  of  Tiflis,  but  he  died  on  the  road,  and  that  ended 
hostilities.  His  body  was  taken  to  Sarai,  and  there  it  was  buried, 
1266.    His  army  disbanded. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  Kin  Empire. 


CHAPTER  XV 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  KIN  EMPIRE 

NIN  KIA  SU,  the  Kin  Emperor  (his  Chinese  name  was  Shu 
siu),  had  sent  to  Ogatai  in  1229  his  ambassador  Ajuta  with 
offerings  to  Jinghis  Khan's  spirit,  but  the  new  sovereign  would 
accept  naught  from  a  ruler  who  had  refused  to  acknowledge 
Jinghis  as  his  overlord. 

The  Mongols,  not  regarding  the  death  of  Jinghis,  had  con- 
tinued their  warfare  in  China  and  pushed  on  through  Shen  si  to 
the  edge  of  the  Sung  Empire.  At  the  end  of  1227  they  besieged 
Si  ho  chin,  a  city  southeast  of  Kong  chang  and  thirty  leagues 
distant.  The  commandant  defended  the  place  with  great  valor, 
but,  seeing  that  the  Mongols  would  conquer  at  last,  and  then 
seize  him,  he  invited  Li  shi,  his  wife,  to  think  on  her  destiny. 
"We  have  enjoyed  the  good  will  of  our  sovereign,"  said  the 
woman,  "we  should  die  for  the  dynasty;  "  thereupon  she  took 
poison.  Two  of  his  sons  and  their  wives  followed  her  example. 
When  he  had  burned  the  five  bodies  the  commandant  stabbed 
himself.    Twenty-eight  of  his  dependents  died  with  him. 

In  1228  the  Mongols  pushed  still  farther  south  and  Wanien 
Khada,  the  Kin  general,  sent  to  oppose  them  a  mounted  force 
under  Cheng  ho  shang,  who  crushed  a  detachment  eight  thousand 
in  number.  This  was  the  first  triumph  won  by  the  Chinese  in  three 
decades,  and  roused  the  desire  of  resistance  very  greatly. 

In  1228  the  Mongol  general  Tukulku  invested  King  yang  fu, 
when  a  second  Kin  envoy  was  sent  to  Mongolia  with  presents, 
which  were  not  accepted.  Ogotai  now  gave  command  over  all 
Chinese  troops  in  his  service  to  three  generals  of  that  race,  and 
made  two  of  them  governors. 

In  1230  the  Mongols  were  beaten  a  second  time  by  Yra  buka, 
a  Kin  general,  who  stopped  the  siege  of  King  yang  by  a  victory. 
295 


296 


The  Mongols 


Elated  by  success,  Yra  buka  freed  from  confinement  an  envoy 
whom  during  his  regency  Tului  had  sent  with  peace  messages. 
While  dismissing  him  the  Kin  general  boasted  unwisely  in  the 
following  phrases :  "  We  have  had  time  to  make  ready.  If  ye 
wish  battle  now  ye  have  only  to  come  to  us."  This  challenge  was 
taken  to  Ogotai  who  acted  at  once  and  set  out  with  his  brother 
Tului  for  China.  They  crossed  the  Hoang  Ho  and  pushed  on 
toward  the  southern  part  of  Shen  si,  where  they  took  sixty  forts 
and  laid  siege  to  Fong  tsiang,  a  large  city. 

The  Kin  government  now  saw  the  error  in  their  treatment  of 
the  envoy,  and  sent  new  terms  of  peace  to  the  Mongols.  The 
Grand  Khan  tried  to  persuade  this  envoy  to  visit  Fong  tsiang  and 
obtain  its  surrender,  but  though  threatened  with  death  the  man 
was  immovable.  Ogatai  had  the  beard  of  the  envoy  cut  off  and 
then  he  imprisoned  him.  The  siege  of  Fong  tsiang  was  continued 
with  vigor. 

The  Kin  emperor,  seeing  that  his  generals  were  slow  in  sending 
aid,  hurried  off  Bai  kua,  his  assistant,  to  urge  them.  They  re- 
plied that  their  troops  were  too  few  to  challenge  the  great  Mongol 
army.  The  Emperor  commanded  to  take  men  from  Tung  kwan, 
the  strong  fortress,  give  battle  at  once  to  the  enemy,  and  force  the 
relief  of  Fong  tsiang  which  was  sorely  beleaguered. 
8  An  attack  was  made  soon,  but  the  battle  was  indecisive.  The 
Kin  forces  fell  back  the  night  following,  however,  and  left  the  place 
to  its  own  strength  and  fortune.  Antchar,  who  commanded  the 
Mongols,  blockaded  that  city,  captured  places  around  it,  kept 
out  all  provisions,  and  when  food  and  supplies  were  exhausted 
Fong  tsiang  had  no  choice  save  surrender. 

Master  of  Shen  si,  Ogotai  was  eager  now  for  Honan,  the  last 
land  of  the  Kin  Emperor,  but  this  region  was  difficult  to  capture. 
On  the  north  it  was  bounded  by  the  Hoang  Ho,  on  the  west  it  was 
guarded  by  high  rugged  mountains,  and  the  strong  Tung  kwan 
fortress.  The  Mongol  officers  were  seeking  for  means  to  overcome 
or  elude  these  great  obstacles  when  Li  chang  go,  a  Kin  officer, 
who  had  joined  Ogotai 's  service  only  after  Fong  tsiang  had  sur- 
rendered, proposed  to  enter  Honan  from  the  south,  and  traced 
out  a  route  for  the  conquest.  Tului  saw  that  the  plan  was  the 
same  as  that  traced  by  Jinghis  on  his  death  bed,  and  commended 
it  to  Ogotai,  his  brother,  immediately.    Ogotai  consulted  his 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire  297 


generals,  accepted  the  plan,  and  commissioned  Tului  to  follow 
it. 

It  was  agreed  that  the  armies  of  the  north  and  the  south  should 
meet  at  Nan  king  in  the  following  February.  Ogotai  sent  Chu- 
bugan  to  the  Sung  Emperor  for  permission  to  pass  through  a  part 
of  his  country,  but  the  envoy  was  killed  after  crossing  the  boundary. 
The  deed  astounded  the  Mongols,  since  the  Sung  court  had  re- 
quested their  alliance  somewhat  earlier.  This  killing  gave  a  good 
pretext  later  on,  however,  for  attacking  the  Empire. 

Tului  marched  straightway  on  Pao  ki  where  he  assembled  thirty 
thousand  mounted  warriors.  First  he  captured  the  fortress 
Ta  san  kuan,  destroyed  the  city  Fong  chin  and  opened  a  way 
through  the  Hwa  mountains,  though  with  immense  labor.  This 
mountain  chain  divides  the  Hoai  water  system  from  the  Han  and 
formed  for  some  distance  the  boundary  between  the  two  Empires 
in  China.  Tului  crossed  this  chain  and  thus  entered  Kin  regions. 
When  he  had  taken  one  hundred  and  forty  towns  and  strong  places, 
slain  people  in  vast  numbers,  and  driven  others  to  barren  regions 
where  they  perished,  he  fixed  his  camp  near  the  Han  and  there  he 
rested. 

On  seeing  the  enemy  at  the  southern  border  the  Kin  Empire  was 
terrified.  At  the  council  called  by  the  Emperor  to  find  means  of 
defence  the  majority  were  in  favor  of  placing  the  army  in  towns  near 
Nan  king,  where  great  stores  must  be  gathered  in  quickly.  The 
Mongols,  worn  out  by  long  marching,  could  not  attack  in  the  open 
and  would  be  forced  back  by  sure  famine.  This  plan  did  not  please 
the  Kin  Emperor.  He  declared  that  his  subjects  had  made  every 
sacrifice  for  the  army,  he  would  not  leave  them  then  in  that  peril. 
He  must  defend  Honan  on  the  north  and  the  south  at  its  boundaries ; 
that  was  his  final  decision. 

In  view  of  the  Emperor's  wishes  an  army  corps  was  formed 
north  of  the  Hoang  Ho,  and  another  at  Teng  chu  on  the  southern 
border.  This  second  army  was  composed  of  the  forces  of  Wanien 
Khada  and  Yra  buka  who  arrived  at  Teng  chu  in  1232  during 
January,  and  were  joined  by  Yang  wu  yan,  Cheng  ho  shang,  and 
Wu  shan,  three  Kin  generals.  While  these  generals  were  discussing 
whether  they  were  to  fall  on  Tului  at  the  crossing  of  the  Han,  or 
after  he  had  crossed  it,  they  learned  that  he  was  on  their  side 
already.    They  marched  immediately  and  discovered  the  enemy 


298 


The  Mongols 


at  the  foot  of  Mount  Yui  in  a  chosen  position.  The  Kin  forces 
attacked  and  a  sharp  struggle  followed.  The  Mongols  were  in- 
ferior in  numbers  and  withdrew,  but  withdrew  unmolested. 

After  some  days  the  Kin  generals  were  informed  that  the  enemy 
had  retired  to  a  forest.  They  resolved  to  return  to  Teng  chu, 
subsist  on  the  provisions  of  the  city,  and  spare  their  own  rations. 
They  passed  by  mere  chance  near  the  forest ;  the  Mongols  sallied 
forth  and  attacked,  but  only  feigned  serious  fighting.  Mean- 
while the  Kin  cavalry  seized  the  Mongol  baggage. 

On  reaching  Teng  chu  the  Kin  generals  reported  that  they  had 
won  a  great  victory.  Rejoicings  at  the  court  were  sincere,  but 
very  short  in  duration. 

While  Tului  was  advancing  Ogotai  was  besieging  Ho  chung, 
or  Pu  chiu,  a  strong  city  on  the  Hoang  Ho,  in  Shan  si  near  its 
southwestern  corner.  A  pyramidal  tower  two  hundred  feet  high, 
immense  earth  mounds,  and  tunnels  were  among  the  works 
used  in  attacking.  Soon  the  towers  and  wooden  works  on  the  walls 
of  the  city  were  ruined.  Besieged  and  besiegers  had  fought  hand 
to  hand  fifteen  days  when  the  city  was  taken.  Thirty-five  days 
had  the  place  been  invested.  The  governor  Tsao  ho  was  captured 
arms  in  hand  and  put  to  death  at  direction  of  Ogotai.  Bau  tse, 
the  commandant,  escaped  by  the  river  with  three  thousand  men, 
and  went  to  Nan  king,  where  the  Kin  Emperor  killed  him. 

Ogotai  received  now,  through  a  courier,  an  account  from  Tului 
of  the  Honan  situation  and  crossed  the  Hoang  Ho  without  waiting. 
He  ordered  Tului  to  meet  him.  On  hearing  of  this  movement  by 
Ogotai,  the  Kin  Emperor  gave  orders  to  cut  dikes  near  the  capital, 
flood  the  country  about  it,  and  thus  stop  the  enemy.  Thirty  thou- 
sand men  were  sent  to  guard  the  great  river,  but  when  Kia  ku 
saho,  the  commander,  learned  that  Ogotai  was  already  on  the 
south  side  he  retreated.  In  their  march  forward  the  Mongols 
came  on  the  men  cutting  dikes,  attacked  them,  stopped  their  work, 
and  slew  many  thousands. 

Tului  divided  his  army  into  numerous  detachments.  With  these 
he  covered  a  great  stretch  of  country,  and  watched  the  Kin  army 
as  it  moved  northward  slowly.  Harassed  on  their  march,  retarded 
by  wind,  rain,  and  snow,  exhausted  by  marching  and  hunger,  the 
Kin  troops  were  met  finally  by  a  eunuch  of  the  Emperor  with  an 
order  to  move  to  the  capital  speedily  and  succor  it.   They  had 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire 


299 


hardly  touched  food  for  three  days,  and  were  mortally  weary. 
While  preparing  to  encamp,  they  were  surrounded  on  a  sudden  by 
Ogotai  and  Tului,  who  had  just  brought  their  forces  together. 

The  Kin  generals  charged  on  the  Mongols  and  strove  to  cut 
through  them.  Many  chiefs  fell  while  leading  their  warriors. 
Wanien  Khada  forced  his  way  to  Yiu  chiu.  Tului  laid  siege  to 
that  city  immediately ;  dug  a  moat  round  the  walls,  took  the  place, 
and  found  Wanien  Khada.  When  captured  Wanien  asked  to 
be  brought  before  Subotai.  "  Thou  hast  but  a  moment  to  live," 
remarked  Subotai,  "  why  wish  to  see  me  ?  "  "  Heaven,  not  chance, 
gives  us  heroes.  Now  that  I  have  seen  thee,  I  close  my  eyes  with- 
out sorrow,"  replied  the  Kin  general. 

When  Subotai 's  fury  had  calmed  somewhat  Cheng  ho  shang, 
who  was  also  in  the  city,  came  out  of  his  hiding  and  asked  to  be 
taken  to  the  chief  of  the  Mongols.  "  If  I  had  perished  in  the  rush 
of  defeat,"  said  he  to  Tului,  "  some  men  might  declare  me  a 
traitor;  now  all  will  see  how  I  die,  and  must  know  that  I  am 
honest."  He  would  not  submit,  though  the  Mongols  tried  long 
to  induce  him  to  do  so.  To  make  the  man  kneel  they  chopped 
both  his  feet  off,  and  split  his  mouth  to  the  ears  to  force  silence; 
but  he  ceased  not  to  say  in  his  keen  ghastly  torment  that  he  would 
not  befoul  himself  by  treason.  Struck  by  his  fortitude  and 
elated  by  kumis  (their  liquor  distilled  from  mare's  milk)  the  Mon- 
gols called  out  to  him :  "If  thou  art  ever  recalled  to  this  life, 
splendid  warrior,  be  born  in  our  company !  " 

Yra  buka  was  seized  on  the  road  to  the  capital  while  fleeing. 
They  took  him  to  Ogotai :  "  Submit  and  be  saved,"  said  the 
Emperor.  To  every  proposal  the  answer  was :  "I  am  a  lord  of 
the  Kin  Empire,  I  must  be  true  to  my  sovereign."  Yra  buka 
suffered  death  like  the  others.  Thus  perished  the  Kin  generals, 
nobly,  but  without  any  profit.  The  best  of  the  army  had  already 
perished. 

Some  days  after  the  capture  of  Yiu  chiu  Ogotai  visited  Tului 
at  his  camp  ground  and  listened  with  delight  to  his  narrative  of 
the  march  from  Fong  tsiang,  during  which  immense  difficulties  had 
been  overcome,  especially  lack  of  food,  which  was  such  that  his 
men  had  been  forced  to  eat  grass,  and  the  flesh  of  human  beings. 

The  Grand  Khan  applauded  his  brother  for  skill  in  that  perilous 
enterprise.    Tului  replied,  that  success  was  due  mainly  to  the 


300 


The  Mongols 


valor  and  endurance  of  his  warriors,  and  the  fortune  attendant  on 

the  sovereign  of  the  Mongols. 

When  he  heard  of  Tului's  achievement,  the  Kin  Emperor  sum- 
moned to  his  capital  all  troops  entrusted  with  defending  Honan 
on  its  western  border ;  hence  the  two  generals  commanding  on  that 
side,  and  the  governors  of  Tung  kwan,  the  great  fortress,  united 
their  forces,  which  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
foot  with  five  thousand  horsemen,  and  moved  toward  Shan  chiu,  a 
city  south  of  the  Hoang  Ho.  Two  hundred  barges  were  to  bear 
supplies  eastward,  but  the  Mongols  seized  those  supplies  before 
they  were  laden,  and  when  their  forces  appeared  at  Tung  kwan 
the  man  left  in  command  there  delivered  that  mighty  defence  of 
Honan  to  them,  and  betrayed  all  the  movements  about  to  be  made 
by  his  Emperor's  army. 

The  Mongols  advanced  on  Shan  chiu,  without  obstacle.  The 
Kins  retired  toward  the  mountains  of  Thie  ling  followed  by 
vast  crowds  of  people  of  every  age  and  both  sexes,  who  had 
hoped  for  a  shelter  in  the  mountains.  As  they  advanced  melt- 
ing snow  made  the  roads  very  difficult  and  sometimes  impassable. 
Pursued  by  the  victors,  their  aged  people  and  children  who  lagged 
behind  were  cut  down  without  mercy.  One  Kin  general  sur- 
rendered, but  still  the  captors  beheaded  him;  the  others  were 
overtaken  and  slain  as  was  also  the  chief  Tung  kwan  governor. 

Defence  in  the  west  of  Honan  collapsed  utterly.  Fourteen 
cities  fell ;  only  two  held  out  bravely.  One  of  these,  Ho  yang,  or 
Ho  nan  fu,  became  famous.  This  place  was  defended  by  three 
thousand  men  who  remained  from  the  western  army.  After  a 
furious  bombardment,  continuing  some  days,  the  Mongols  made  a 
breach  in  the  walls  of  Ho  yang.  The  governor  deemed  the  place 
lost,  and,  since  he  would  not  survive  the  disgrace  of  surrender, 
he  sprang  into  the  moat  and  thus  drowned  himself.  The  defenders 
then  chose  Kiang  chin,  a  real  hero,  to  lead  them.  Under  him  a 
most  desperate  resistance  was  organized.  The  place  held  out  for 
three  months,  till  the  Mongols,  still  thirty  thousand  in  number, 
grown  sick  and  weary  of  attacking,  left  that  brave  city  after  one 
hundred  and  fifty  assaults  had  been  made  on  it. 

Ogotai,  now  master  of  nearly  all  places  around  the  Kin  capital, 
fixed  his  camp  fourteen  leagues  to  the  west  of  it,  and  sent 
Subotai  to  finish  the  struggle. 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire  301 


Nan  king  (Southern  capital)  at  that  time  was  twelve  leagues 
in  circumference.  Inside  the  walls  a  hundred  thousand  men 
were  assembled  to  defend  it.  Desiring  to  rouse  public  feeling 
to  the  highest  the  Emperor  gave  out  a  stirring  appeal  to  the 
people  written  by  Chao  wun  ping,  a  great  scholar.  The  siege 
had  begun  when  Ogotai  sent  an  envoy  to  persuade  the  Kin 
Emperor  to  submit  himself.  Ogotai  asked  that  the  following 
people  be  sent  first  of  all  to  him  as  hostages :  Chao  wun  ping,  a 
sage  of  distinction;  Kung  yuan  tse,  a  descendant  of  Confucius, 
with  some  other  great  scholars,  and  twenty-seven  families  among 
the  most  noted ;  all  families  of  men  who  had  submitted  to  the 
Mongols;  the  wife  and  children  of  Yra  buka,  the  heroic  Kin 
general;  young  women  skilled  in  embroidery,  and  also  men 
trained  well  as  falconers.  The  Kin  Emperor  accepted  every 
condition  and  offered  Uko,  his  nephew,  besides,  as  a  hostage 
while  Egudeh,  his  procurator,  was  discussing  final  peace  with  the 
Khan  of  the  Mongols. 

In  spite  of  these  marks  of  submission  Subotai  continued  the 
siege  with  great  vigor.  The  command  had  been  given  him,  he 
said,  to  capture  the  capital  and  he  was  obeying  it.  He  had  planted 
long  lines  of  catapults ;  captive  women,  young  girls,  old  men,  and 
children  were  carrying  fascines  and  bundles  of  straw  to  fill  moats 
and  ditches.  Fearing  to  stop  negotiations,  the  Kin  general  com- 
manding forbade  to  reply  to  attacks  of  the  Mongols.  This  order 
roused  indignation.  The  Kin  Emperor  showed  himself  in  the  city 
to  the  people,  attended  by  a  few  horsemen  only.  A  body  of  officers 
came  to  him  complaining  that  they  were  not  allowed  to  defend 
themselves,  though  the  moat  was  already  half  filled  by  the  enemy : 
"  I  am  ready  to  be  a  mere  tributary  and  a  vassal  to  safeguard  my 
subjects,"  said  the  Emperor.  "  I  send  my  one  son  this  day  as  a 
hostage,  so  be  patient  till  he  has  gone  from  me.  If  the  enemy  does 
not  retire  there  will  be  time  then  for  a  life  and  death  struggle." 

The  young  prince  set  out  that  same  day  with  Li  tsi,  a  state 
minister,  but  as  the  attack  was  continued,  the  Kin  ruler  indig- 
nant at  Mongol  duplicity  gave  the  signal  for  action. 

Subotai  had  set  up  an  immense  line  of  catapults  and  hurled 
large,  jagged  millstones  with  dreadful  impetus.  At  the  end  of 
some  days  of  ceaseless  hurling,  stones  were  piled  up  at  points 
almost  to  the  top  of  the  ramparts;  the  towers,  though  built  of 


302 


The  Mongols 


strong  timber  from  old  palaces,  were  broken.  To  deaden  the  effect 
of  these  millstones  the  towers  were  backed  with  huge  bags  filled 
with  wheat-straw,  and  horse  dung,  covered  with  felt  and  tied  with 
cords  very  firmly,  also  planks  faced  with  untanned  hides  of  buf- 
faloes. The  Mongols  hurled  fire  with  ballistas  to  burn  the  defences. 
No  projectile,  however,  could  injure  those  strange  massive  walls 
of  the  fortress,  which  were  mainly  of  clay  grown  as  solid  as  iron. 

The  besieged  made  use  of  inflammable  projectiles,  that  is,  iron 
pots  filled  with  powder  of  some  kind.  These  pots  hurled  out  by 
ballistas  or  let  down  by  strong  chains  burst  with  great  noise, 
maiming  men  or  destroying  them  a  hundred  feet  from  the  place 
of  explosion.  Attack  and  defence  were  original  and  vigorous. 
Some  of  the  Mongols,  well  shielded  by  raw  hides  of  buffalo, 
approached,  dug  holes  in  the  walls  and  remained  there  at  work 
safe  from  all  missiles.  The  besieged  hurled  spears  carrying 
fireworks  which  exploding  burned  everything  within  thirty  feet 
of  $  them.  These  two  kinds  of  projectiles  were  greatly  feared 
by  the  Mongols. 

After  assaults  which  continued  sixteen  days,  almost  without 
interval,  during  which  time  it  was  said,  though  of  course  incorrectly, 
that  a  million  of  men  fell,  Subotai  sent  a  message  declaring  that 
as  discussions  for  peace  were  in  progress  hostilities  would  cease 
altogether,  and  he  prepared  to  withdraw  to  some  distance. 

The  Emperor  in  answer  sent  rich  parting  presents  to  the  Mon- 
gol general  and  his  officers.  One  month  after  this  truce  a  plague 
broke  out  in  the  capital,  and  during  fifty  days  coffins  to  the 
number  of  nine  hundred  thousand,  as  the  account  runs,  were 
borne  from  the  city;  besides  there  were  corpses  of  indigent 
people  which  were  put  in  the  earth  without  coffins  or  boxes. 

During  discussions  for  peace,  a  Mongol  envoy,  Tang  tsing, 
with  a  suite  of  thirty  persons,  was  slain  in  Pien  king  by  the  popu- 
lace. This  deed  went  unpunished  and  unnoted  by  the  Chinese, 
hence  command  was  given  Subotai  to  attack  the  Kin  capital  a 
second  time.  Ogotai  had  also  another  complaint  against  the  Kin 
sovereign:  Nin  kia  su  had  taken  into  his  service,  and  even  re- 
warded, a  general  of  the  Mongols  who,  not  enduring  his  chief, 
had  passed  to  the  Kin  side  and  yielded  up  cities  which  were 
under  his  control. 

When  his  capital  was  invested  a  second  time  the  Kin  Emperor 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire 


303 


summoned  Wu  shan,  a  commander  who,  after  defeat,  had 
retired  on  Nan  yang,  where  he  had  formed  a  new  army.  Two 
governors  were  summoned  in  also  by  the  Emperor,  one  from  the 
south,  the  other  from  the  west.  Wu  shan  advanced  to  a  place 
twenty  leagues  from  the  capital.  He  saw  Mongol  forces  at  that 
point  and  sent  to  the  governor  who  was  nearest  to  join  him,  but  the 
governor  would  not  come  and  marched  on  alone  till  he  also  met 
Mongols.  Then  his  troops  broke  and  fled  without  fighting.  On 
receiving  news  of  this  flight  Wu  shan  and  his  forces  fell  back  on 
Nan  yang  very  speedily.  Chiga  Katrika  was  sent  with  a  corps 
to  give  aid  to  Wu  shan,  but  when  he  learned  what  had  happened 
he  left  all  his  baggage  and  fled  to  Nan  king  in  the  night  time. 

These  defeats  destroyed  in  the  Emperor  every  hope  of  resistance. 
Want  increased  daily,  communications  were  cut  for  the  greater 
part,  and  at  last  Nin  kia  su  resolved  to  abandon  his  capital, 
leaving  behind  the  two  Empresses  and  the  whole  reigning  family. 
Before  going  he  intrusted  command  to  San  ya  pu  and  gave  precious 
gifts  both  to  officers  and  soldiers  to  rouse  them  to  the  utmost. 

That  day  the  Kong  chang  commandant  marched  into  the  capital 
with  his  army  corps,  and  declared  that  the  country  was  ruined  for 
thirty  leagues  westward,  so  the  Emperor  went  to  the  east, —  he 
could  not  go  elsewhere.  When  twenty  leagues  from  Nan  king 
he  crossed  the  Hoang  Ho  near  Tsao  hien  with  the  hope  of  exciting 
Shan  tung  to  assist  him  in  saving  the  capital. 

Barely  was  the  Emperor  on  the  northern  bank  with  a  part  of 
his  army  when  such  a  wind  rose  that  the  troops  on  the  south  could 
not  follow.  On  the  southern  bank  of  the  river  appeared  now  a 
Mongol  division  sent  out  by  Subotai,  and  a  fierce  conflict  followed 
in  which  the  Kins  lost  two  generals;  one  was  taken  captive,  the 
other  surrendered.  One  thousand  men  perished,  drowned  for  the 
greater  part. 

When  he  heard  of  his  lieutenant's  victory,  Subotai  invested  the 
capital  with  every  possible  severity.  The  Emperor  now  despatched 
Baksan,  a  prince  of  the  blood,  and  a  descendant  of  Ho  li  pu,  to 
secure  the  city  Wei  chiu.  Baksan  let  his  men  pillage  all  that  they 
came  on  while  marching.  This  enraged  the  inhabitants  who, 
instead  of  assisting  the  Emperor,  fled  to  Wei  chiu  and  closed  its 
gates  to  his  warriors.  After  some  days  Baksan  heard  of  a  hostile 
advance  and  withdrew,  but  was  followed  by  She  tian  tse,  a 


304 


The  Mongols 


Mongol  commander.  He  himself  carried  news  of  his  failure  to 
the  Emperor,  whom  he  urged  to  recross  the  Hoang  Ho,  retreat  to 
Kwe  te  fu  and  be  safe  there.  The  Emperor  crossed  in  the  night 
with  seven  officers,  and  found  refuge  in  the  place  pointed  out  to 
him.  The  troops  heard  of  their  Emperor's  flight  the  day  following, 
and  scattered  immediately. 

The  people  of  Pien  king  lost  courage  greatly,  but  still  they 
resisted.  The  Mongols  closed  in  on  them;  food  soon  rose  to 
fabulous  prices,  people  perished  of  hunger,  officials  of  the  Empire 
begged  on  the  streets ;  there  were  even  men  who  ate  their  own  wives 
and  children.  Houses  were  torn  down  for  fuel.  The  Emperor 
sent  an  official  to  conduct  out  his  consort  and  the  dowager  Em- 
press in  secret,  but  he  failed  in  the  effort.  This  attempt  roused 
the  populace :   "  He  has  left  us  to  our  fate,"  said  they,  in  despair. 

At  this  evil  juncture  Tsui  li,  who  commanded  the  eastern  side 
of  the  capital,  made  himself  master  of  the  city  in  all  parts.  He 
had  the  governor  of  the  palace,  the  minister  of  state  and  ten  other 
high  dignitaries  killed  in  his  presence.  Immediately  afterward 
he  proclaimed  them  as  worthy  of  death  for  their  failure  in  duty. 
He  entered  the  palace  with  armed  hand,  held  a  council  and  pro- 
claimed Prince  Wa  nien  tsung  ko  as  regent.  He  sent  men  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor's  mother  to  bring  that  prince  to  the  city. 
He  came  without  delay  and  was  now  regent.  Tsui  li  made  himself 
first  minister,  chief  commander  and  head  of  the  Imperial  Council. 
One  of  his  brothers  was  made  city  governor,  and  another  one  pre- 
fect of  the  palace.  All  his  dependents  had  places.  He  judged  now 
that  he  needed  the  Mongols  to  protect  him  in  office,  and  he  sent 
his  submission  to  Subotai.  That  commander  approached  the 
main  gate  of  the  city.  Tsui  li,  arrayed  in  royal  fashion,  went  out 
with  a  brilliant  attendance  to  the  Mongol,  as  he  might  to  a  father. 
On  returning  Tsui  li,  to  prove  his  submission  to  Subotai,  burned 
the  outlooks  and  the  wooden  towers  on  the  walls  of  the  city.  A 
little  later  he  had  the  regent,  the  Empresses,  and  all  members  of 
the  reigning  family  assemble  in  a  palace  which  was  guarded  by 
his  confidants.  He  went  himself  then  to  live  in  the  Emperor's 
palace.  He  sent  jewels  and  other  precious  objects  to  Subotai 
from  the  treasury;  he  sent  even  the  state  robes  of  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  as  gifts  to  the  Mongol  commander. 

Tsui  li  summoned  now  to  his  palace  the  daughters  and  wives 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire 


305 


of  all  those  great  lords  who  had  gone  with  the  Emperor,  and 
detained  those  of  them  who  pleased  him.  Next  came  an  edict 
compelling  the  people  to  bring  their  silver  and  gold  to  the  palace. 
After  this  came  domiciliary  visits,  and  many  men  perished  under 
torture  while  striving  to  save  even  some  of  their  wealth  from 
Tsui  li's  endless  rapacity.  During  a  visit  made  by  this  man  and 
his  wife  to  the  Empresses,  who  recompensed  him  for  services 
alleged  but  never  rendered,  the  two  helpless  women  gave  Tsui  li 
the  most  precious  effects  in  their  possession.  He  brought  the 
dowager  to  write  to  her  son,  the  Emperor,  urging  him  to  submit 
to  the  Mongols.  This  letter  was  taken  to  Nin  kia  su  by  his  nurse, 
an  old  woman.  Tsui  li  now  seized  the  two  Empresses,  the  regent, 
all  members  of  the  reigning  family,  male  and  female,  to  the  number 
of  five  hundred,  and  sent  them  to  Subotai's  camp  ground  in 
chariots ;  he  sent  Kung  yuan  tse,  a  very  wise  person,  a  descendant 
of  Confucius;-  he  sent  men  learned  in  law  and  philosophy,  and 
in  the  Taoist  religion ;  he  sent  also  physicians,  artists,  actors  and 
embroiderers. 

All  men  of  the  reigning  family  were  put  to  death  straightway 
by  Subotai.  The  two  Empresses  and  the  princesses  were  sent  to 
Mongolia;  while  traveling  to  Kara  Kurum  they  suffered  want 
and  privations  of  every  kind. 

Foreseeing  the  fall  of  the  capital  Subotai  made  a  statement  to 
Ogotai,  the  Grand  Khan,  substantially  as  follows :  "  The  city 
has  made  such  resistance,  so  many  warriors  and  officers  of  the 
Mongols  have  fallen,  that,  by  the  law  of  Jinghis,  we  should  pillage 
it."  Ye  liu  chu  tsai  hurried  to  the  Khan  and  explained  that  those 
people  would  be  his  subjects,  that  among  them  were  many  men 
of  great  skill  and  value,  that  by  killing  them  he  would  ruin  the 
profit  of  his  conquest.  Ogotai  hearkened  to  the  wise  counsel  of 
Ye  liu,  and  ordered  that  none  should  suffer  death  except  members 
of  the  Kin  family.  Thus  the  kind  minister  saved  many  people. 
He  also  had  the  law  canceled  which  ordained  death  to  inhabitants 
of  cities  taken  by  storm,  or  by  siege  operations. 

And  now  let  us  find  the  Kin  sovereign.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
at  Kwe  te  fu  the  fleeing  Emperor,  to  satisfy  his  troops,  who  declared 
that  Baksan  had  caused  the  defeats  in  Shan  tung,  had  the  man 
tried  by  a  council  of  war  and  then  executed. 

Fucha  kuan  nu,  a  certain  general,  seized  control  of  Kwe  te  fu 


306 


The  Mongols 


after  killing  Li  tsi  with  three  hundred  mandarins,  and  also  the  gov- 
ernor. Kuan  nu's  mother  had  been  captured  after  Baksan's  defeat. 
Temutai,  a  Mongol  commander,  was  besieging  a  town  twenty 
leagues  south  of  Kwe  te  f  u ;  the  Emperor  charged  Kuan  nu  to  insin- 
uate to  Temutai  that  if  his  (Kuan  nu's)  mother  were  restored  he 
would  bring  the  Emperor  to  accept  peace  conditions.  Temutai  sent 
back  the  woman,  and  began  to  negotiate.  Kwan  nu  and  Temutai 
had  held  many  meetings.  Meanwhile  Kwan  nu  prepared  a  secret 
attack,  and  surprised  the  Mongol  camp  during  night  hours ;  arrows 
with  fireworks  increased  the  confusion.  Temutai 's  forces  fled, 
and  he  lost  more  than  three  thousand  men  in  crossing  a  river. 
Kwan  nu,  made  chief  commander  because  of  this  victory,  now 
obtained  complete  control,  and  left  not  a  trace  of  authority  to  the 
Emperor. 

At  this  juncture  Uku  lun  hao,  governor  of  districts  in  Southern 
Honan,  proposed  that  the  Emperor  make  Tsai  chiu  his  capital. 
Nin  kia  su  was  quite  willing,  but  Kuan  nu  would  not  hear  of  a 
change  which  would  cost  him  control  of  the  Emperor's  person. 
There  was  no  outcome  now  for  the  Emperor  but  to  be  rid  of  the 
minister,  so  one  day  Kuan  nu  was  killed  while  entering  his  sover- 
eign's chamber.  The  falling  monarch  had  still  one  hope  left  in 
connection  with  Tsai  chiu :  Wu  shan,  a  general  in  the  south  of 
Honan,  had  a  force  seventy  thousand  in  number.  Ogotai  the  year 
previous  had  made  a  treaty  with  Li  tsong,  the  Sung  Emperor,  and 
the  latter,  thinking  it  time  to  destroy  the  ancient  foe  of  his  dynasty, 
had  agreed  to  send  troops  to  Honan  on  condition  that  after  the 
fall  of  the  Kins  that  whole  region  be  restored  to  his  Empire. 
Meng  kong,  who  led  the  Sung  army,  now  attacked  and  defeated 
"Wu  shan  in  the  Ma  teng  group  of  mountains.  He  captured, 
moreover,  nine  forts  which  that  general  had  held  there,  receiving 
besides  the  surrender  of  all  that  was  left  of  his  army. 

The  Kin  Emperor  had  set  out  for  Tsai  chiu  before  this  disaster. 
His  escort  was  nearly  three  hundred  men ;  of  these  only  fifty  were 
mounted.  On  arriving  he  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  Hu  sha  hu, 
a  member  of  his  family,  a  general  of  skill  and  a  statesman.  This 
minister  made  every  possible  effort  to  form  a  new  army;  soon  he 
had  ten  thousand  mounted  men,  as  the  nucleus  of  his  forces.  It 
was  his  plan  to  convey  the  Emperor  to  Kong  chang,  a  safe  place 
in  Shen  si,  and  act  then  with  vigor,  but  the  sovereign's  intimates 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire  307 


were  opposed  to  this  journey,  and  prevailed  on  him  to  stay  in 
Tsai  chiu  to  the  ruin  of  himself,  and  his  dynasty. 

The  apparent  remoteness  of  the  Mongols  gave  confidence  for 
the  moment,  but  the  Mongols  soon  made  their  appearance.  Small 
parties  came  from  the  army  of  Tatchar,  who  was  only  waiting  for 
the  capture  of  Lo  yang  to  surround  the  Kin  sovereign's  last  refuge. 
Lo  yang  had  sustained  a  long  siege,  and  had  forced  the  Mongols 
to  raise  it  Tsi  yang  shen,  who  had  rendered  great  service  in 
regions  north  of  the  river,  was  still  in  command.  His  forces,  how- 
ever, were  few,  and  long  resistance  was  this  time  impossible; 
hence  he  put  himself  now  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  party  and 
strove  to  break  through  the  enemy,  but  was  seized  arms  in  hand 
fighting  valiantly.  Tatchar  tried  to  win  over  so  splendid  a  warrior, 
and  implored  him  most  earnestly  to  show  homage  to  Ogotai,  to 
prostrate  himself  with  face  looking  northward,  but  he  bowed 
toward  the  south,  saluting  in  this  way  Nin  kia  su,  his  own  Em- 
peror, and  suffered  death  for  his  action. 

Tatchar  was  the  son  of  Boroul,  one  of  Jinghis  Khan's  four 
great  heroes,  and  now  being  free  he  moved  on  Tsai  chiu  to  end  the 
Kin  dynasty.  His  army  was  reinforced  by  twenty  thousand  good 
warriors  under  Meng  kong  and  Kiang  hai,  whom  the  Sung  Em- 
peror had  sent  because  of  his  alliance  with  Ogotai.  The  two 
commanders  brought  with  them  three  hundred  thousand  sacks  of 
rice  for  the  Mongols.  After  two  months'  blockade  provisions 
were  so  scarce  in  the  city  that  human  flesh  was  used  as  food  and 
disease  ravaged  terribly.  The  defenders  armed  every  man  who 
could  labor.  All  young  women  who  had  strength  enough  dressed 
in  men's  clothes,  and  carried  fagots  and  stones  to  defend  the  last 
refuge  of  the  Emperor.  After  many  attacks  the  Sung  forces  and 
the  Mongols  made  a  fierce  assault,  and  seized  a  small  part  of  the 
bulwarks.  To  their  astonishment  they  found  a  new  wall  in  the 
rear  of  the  first  one,  and  a  broad  moat  between  them. 

Nin  kia  su,  when  he  saw  hostile  flags  on  the  outer  wall,  lost 
courage,  and  said  as  he  turned  to  the  friends  who  were  near  him, 
"  I  have  ruled  for  ten  years  and  shown  no  great  crimes  or  failings, 
still  the  fate  of  wicked  princes  is  ready  to  strike  me.  Death  has 
no  terror  for  me,  but  to  be  the  last  sovereign  of  a  line  which 
has  flourished  for  more  than  a  century,  and  to  think  that 
history  may  confound  me  with  rulers  who  have  ruined  their 


308 


The  Mongols 


dynasties  by  wickedness,  —  this  is  the  one  thing  which  tortures  me. 
Sovereigns  who  survive  loss  of  power  are  kept  in  confinement,  or 
despised  by  men  generally;  I  would  not  survive  to  be  treated  in 
either  way.    Heaven  knows  my  decision." 

Nin  kia  su,  however,  made  one  more  attempt  to  save  himself. 
He  gave  all  his  goods  to  men  of  the  garrison,  took  a  few  followers, 
and  sallied  forth  in  disguise  during  night  hours,  but  he  could  not 
elude  the  keen  watch  of  the  enemy,  and  was  forced  to  return  to  the 
city.  He  yielded  to  fate  then  and  had  his  horses  all  killed  to  be 
food  for  the  garrison.  On  the  day  of  the  new  year  the  besieged 
heard  songs  and  sounds  of  music;  the  Mongols  were  celebrating 
their  festival.  In  distress  and  dire  need  the  besieged  had  boiled  and 
eaten  all  the  hides  and  leather  in  the  city,  also  old  drums,  boots, 
and  saddles,  and  they  had  left  to  them  a  meal  of  grass  and 
weeds  with  the  pounded  bones  of  dead  men  and  animals  —  they 
had  eaten  already  the  old  and  decrepit  inhabitants,  the  captives 
and  the  wounded,  and  now  they  would  eat  the  crushed  bones  of 
those  people  when  the  flesh  was  all  stripped  from  them. 

Meng  kong,  the  Sung  general,  informed  by  deserters  of  this 
terrible  hunger,  resolved  to  surprise  the  failing  city.  His  men 
with  their  mouths  gagged  moved  to  the  storm  in  safe  silence.  With 
ladders  they  entered  through  five  breaches  made  in  the  western 
walls  of  the  city,  and  fought  with  desperation  till  sunset  when  they 
were  forced  out  decisively,  but  the  besieged  had  lost  their  first 
chiefs  and  best  warriors.  During  the  night  Nin  kia  su  yielded  the 
throne  to  Ching  lin,  brother  of  Baksan  who  was  put  to  death  for 
the  Shan  tung  disaster.  This  prince,  descended  directly  from  the 
Emperor  Ho  li  pu,  was  charged  with  defending  the  Eastern  side 
of  the  city.  Ching  lin  had  no  wish  to  accept  the  sad  gift,  and  fell 
prostrate  with  weeping.  "  I  give  thee  the  throne  during  terrible 
need  and  disaster,"  said  the  Emperor.  "  The  size  of  my  body 
prevents  me  from  fleeing  on  horseback,  but  thou  mayest  save  thy- 
self, thou  art  courageous  and  swift;  thou  mayst  rescue  the  dynasty 
and  bring  back  dominion ;  this  is  the  real  position." 

Ching  lin  took  the  seal,  and  was  raised  to  the  throne  on  the 
morrow.  But  even  while  this  ceremony  was  in  progress  the 
western  gate  was  broken  down  and  Meng  kong  rushed  into  the 
city.  Kiang  hai  and  Tatchar  rushed  in  with  him.  Hu  sha  hu 
fought  in  the  streets  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  thousand  of  warriors.. 


Destruction  of  the  Kin  Empire 


309 


Nin  kia  su,  seeing  no  escape  possible  on  any  side,  announced  to 
his  intimates  that  he  was  ready  to  die  and  charged  them  to  burn 
his  dead  body.   After  that  he  hanged  himself. 

Hu  sha  hu  now  told  his  officers  that  further  resistance  was 
useless,  and,  lest  some  ignoble  hand  might  take  life  from  him, 
he  sprang  into  the  river  and  drowned  himself.  Five  officers  with 
five  hundred  men  followed  his  example,  and  died  in  that  river. 
The  palace  officials  burned  the  Emperor's  body  immediately. 
Ching  lin,  when  he  learned  what  had  happened,  hurried  to  pay 
the  last  tribute  to  the  body;  he  had  barely  finished  all  needful 
libations  when  the  city  was  taken. 

Meng  kong  shared  with  Tatchar  everything  belonging  to  the 
Emperor,  besides  all  the  jewels  which  they  could  find  in  the 
palace.  Ching  lin  was  slain  that  same  day  by  his  own  warriors.  In 
this  way  the  Kins  were  deprived  of  dominion  in  China  May,  1234. 
Their  dynasty  of  nine  sovereigns  reigned  one  century  and  eighteen 
years.  Excepting  Kong  chang  fu  all  places  which  belonged  to 
that  dynasty  surrendered.  The  Sung  Emperor  rejoiced  much  and 
gave  many  festivals  while  thus  rejoicing  at  the  fall  of  an  enemy. 
He  offered  the  ashes  and  bones  of  the  last  of  the  Kins  to  his  an- 
cestors. Foolish  man,  he  had  given  aid  to  a  much  greater  and 
more  terrible  enemy  than  the  one  who  had  vanished,  and  had 
assured  the  near  destruction  of  his  own  house  and  dynasty. 

Ogotai,  the  Grand  Khan,  and  Tului,  his  brother,  returned 
to  Kara  Kurum  two  years  before  the  Kin  downfall.  After 
Ogotai  had  crossed  the  Hoang  Ho,  and  Tului  had  passed  through 
Honan,  the  completion  of  the  work  was  left  to  the  competent 
Subotai.  Tului  died  in  October,  1232,  soon  after  his  return  to  Mon- 
golia. He  was  forty  years  of  age.  Juveiini  states  that  his  life  was 
shortened  by  excessive  drinking.  He  was  the  favorite  son  of 
Jinghis  under  whom  he  had  learned  war  in  all  its  phases  and 
details.  His  campaign  in  Honan  was  admired  with  much  reason. 
When  still  a  boy  his  father  had  him  married  to  Siur  Kukteni,  a 
niece  of  Wang  Khan,  and  daughter  of  Jagambu  his  brother, 
a  woman  noted  for  wisdom.  From  this  princess  Tului  had  four 
sons:  Mangu,  Kubilai,  Hulagu  and  Arik  Buga. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CHINA  AND  DEATH  OF  OGOTAI 

IN  1234  a  great  Kurultai  was  summoned  by  Ogotai  atTalantepe, 
and  one  at  Kara  Kurum,  his  new  capital,  the  year  following. 
At  the  second  Kurultai  it  was  decided  to  make  three  great  ex- 
peditions :  One  against  the  Sung  Empire ;  another  to  bring  down 
Corea,  which  had  shaken  off  Mongol  rule;  a  third  to  countries 
north  of  the  Caspian,  the  Caucasus  and  the  Black  Sea,  and  west- 
ward indefinitely.  The  Grand  Khan  wished  to  march  himself 
with  this  last  expedition,  but  at  the  instance  of  princes  of  his 
family  he  yielded,  and  appointed  Batu,  second  son  of  Juchi,  to 
chief  command  in  those  regions. 

An  army  under  Hukatu  was  sent  to  the  borders  of  Cashmir  and 
India.  Persia  had  been  reconquered  by  Chormagun.  Jelal  ud 
din  had  perished  in  1231,  there  was  no  male  descendant  of  the 
Kwaresmian  Shah,  and  Iran  was  governed  by  Mongol  officials. 

The  attack  on  Corea  was  of  easy  execution,  but  the  expedition 
against  China  was  difficult,  and  to  it  we  will  turn  in  advance  of 
the  others. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Kin  dynasty  the  Mongols  disregarded 
their  agreement  with  the  Sung  sovereign  and  yielded  up  merely  a 
small  part  of  Honan,  a  southeastern  bit  of  that  province,  joining 
all  the  rest  to  their  own  immense  Empire.  Chao  fan  and  Chao 
kwe,  two  Imperial  princes,  were  indignant  at  this  perfidy,  and 
explained  to  their  Emperor,  that  the  Hoang  Ho  was  the  true 
northern  boundary  of  the  Empire,  to  which  southern  Shen  si 
should  be  added ;  they  urged  the  need  of  using  force  to  win  that 
which  had  been  refused  them,  that  which  was  theirs,  both  by 
right  and  agreement.  They  must  regain  their  ancient  capitals: 
Pien  king,  Lo  yang,  and  Si  ngan  fu.  Members  of  the  council 
declared  that  this  policy  would  bring  back  the  Mongols,  that  it 
310 


Death  of  Ogotai 


311 


would  be  disastrous  to  send  warriors  from  afar  to  hold  ruined 
cities  which  they  would  have  to  provision,  moreover  the  Empire 
lacked  money,  trained  troops,  and  good  generals.  The  Emperor 
Li  tsong  was  deaf  to  these  arguments,  and  gave  command  promptly 
to  march  on  Pien  king  with  a  corps  of  ten  thousand. 

Meanwhile  Tsui  li,  who  had  given  Pien  king  to  the  Mongols, 
was  made  master  in  that  capital.  The  three  chiefs,  who  served 
under  him,  were  so  incensed  at  his  arrogance,  that  they  swore  to 
destroy  the  vile  traitor.  The  moment  these  men  heard  that  a 
Sung  general  was  advancing  with  an  army  they  declared  to  him 
their  submission  by  letter,  feigning  meanwhile  to  work  in  accord 
with  Tsui  li  the  deceiver  and  tyrant.  To  carry  out  their  plot 
better  Li  po  yuan,  one  of  the  three,  had  fire  set  to  a  gate  of  the 
city,  Tsui  li  hurried  to  the  place  and  when  he  arrived  there  Li 
po  yuan,  who  had  gone  with  him,  plunged  a  dagger  blade  into  his 
body  so  deftly  that  Tsui  li  fell  from  his  horse  and  died  near  the 
feet  of  the  animal.  Soldiers  posted  at  the  gate  for  the  purpose 
attacked  the  attendants  of  the  dead  man  and  finished  them 
promptly. 

Tsui  li's  body  was  tied  to  the  tail  of  a  horse  and  dragged  to  the 
palace,  where  Li  po  yuan  spoke  to  the  people  in  these  words: 
"  Tsui  li  was  a  murderer,  a  robber,  a  tyrant,  a  debauchee,  and  an 
infamous  traitor.  No  man  so  evil  as  he  has  lived  in  old  times,  or 
in  our  day.  Did  he  merit  death  ?  "  "  To  chop  such  a  man  into 
bits  while  alive  would  be  very  small  punishment !  "  shouted  out 
thousands.  His  head  was  exposed  to  the  people  and  his  body  was 
made  a  burnt  offereng  to  the  spirit  of  Nin  kia  su,  the  late  Emperor. 
Tsuan  tse  tsai,  the  Sung  general,  occupied  Pien  king,  and  his 
force  was  strengthened  soon  by  another  of  fifty  thousand.  From 
these  two  armies  reinforcements  were  sent  to  Lo  yang  without 
waiting. 

On  hearing  that  Li  tsong  had  invaded  Honan  Ogotai  began 
action  immediately.  His  troops  surprised,  near  Lo  yang,  a  second 
Sung  corps  fifteen  thousand  in  number,  which  marching  from 
Pien  king  to  Lo  yang  had  pitched  its  camp  at  the  Ho  on  the  bank 
of  that  river.  The  Mongols  scattered  this  corps  and  camped  near 
the  walls  of  the  city.  The  Chinese  issued  forth  and  engaged  them. 
Neither  side  won,  but  the  Sung  troops  were  forced  to  abandon 
Lo  yang  through  a  dearth  of  provisions.   Through  lack  of  food 


312 


The  Mongols 


also  the  Sung  generals  left  Pien  king  and  turned  southward.  The 
cities  of  Northern  Honan  were  nearly  deserted,  and  all  of  them 
suffered  from  hunger. 

Ogotai  recalled  Subotai,  whom  he  destined  for  Europe,  and 
sent  to  the  Sung  court  an  envoy  to  reproach  it  with  oath  breaking. 
Li  tsong  sent  his  envoy  to  Kara  Kurum  to  allay  the  coming  tem- 
pest, but  the  journey  was  useless,  war  had  been  fixed  at  the 
Kurultai.  Three  army  corps  were  now  to  attack  the  Sung  Empire, 
one  under  command  of  Prince  Kutan,  Ogotai 's  second  son,  aided 
by  Tagai,  a  general  who  was  to  invade  Su  chuan,  that  great 
western  province;  a  second,  under  Prince  Kutchu,  the  third  son 
of  Ogotai,  while  the  generals  Temutai  and  Chauju  were  to  march 
on  Hu  kuang  and  subject  it.  In  Kiang  nan  a  third  army  was  to 
act  under  Chagan  and  Prince  Khon  Buga. 

Kutan  marched  through  Shen  si  and,  while  passing  Chung 
changan,  received  from  the  governor  the  submission  of  that  city, 
the  only  one  in  all  the  Kin  Empire  which  had  not  yielded  to  the 
Mongols.  Kutan  left  the  governor  in  office,  but  commanded  him 
to  march  with  his  warriors  who  were  placed  in  the  vanguard. 
Kutan  passed  through  Han  chong  southwestward,  took  Mian 
chiu,  whose  commandant  Gao  kia  was  killed  during  battle.  Chao 
yan  na,  the  governor  of  Han  chung,  hastened  to  occupy  Tsing 
yen,  the  key  of  Su  chuan,  and  was  besieged  there  by  Mongols,, 
but  Tsao  yuan,  the  commandant  of  Lu  chiu,  hurried  forward  to 
help  him,  and  drove  the  Mongol  chief  northward.  Next  Tsao 
threw  himself  on  Ta  an,  besieged  by  Wang  shi  hien,  saved  that 
city,  at  least  for  a  season,  and  retired,  after  defeating  a  large 
Mongol  force  in  the  neighborhood. 

These  successes  were  gained  over  Kutan 's  advance  guard. 
When  his  main  forces  appeared  the  Chinese,  who  were  greatly 
inferior  in  numbers,  met  them  between  Su  chuan  and  Shen  si,, 
in  wild  mountain  defiles,  but  had  to  flee  near  Yang  ping  and  cease 
their  resistance.  After  this  victory  the  Mongols  entered  Su  chuan 
without  serious  effort.  In  one  month  they  took  many  cities,  seized 
the  best  parts  of  the  province,  and  massacred  multitudes  of  people. 
The  governor  of  Wen  chau,  unable  to  defend  the  place,  poisoned 
his  family,  cremated  their  bodies,  burned  up  what  belonged  to  the 
treasury,  burned  his  own  property,  his  diploma  of  office,  and  then 
stabbed  himself  as  the  Mongols  were  bursting  into  the  city.  His 


Death  of  Ogotai 


313 


lieutenant  was  chopped  into  bits  by  the  victors,  who  put  to  the 
sword  every  soul  that  remained,  both  of  troops  and  inhabitants. 

When  he  had  ruined  Su  chuan  in  the  west  Prince  Kutan  went 
back  to  Shen  si,  and  the  Chinese  returned  to  their  ruins.  In  1237 
Ching  tu  was  reoccupied  by  the  Chinese,  but  in  1239  Tagai, 
Kutan 's  assistant,  reentered  Su  chuan,  captured  many  places, 
took  Ching  tu  and  sacked  it  a  second  time.  He  wished  now  to 
enter  Hu  kuang,  the  next  province,  by  Kwei  chiu,  a  city  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  river  Yang  tse,  but  Meng  kong,  the  Sung  general, 
had  put  western  Hu  kuang  into  such  a  good  state  of  defence,  that 
this  plan  was  a  failure;  he  even  took  Kwei  chiu  from  the  Mon- 
gols. 

Meanwhile  Prince  Kutchu,  whose  chief  camp  was  at  Teng 
chu  in  Honan,  entered  Hu  kuang  in  1236.  To  him  the  com- 
mandants of  Siang  yang  fu  surrendered  the  city  with  immense 
stores  in  it.  Kutchu  took  Tsao  yang,  he  took  also  Li  ngan,  but 
died  shortly  after. 

Prince  Kutchu  was  beloved  greatly  by  Ogotai,  and  to  him  he 
had  destined  the  Empire. 

Temutai  laid  siege  now  to  King  chiu,  but  Meng  kong,  who  was 
sent  by  the  governor  of  the  province,  defeated  him  at  the  walls  of 
the  city  and  freed  twenty  thousand  Chinese  who  were  captives. 

At  the  end  of  1237  Khon  Buga,  the  Mongol  prince,  captured 
three  cities  abandoned  by  their  commandants,  and  advanced  to 
Hoang  chiu  on  the  river  Yang  tse  and  besieged  the  place,  but  was 
forced  later  on  to  withdraw  from  it.  He  laid  siege  to  another 
large  city  the  year  following  but  failed  to  take  it. 

In  1238  the  Mongol  general,  Chagan,  invested  Liu  chiu,  a  city 
of  Kiang  nan ;  a  sudden  and  vigorous  sortie  forced  his  withdrawal, 
and  he  lost  some  part  of  his  force  while  retreating.  In  1239  Meng 
kong  gained  three  victories  over  the  Mongols  and  captured  four 
cities.  In  February,  1240,  Wang  tsie,  the  Mongol  envoy,  appeared 
at  the  Sung  court  for  the  fifth  time,  with  offers  of  peace  which  were 
rejected.  Wang  tsie  died  before  his  mission  was  ended,  and  the 
Sung  governor  delivered  his  body  to  the  Mongols.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  1240  also  a  number  of  Mongol  army  corps  marched  by 
various  roads  into  China.  No  further  mention,  however,  of 
fighting  is  made  till  after  Ogotai 's  death  the  year  following. 

While  Mongol  armies  were  attacking  Corea,  ravaging  China, 


314 


The  Mongols 


devastating  Russia,  Hungary,  and  Poland,  and  spreading  dismay 
throughout  Western  Europe,  Ogotai  was  passing  his  time  in 
delights,  enjoying  the  chase,  and  his  own  taste  for  drinking.  At 
Kara  Kurum,  where  he  had  built  a  magnificent  palace  called  the 
Ordu  Balik  and  by  thirty-seven  relays  of  posts  connected  the  city 
with  China,  he  passed  only  one  month  of  the  springtime,  the  rest 
of  that  season  he  lived  a  day's  journey  from  the  capital,  in  a  palace 
called  Kertchagan  built  by  Persians,  who  strove  to  outdo  or  to 
rival  those  architects  from  China  who  at  Kara  Kurum  had  shown 
what  their  skill  was.  From  Kertchagan  he  went  back  to  Kara 
Kurum  for  some  days  and  then  passed  the  summer  at  Ormektua 
where  he  held  court  in  a  white  Chinese  tent,  lined  with  silk  embroid- 
ered with  gold  very  deftly.  In  this  tent,  known  as  the  Sarai  Ordu, 
or  Golden  Horde,  there  was  room  for  one  thousand  persons.  The 
Grand  Khan  spent  forty  days  at  Lake  Kosa.  From  there  he 
went  to  Ongki  near  the  Great  Gobi  desert  where  he  lived  all  the 
winter;  that  was  the  time  of  grand  hunting  and  field  sports. 
In  this  region  Ogotai  had  an  enormous  corral,  or  inclosure  of  earth 
and  stakes  called  chehik.  It  was  six  miles  in  circuit,  and  had 
many  doors  to  it.  Troops  stationed  at  long  distances  on  all  sides 
had  orders  to  advance  on  this  central  inclosure  and  urge  forward 
beasts,  driving  them  through  the  doors  into  this  immense  roofless 
prison.  Game  was  killed  first  by  the  Grand  Khan  and  then  by 
his  family,  permission  going  down  by  degrees  till  common  men 
had  their  chance  finally. 

Ogotai  drank  to  excess,  for  which  Jinghis  had  reprimanded  him 
frequently.  Jagatai,  to  whom  he  deferred  very  notably,  charged 
an  official  to  see  that  he  drank  only  a  given  number  of  cups  each 
evening.  Ogotai  dared  not  disobey  his  elder  brother,  but  he 
eluded  the  order  by  using  larger  cups,  and  the  officer  was  silent. 

One  day  Ye  liu  chu  tsai  brought  in  an  iron  ring  greatly  rusted 
by  wine.  "  If  wine  acts  on  iron  in  this  way,  how  must  it  injure 
the  stomach  ? "  said  Chu  tsai.  This  example  struck  Ogotai 
greatly,  but  he  could  not  shake  off  the  habit.  One  day  in  March, 
1241,  he  fell  ill  after  hunting.  Turakina,  his  wife,  alarmed  very 
seriously,  turned  to  Chu  tsai  hoping  that  he  might  bring  Heaven 
to  restore  the  Grand  Khan  to  her.  Chu  tsai  counseled  just  deeds 
and  benevolence.  "  Power  has  been  given  by  the  Khan,"  said  he, 
"  to  men  who  sell  places,  and  traffic  in  justice.  Innocent 


Death  of  Ogotai 


315 


people  are  groaning  in  prison  because  they  have  revolted  against 
the  wrongs  done  them.  Let  an  amnesty  be  issued."  Turakina 
wished  to  have  the  amnesty  published  immediately,  but  the 
minister  told  her  that  this  could  be  done  only  at  Ogotai 's  order. 

When  the  Khan  came  again  to  his  senses  all  men  imprisoned, 
or  exiled,  were  pardoned.  He  regained  his  health  that  time, 
but  a  new  attack  came  some  months  later.  Against  Chu  tsai's 
advice  he  had  hunted  five  days  in  succession.  On  the  way  from 
the  field  he  sat  drinking  till  midnight.  The  sixth  morning  his  body 
was  lifeless.  This  Grand  Khan  had  reigned  nearly  thirteen  years, 
and  was  fifty-six  years  of  age  at  his  death  hour,  December  11, 1241. 
He  was  mild  for  a  Mongol  of  that  time,  fond  of  luxury  and  generous 
in  gift  giving.  He  was  tolerant  of  the  various  religions,  and  in 
general  very  amiable  considering  his  position.  He  was  fond  of 
hunting  and  wrestling,  often  sending  to  Persia  for  renowned 
wrestlers.  He  was  a  statesman  as  well  as  conqueror,  and  framed 
laws  which  held  the  Mongol  Empire  together  for  a  long  period. 

After  Ogotai's  death  all  the  roads  to  his  residence  were  guarded 
immediately,  so  that  no  man  might  leave  the  place  and  couriers 
were  sent  off  in  every  direction  to  stop  travelers  wherever  they 
might  find  them,  till  the  members  of  the  Grand  Khan's  family  had 
officially  received  the  tidings  of  his  death. 

Ogotai  had  appointed  Kutchu,  his  third  son,  to  be  his  successor, 
but  this  young  prince  died  in  Hu  kuang  five  years  earlier,  1236. 
Shiramun,  son  of  Kutchu,  had  been  at  the  court,  and  Ogotai 
destined  him  also  to  Empire.  But  Turakina,  a  self-willed  and 
determined  woman,  wished  Kuyuk,  her  own  eldest  son,  to  be 
chief  of  all  Mongols.  Kuyuk,  born  in  1206,  had  served  against 
the  Kin  Empire ;  later  he  had  gone  to  the  west  with  Batu.  Ogotai 
had  ordered  him  back  very  recently,  and  he  was  on  the  way  home 
when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  his  father. 

Princes  of  the  blood  and  chiefs  of  the  army  received  invitations 
from  Ogotai 's  widow  to  assemble  for  the  Kurultai;  meanwhile  at 
the  instance  of  Jagatai  and  others  the  regency  was  given  to  Tura- 
kina. The  regency  began  by  ejecting  Ching  kai  the  grand  chan- 
cellor, an  Uigur.  A  Mohammedan,  Abd  ur  Rahman,  who  had 
come  some  time  earlier  to  Mongolia  with  merchandise,  had  won 
the  good- will  of  Turakina  completely ;  a  short  time  before  Ogotai's 
death  he  had  offered  to  farm  all  the  revenues  of  China.   Chu  tsai 


316 


The  Mongols 


had  fixed  the  income  of  parts  lying  north  of  the  Hoang  Ho  at  five 
hundred  thousand  ounces  of  silver.  After  Honan  had  been 
conquered  the  receipts  rose  to  one  million  one  hundred  thousand. 
Abd  ur  Rahman  offered  two  million  two  hundred  thousand; 
Chu  tsai  replied  that  five  millions  might  be  collected,  but  that  sum, 
he  said,  would  be  grievous  to  tax  payers.  Turakina,  putting  aside 
the  advice  of  Chu  tsai,  now  gave  Abd  ur  Rahman  control  of  the 
finances  of  the  Empire..  It  is  stated  that  Chu  tsai,  foreseeing  the 
destruction  of  all  that  he  had  labored  for,  grew  despondent  and 
died  of  grief.  In  any  case  this  remarkable  man  died  June,  1244, 
at  the  age  of  fifty-five  years.  By  his  influence  over  Ogotai  he  had 
saved  many  lives.  He  had  also  founded  two  colleges,  one  at 
Yan  King,  the  other  at  Pin  Yan  in  Shan  si,  and  published  a  work 
on  astronomy. 

Soon  after  Ogotai's  death  Temugu,  his  uncle,  who  was  Jinghis 
Khan's  youngest  brother,  approached  the  Khan's  residence  with 
his  army,  and  made  a  faint  move  toward  a  seizure  of  the  Empire. 
Turakina  sent  to  ask  why  he  came  to  "  his  daughter  "  so  numer- 
ously attended,  and  sent  him  his  son,  who  had  been  living  at 
Ogotai's  residence.  On  hearing  that  Kuyuk  had  arrived  from  the 
west  and  had  reached  the  Imil  where  his  yurta  was  established 
Temugu  dropped  his  plan,  and  replied  that  he  wished  to  condole 
with  his  daughter  on  the  loss  of  her  husband ;  after  that  he  with- 
drew to  his  own  place. 

The  assembly  to  elect  a  new  sovereign  was  to  be  at  Talantepe, 
but  did  not  meet  till  1246,  because  of  Batu's  endless  loitering. 
Batu  liked  neither  Kuyuk,  nor  the  regent,  his  mother,  and  feigned 
to  have  a  sore  leg  which  prevented  his  traveling.  As  he  was  the 
eldest  prince  of  the  family  the  other  members  were  loath  to  elect 
a  new  sovereign  in  his  absence. 

At  the  prayer  of  the  regent  Batu  at  last  gave  his  word  to  be 
present  at  the  Kurultai,  but  he  came  not,  so  the  Kurultai  was 
assembled  without  him,  and  Kuyuk  was  elected. 

Turakina  died  two  months  after  Kuyuk  was  made  Grand  Khan 
thereupon  the  many  enemies  of  Fatima,  a  Persian  woman,  the 
adviser  and  intimate  of  Turakina,  conspired  to  destroy  her.  She 
was  accused  by  a  Samarkand  Moslem,  named  Shira,  of  having 
brought  on  Prince  Kutan,  Kuyuk's  brother,  the  disease  from  which 
he  was  suffering  at  that  time.    Kutan  sent  an  officer  to  Kuyuk  to 


Death  of  Ogotai 


317 


complain  of  Fatima,  and  demand  that  she  be  punished  should  his 
illness  prove  fatal.  Kutan  died,  hence  Kuyuk  commanded  the 
trial  of  Fatima.  She  was  bastinadoed  and  tortured  till  she  de- 
clared herself  guilty.  Every  opening  of  her  body  save  her  nose  was 
sewed  up  and  closed  tightly  ;  after  suffering  dreadful  anguish  for 
a  time  she  was  wrapped  in  felt  blankets  firmly  and  thrown  into 
a  river;  her  friends  were  put  to  death  also.  The  turn  came  soon 
to  Shira  himself  who,  accused  of  bewitching  a  son  of  Kuyuk,  was 
put  to  death  with  his  wife  and  whole  family. 

Kuyuk,  suffering  from  gout,  the  result  of  drink  and  dissipation, 
set  out  in  1248,  during  spring,  for  his  own  domains  to  find  a  more 
favoring  climate.  Siur  Kukteni,  Tului 's  widow,  fearing  lest  Kuyuk 
might  be  hostile  to  her  nephew  Batu,  who  had  not  come  to  do  hom- 
age, warned  the  latter  to  be  on  his  guard  at  all  seasons.  There  was 
no  reason,  however,  for  this  caution,  since  Kuyuk  died  on  the  road, 
being  seven  days'  journey  from  Bish  Balik,  the  Uigur  capital. 

After  Kuyuk 's  death,  which  took  place  in  his  forty-third  year, 
the  usual  precautions  were  taken  to  keep  back  the  news  till  the 
principal  chiefs  of  the  family  were  informed  of  it.  All  ways  were 
stopped  and  information  was  sent  to  Siur  Kukteni,  and  to  Batu. 

Batu  had  set  out  at  last  from  the  banks  of  the  Volga  to  give  the 
new  sovereign  due  homage,  and  had  come  to  Alaktak  when  news 
of  Kuyuk's  sudden  death  reached  him.  He  halted  at  once  under 
pretext  of  resting  his  horses  and,  observing  the  national  usage, 
gave  his  consent  to  the  regency  to  Ogul  Gaimish,  who  held  the 
first  place  among  Kuyuk's  consorts.  She  was  the  daughter  of 
Kutuk,  chief  of  the  Uirats.  Meanwhile  Batu  called  a  Kurultai  at 
Alaktak.  The  descendants  of  Ogotai  refused  to  attend,  since 
the  Kurultai  should  be  held,  as  they  said,  in  the  land  of  the  Mongols. 
They  sent,  however,  Timur  Noyon,  governor  of  Kara  Kurum,  with 
full  powers  to  act  for  them,  and  to  confirm  the  decisions  of  Batu,  and 
the  majority  of  princes. 

At  this  Kurultai,  composed  mainly  of  Juchi's  descendants  and 
those  of  Tului,  that  is  descendants  of  Jinghis  Khan's  youngest  and 
eldest  sons,  Ilchi  Kidai  of  the  Jelairs  declared  that  they  had  en- 
gaged to  choose  no  man  as  sovereign  unless  a  descendant  of  Ogotai 
so  long  as  that  branch  remained  living.  "  Yes,"  answered  Kubi- 
lai,  son  of  Tului,  "  but  ye  were  the  first  to  infringe  Jinghis  Khan's 
laws,  and  disregard  Ogotai's  will.    Ye  put  Altalun,  Jinghis' 


318 


The  Mongols 


daughter,  to  death  without  reference  to  Jinghis  Khan's  statute 
that  no  descendant  of  his  may  suffer  death  until  judged  by  an 
assembly  of  his  or  her  equals.  Ye  put  Kuyuk  on  the  throne  in 
defiance  of  Ogotai,  who  had  appointed  Shiramun  to  succeed 
him." 

These  two  complaints  were  brought  up  by  those  who  had  deter- 
mined to  take  the  throne  from  descendants  of  Ogotai.  Batu,  who 
was  also  their  enemy,  had  agreed  with  Siur  Kukteni,  to  elect  her 
eldest  son,  Mangu.  This  widow  of  Tului  had  an  all  powerful 
support  in  the  army.  The  arrangements  by  which  Jinghis  had 
given  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  to  Tului  assured  preponderance 
to  this  branch.  When  the  throne  held  an  Emperor  the  combined 
army  was  under  the  sovereign,  but  in  time  of  interregnum  each 
part  of  it  recognized  the  authority  of  that  prince  to  whom  it  be- 
longed, and  who  was  its  only  commander.  After  the  death  of 
Tului  his  army  of  one  hundred  and  one  thousand  out  of  a  total  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  passed  to  his  four  sons  by  his  chief  wife 
Siur  Kukteni :  Mangu,  Kubilai,  Arik  Buga  and  Hulagu.  During 
the  minority  of  these  princes  their  mother,  sure  of  the  commander 
whom  she  had  bound  to  her,  governed  with  rare  judgment  the 
numerous  tribes  which  were  subject  to  her  children.  Honored  by 
Batu  and  many  other  princes  it  was  easy  for  her  to  place  one  of 
her  sons  on  the  throne,  since  the  candidates  among  Ogotai 's  de- 
scendants were  too  young  in  years  yet  to  be  personally  considered. 

Mangusar,  a  general,  was  the  first  in  the  assembly  to  propose 
Prince  Mangu,  whose  courage  and  wit  he  extolled,  giving  instance 
of  his  brilliant  career,  under  Kuyuk,  in  China,  and  in  western 
lands  under  Batu. 

But  princes  offered  the  throne  first  of  all  to  Batu,  as  the  eldest 
of  his  family.  When  he  refused  they  begged  him  to  point  out  a 
candidate  and  promised  in  writing  to  choose  him.  Batu  refused 
to  do  this,  but,  changing  his  mind  in  the  night,  he  deferred  the  next 
day  to  their  wishes,  and  said  in  the  meeting,  that  to  govern  the 
Empire  a  prince  of  ability  was  needed,  and  one  who  knew  Jinghis 
Khan's  yassa  in  all  points.  In  view  of  this  he  proposed  to  them 
Mangu  as  his  candidate. 

This  prince  refused  the  great  honor,  and  resisted  the  prayers  of 
the  Kurultai  for  many  days  in  succession,  till  his  brother  rose, 
and  said :  "  We  have  all  promised  to  follow  Prince  Batu's  decision. 


Death  of  Ogotai 


319 


If  it  be  permitted  Mangu  to  break  his  word  now,  other  princes 
may  follow  his  example  in  future."  Batu  applauded  these  words, 
and  Mangu  ceased  resistance.  The  moment  he  accepted,  the 
whole  assembly  saluted  him.  A  new  Kurultai  was  appointed  for 
the  following  spring  to  be  held  in  Jinghis  Khan's  home  land  near 
the  sources  of  the  Onon  and  the  Kerulon  when  Mangu  was  to  be 
recognized  by  all  princes,  and  by  the  chiefs  of  the  army. 

Ogul  Gaimish,  Kuyuk's  widow,  was  to  be  regent  in  the  mean- 
while assisted  by  her  two  sons :  Khodja  and  Nagu.  The  only,  or 
at  least  the  main  care  of  this  regency  was  to  dispose  of  tribute  by 
giving  orders  in  advance  on  the  provinces.  Ogul  Gaimish  was 
given  greatly  to  sorcery  and  spent  much  of  her  time  with  magicians. 
The  Mongol  Empire  was  thus  left  to  many  evil  influences. 

Khodja  and  Nagu  disavowed  the  agents  who  in  their  names  had 
voted  for  Mangu.  They  informed  Batu,  that  they  could  not 
hold  to  decisions  of  a  Kurultai  assembled  far  from  the  land  of  Jin- 
ghis, and  moreover  imperfect.  Batu  enjoined  on  them  to  visit  the 
coming  Kurultai,  and  added  that  the  princes  had  chosen  the  man 
whom  they  held  the  best  fitted  to  govern  the  Empire,  and  that  their 
choice  was  now  made  and  irrevocable. 

The  rest  of  the  year  passed  in  fruitless  discussions  between 
Mangu's  partisans,  who  strove  to  bring  the  malcontents  to  their 
way  of  thinking,  and  the  competitors  of  Mangu  who  protested 
against  the  election.  Batu  sent  his  two  brothers,  Berkai  and 
Togha  Timur,  with  a  strong  corps  of  troops  to  escort  the  new  Grand 
Khan  to  the  Kurultai,  and  seat  him  on  Jinghis  Khan's  throne. 
The  descendants  of  Ogotai,  and  the  son  and  successor  of  Jagatai 
refused  to  appear  there,  declaring  that  the  election  of  Mangu  was 
illegal,  and  that  the  throne  belonged  by  right  to  a  descendant  of 
Ogotai.  Agents  sent  time  after  time  by  Batu  and  Siur  Kukteni 
implored  them  not  to  rend  the  Empire  through  factiousness.  Batu 
informed  them  that  children  were  incompetent  to  manage  Jinghis 
Khan's  great  possessions. 

The  princes  persisted,  however,  in  refusing.  Berkai,  after 
waiting  a  year,  asked  for  orders  from  Batu,  who  commanded  to 
install  Mangu  without  further  discussion,  declaring  that  those  who 
made  trouble  would  pay  with  their  lives  for  so  doing.  The  princes 
descended  from  Juchi  and  Tului,  with  the  nephews  of  Jinghis,  met 
at  Koitun  Ola,  the  place  designated,  and  made  a  last  effort  to  bring 


320 


The  Mongols 


the  heads  of  the  houses  of  Ogotai  and  Jagatai  to  share  in  the 
meeting.  An  officer  sent  to  Ogul  Gaimish,  and  another  to  Yissu, 
son  of  Jagatai,  announced  that  the  other  princes  had  assembled, 
and  were  waiting.  Khodja  and  Nagu,  seeing  that  opposition  was 
fruitless,  gave  a  promise  to  come,  and  fixed  the  date  of  arrival. 
The  term  passed,  but  they  came  not.  An  order  was  given  to 
astrologers  to  name  the  day  and  the  hour  for  installation.  The 
installation  took  place  July,  1251,  with  the  ceremonies  which  were 
usual  and  proper.  When  the  princes  inside  the  Imperial  pavilion 
put  their  girdles  on  their  shoulders  and  prostrated  themselves  nine 
times  before  Mangu,  their  example  was  followed  by  ten  thousand 
warriors  ranged  round  the  tent  on  the  outside. 

The  Grand  Khan  commanded  that  no  man  should  work  on  that 
day,  that  all  should  forget  every  quarrel  and  yield  themselves  up 
to  rejoicing.  He  wished  to  make  Nature  participate  in  the  festival, 
and  enjoined  that  no  man  was  to  sit  on  a  horse,  or  put  a  burden  on 
anything  living.  No  person  was  to  kill  an  animal,  hunt,  fish, 
wound  the  earth  by  digging,  or  otherwise,  or  trouble  the  calm  of 
the  waters,  or  their  purity. 

On  the  morrow  a  rich  feast  was  given  by  Mangu  in  a  tent  of 
rare  stuffs  and  great  splendor.  At  his  right  sat  the  princes  de- 
scended from  Jinghis,  at  his  left  the  princesses.  A  similar  feast  was 
given  each  day  for  seven  days  in  succession.  Each  day  every  guest 
wore  a  dress  of  new  color ;  each  day  three  hundred  horses  and  bul- 
locks with  five  thousand  sheep  were  eaten,  while  two  thousand  cart 
loads  of  wine  and  kumis  were  drunk  to  drive  away  thirst  and  con- 
sole the  great  company. 

In  the  midst  of  this  feasting  and  pleasure  a  man,  known  as 
Kishk,  made  his  way  to  the  Grand  Khan's  pavilion  with  the 
statement  that  he  had  discovered  a  plot  against  Mangu  and  the 
princes  assembled.  He  declared  that  while  looking  for  a  mule 
which  had  strayed  from  him  he  fell  in  with  a  body  of  men  going 
forward  with  carts,  which  at  first  he  had  thought  to  be  filled  with 
supplies  for  the  Kurultai.  He  came  on  a  lad  and  walked  for  a  time 
with  him.  The  lad  mistook  Kishk  for  one  of  the  party,  and  asked 
the  mule  owner  to  help  him  in  fixing  his  cart  which  was  injured. 
Kishk  turned  to  assist ;  and  seeing  the  cart  filled  with  arms  asked 
the  lad  why  he  was  taking  them.  "  I  have  the  same  as  the  others,25 
replied  he.    Kishk  was  astonished  at  this,  and  after  some  cautious 


Death  of  Ogotai 


321 


inquiries  discovered  that  the  princes  Shiramun,  Nagu  and  Khodja 
were  going  to  the  Kurultai  to  make  use  of  the  moment  when  all 
would  be  drunk  to  finish  Mangu  and  his  followers.  Kishk  de- 
clared that  through  eagerness  to  tell  what  he  knew  at  the  earliest 
he  had  made  in  one  day  three  days'  journey. 

The  story  was  received  with  astonishment  at  first,  and  seemed 
altogether  unreal.  Kishk  was  asked  to  repeat  it,  so  he  told  all 
the  details  again  and  in  such  fashion  this  time  that  every  doubt 
vanished.  Each  prince  wished  to  go  himself  and  look  into  the 
matter.  It  was  decided  to  send  Mangusar,  the  chief  general, 
and  the  first  person  who  in  the  Kurultai  proposed  that  Mangu 
should  be  raised  to  the  throne ;  with  him  went  two  or  three  thou- 
sand men.  The  princes  were  not  more  than  two  days  from  the 
Ordu. 

Mangusar  reached  their  camp  very  early  in  the  morning  and, 
having  surrounded  it,  approached  the  tent  of  the  princes  with  one 
hundred  horsemen.  He  called  to  them  that  it  had  been  reported 
to  Mangu  that  they  were  coming  with  evil  intentions.  If  that  were 
false  they  could  clear  themselves  quickly  by  going  to  the  Ordu  at 
once.  If  they  would  not  go,  he  had  orders  to  take  them.  The 
princes  came  out  of  their  tent,  and,  seeing  that  their  camp  was 
surrounded,  said  that  they  were  on  the  way  to  give  homage  to 
Mangu,  and  were  about  to  continue  their  journey.  They  were 
forced,  however,  to  follow  Mangusar,  and  were  permitted  to  take 
only  twenty  men  with  them  as  an  escort. 

Arriving  at  the  Ordu  they  offered  their  presents  by  nines  accord- 
ing to  Mongol  custom.  The  first  two  days  they  took  part  in  the 
festival  unquestioned,  but  on  the  third  day  the  three  princes  were 
arrested  when  ready  to  enter  the  Grand  Khan's  pavilion.  Next 
day  Mangu  himself  questioned  them.  He  began  by  saying  that, 
though  the  charges  might  seem  improbable,  he  was  bound  to  con- 
vince himself  and  thus  destroy  all  suspicions  against  them,  and 
punish  their  accusers. 

The  princes  denied  the  whole  story  with  firmness.  Mangu 
questioned  Shiramun 's  governor,  who  was  forced  by  the  bastinado 
to  avow  the  conspiracy,  but  it  was  made,  he  declared,  by  him  and 
his  officers  without  knowledge  of  the  princes;  after  these  words 
he  drew  his  own  sabre  and  killed  himself.  A  commission  of  gen- 
erals under  Mangusar  was  formed  to  report  on  the  confessions  of 


322 


The  Mongols 


the  officers  of  the  three  princes  from  whom  the  avowal  of  a  plot 
was  at  last  forced. 

Mangu  wished  to  pardon  these  officers,  but  his  generals  and 
relatives  declared  that  he  should  not  let  slip  that  chance  to  be  rid 
of  his  enemies.  Yielding  to  this  advice  he  had  the  officers  put  in 
irons;  still  he  wavered  and  again  asked  advice  of  his  chief  men. 
They  advised  him  one  after  another,  but  even  then  he  continued 
irresolute.  At  last  seeing  Mahmud  Yelvadje,  the  one  man  who 
till  then  had  kept  silence,  he  summoned  him  and  asked  why  he 
said  nothing.  Yelvadje  cited  Alexander,  who  sent  a  confidant 
to  ask  Aristotle  how  to  treat  a  detected  conspiracy.  Aristotle 
took  the  man  to  a  garden ;  while  they  were  walking  he  ordered  to 
pull  up  some  well  rooted  trees  and  plant  feeble  saplings  instead  of 
them.  No  other  answer  was  given.  The  man  went  back  and  told 
Alexander,  who  understood;  he  had  all  the  conspirators  slain, 
and  sent  their  young  sons  to  replace  them. 

Mangu,  struck  by  the  story,  put  to  death  seventy  officers.  Among 
them  were  two  sons  of  Ilchi  Kidai  then  in  Persia.  Stones  were 
forced  into  the  mouths  of  these  sons  who  were  stifled  in  that  way ; 
the  father  was  arrested  in  Khorassan  and  conveyed  to  Batu  who 
took  life  from  him.  The  three  princes  were  pardoned  through  the 
intercession  of  Mangu 's  mother. 

In  February,  1252,  Mangu  lost  his  mother,  Siur  Kukteni.  She 
was  a  niece  of  Wang  Khan  and  a  Christian ;  they  buried  her  next 
to  her  husband,  Tului.  In  August,  1252,  Mangu  went  to  Kara 
Kurum  to  judge  hostile  princes  and  princesses.  With  Ogul 
Gaimish,  he  was  especially  angry,  since  she,  when  summoned  to 
render  him  homage,  had  answered  that  Mangu  and  the  other 
princes  had  sworn  not  to  choose  a  Grand  Khan  unless  from  among 
the  descendants  of  Ogotai.  Both  hands  and  arms  of  Ogul  Gai- 
mish were  sewed  up  in  a  leather  bag,  and  she  with  Shiramun's 
mother  was  taken  to  the  residence  of  Siur  Kukteni.  Mangusar 
stripped  her  there  of  all  clothing  and  then  proceeded  to  interrogate. 
She  reproached  him  indignantly  with  exposing  her  body,  which 
had  never  been  seen  by  any  man  save  a  sovereign.  Both  women 
were  declared  guilty  of  trying  to  kill  Mangu  by  magic.  They 
were  rolled  up  in  felt  rugs  and  drowned  immediately.  The  sons 
of  these  two  women  confessed  that  their  mothers  had  incited  them 
not  to  recognize  Mangu.    Kadak  and  Chinkai,  the  chief  counsel- 


Death  of  Ogotai 


323 


lors  of  Ogul  Gaimish,  were  put  to  death  also.  Buri,  the  grandson 
of  Jagatai,  was  delivered  to  Batu,  who  had  him  killed  in  revenge 
for  words  used  when  in  liquor. 

The  three  princes  were  spared  by  Mangu  in  view  of  their  kinship : 
Khodja  was  sent  to  Suligai,  east  of  Kara  Kurum ;  Nagu  and  Shira- 
mun  were  ordered  to  the  army.  When  Kubilai  was  going,  some 
time  later,  to  China,  Mangu  as  a  favor  let  him  take  Shiramun  on 
that  journey,  but  when  Mangu  himself  went  to  China  he  had  Shira- 
mun drowned,  through  mistrust  of  this  young  man,  who  had  been 
destined  to  the  throne  by  his  grandfather.  The  greater  part  of 
Ogotai's  descendants  were  sent  to  various  places  and  deprived  of 
the  troops  which  were  theirs  by  inheritance.  Mangu  gave  those 
troops  to  other  princes  devoted  to  his  person.  He  spared  only 
Kadan  Melik  and  the  sons  of  Prince  Kutan,  who  had  come  with 
good  grace  to  give  homage.  He  not  only  left  them  their  troops, 
but  gave  each  man  one  of  Ogotai's  ordus,  and  one  of  his  widows. 

Not  content  with  punishing  the  highest,  Mangu  wished  to  strike 
down  throughout  the  empire  all  who  had  signified  attachment  to 
Ogotai.  He  had  the  power  to  act  thus,  for  his  armies  formed  one 
immense  chain  from  Eastern  Mongolia  to  Otrar.  Belu,  a  judge, 
was  despatched  to  discover  offenders,  and  punish  them  with  death, 
in  the  countries  of  Jagatai,  while  a  second  inquisitor  was  sent  to 
the  armies  in  China.  Two  corps  were  sent  at  the  same  time  to 
the  Kirghis  and  the  Kemjuts. 

Strong  now  on  his  throne  through  destruction  of  enemies,  Mangu 
dismissed  all  the  princes  and  generals  who  had  come  to  the  Kurul- 
tai.  Berkai  and  Togha  Timur  received  splendid  gifts  for  them- 
selves, and  for  Batu,  their  brother.  Kara  Hulagu  received  the 
inheritance  of  Jagatai,  his  grandfather,  and  was  charged  to  put  to 
death  Yissu,  his  uncle,  placed  on  the  throne  by  Kuyuk,  the  late 
sovereign.  Kara  Hulagu  died  on  the  way  to  his  possessions,  but 
Organa,  his  widow,  carried  out  the  sentence  on  Yissu,  and  took 
the  inheritance. 

Mangu,  to  reward  the  mule  driver  Kishk,  made  him  a  Terkhan, 
and  gave  him  much  treasure. 

The  fate  of  the  Uigur  sovereign  shows  how  Mongol  Khans 
treated  their  vassals.  We  remember  Bardjuk,  the  Idikut,  very 
well  in  connection  with  Jinghis,  whom  he  followed  most  faithfully. 
As  recompense  Jinghis  gave  the  Idikut  his  daughter  Altun  Bighi 


324 


The  Mongols 


in  marriage.  This  marriage  was  deferred  by  the  death  of  the 
conqueror.  Ogotai  wished  to  carry  out  the  desire  of  his  father, 
but  before  he  could  do  so  Altun  Bighi  herself  died,  and  Bardjuk 
died  soon  after.  Bardjuk's  son  Kishmain  went  to  Ogotai's  court 
and  received  his  father's  title  of  Idikut,  or  sovereign  among  the 
Uigurs.  He  too  died  soon  after,  and  Turakina,  the  regent,  ap- 
pointed her  brother  Salendi  to  the  Uigur  dynasty. 

This  new  Idikut,  who  was  a  Buddhist,  made  haste  to  give  hom- 
age to  Mangu  at  the  time  of  his  accession,  but  just  after  he  had 
started  a  slave  accused  him  of  planning  to  slay  all  Mohammedans, 
not  only  in  the  capital,  but  throughout  the  whole  Uigur  kingdom, 
when  assembled  in  their  mosques  on  a  Friday.  One  of  Mangu 's 
officials  received  the  accusation  and  sent  a  messenger  straightway 
for  the  Idikut.  Salendi  returned  without  delay  to  Bish  Balik  and 
was  confronted  with  the  slave,  who  told  the  whole  plan  minutely. 
Salendi  denied  every  point  with  great  firmness.  The  slave  de- 
manded to  take  the  affair  to  Mangu  to  be  judged  by  him.  Seif 
ud  din,  the  official,  sent  him  to  the  Grand  Khan,  and  soon  after 
the  Idikut  was  summoned  for  trial.  Questioned  and  put  to 
torture,  he  ended  by  confessing  that  he  was  guilty.  The  Grand 
Khan  sent  him  back  to  Bish  Balik  for  execution.  On  a  Friday 
his  head  was  cut  off  by  his  own  brother,  Okendji.  Two  of  his 
higher  officials,  condemned  as  accomplices,  met  death  by  having 
their  bodies  cut  in  four  pieces  crosswise.  A  third  man,  named  Bela, 
was  condemned  to  death  also,  but  Mangu,  wishing  to  win  from 
High  Heaven  the  cure  of  his  mother,  reprieved  all  who  were  sen- 
tenced to  death  upon  that  day.  Bela  was  already  at  the  place  of 
execution  and  stripped  of  his  garments  when  grace  came,  but 
his  children  and  wives  and  his  possessions  were  taken  and  he  was 
sent  on  a  mission  to  Syria  and  Egypt. 

When  Mongol  princes  granted  life  to  a  criminal  he  was  either 
sent  to  the  army,  where  he  might  die  with  some  profit  to  his  sover- 
eign, or  he  was  employed  on  a  perilous  mission,  or  was  sent  to 
some  country  with  a  death-dealing  climate. 

The  slave  who  had  accused  Salendi  got  his  recompense  and 
became  a  Mohammedan.  When  he  returned  to  Bish  Balik  after 
the  death  of  the  Idikut,  he  roused  so  much  terror  in  the  Uigurs 
who  would  be  endangered  by  his  ill-will  that  they  hastened  to  pay 
court  to  him  and  offer  rich  presents. 


Death  of  Ogotai 


325 


After  Mangu  had  rid  himself  of  all  the  Uigurs  who  might  favor 
Ogotai's  descendants  he  gave  the  kingdom  to  Okendji,  who  had 
been  his  own  brother's  executioner. 

After  Ogotai's  death  the  Mongol  forces,  disposed  on  the  southern 
border  of  what  had  been  once  the  Kin  Empire,  made  attacks  from 
time  to  time  on  Su  chuan,  Kiang  nan  and  Hu  kuang;  they  merely- 
ravaged,  took  cities,  and  retired  then  with  booty.  It  might  be  said 
that  in  Mangu 's  reign  the  only  thing  favorable  to  Mongols  was  the 
death  of  Meng  kong,  the  greatest  general  of  China,  the  man  who 
had  frequently  stopped  them,  and  often  defeated  their  forces. 

In!1252  Mangu  gaveHonan  to  Kubilai,  his  brother,  as  an  appan- 
age, and  a  part  of  Shen  si  with  it  also.  In  the  same  year,  having 
previously  consulted  Chinese  sages  as  to  all  needful  and  proper 
details,  he  made  a  great  sacrifice  to  Heaven  from  a  mountain  top. 
The  year  following  he  directed  that  a  census  be  taken  of  the  people 
in  Russia.  Yun  nan  was  made  up  at  that  time  of  several  small 
kingdoms,  independent  for  the  greater  part.  Toward  the  end  of 
1252  Wang  te  chen,  a  commander  of  Mongols,  made  some  advance 
in  Su  chuan.  He  pillaged  Ching  tu,  and  took  Kia  ting  fu,  thirty 
leagues  to  the  south  of  it,  thus  opening  Kubilai's  way  to  him. 
Kubilai  in  October,  1253,  marched  from  Lin  taow,  where  he  had 
assembled  an  army.  Under  him  was  Uriang  Kadai  whose  father, 
Subotai,  had  done  most  toward  Mangu 's  elevation.  Uriang  Kadai 
was  charged  by  the  Grand  Khan  with  the  real  command  of  this 
expedition. 

Kubilai  traversed  all  Su  chuan,  and  after  a  march  of  great  trials, 
over  mountains  which  seemed  quite  impassable  for  an  army,  he 
crossed  on  rafts  the  Kin  sha  (Golden  Sand),  a  large  river.  The 
king  of  the  Mussu  man,  the  first  people  beyond  the  Kin  sha,  sub- 
mitted. The  sovereign  of  the  next  people,  the  Pe  man,  made  no 
resistance,  but  his  nephew  defended  the  capital.  Kubilai  took  the 
city,  and  put  the  nephew  to  death,  but  he  spared  the  inhabitants. 

Tali,  the  capital  of  Nan  chao,  received  Mongol  rule  without 
fighting.  Yao  shu,  his  adviser,  told  Kubilai  how  Tsao  pin,  sent 
by  a  Sung  Emperor  to  seize  Nan  shan,  did  the  work  without  killing 
a  person,  and  even  without  stopping  any  traffic  in  the  city.  Kubi- 
lai declared  that  he  would  show  a  like  wonder.  Shortly  after  this 
he  mounted  his  stallion,  and  arriving  at  the  walls  of  Tali,  he  un- 
furled silk  banners,  on  which  it  was  written  in  large  characters 


326 


The  Mongols 


that  to  kill  man  or  woman  was  forbidden  under  penalty  of  death. 
In  virtue  of  this  statement  on  the  flags,  and  possibly  for  some  other 
cause  also,  Tali  opened  its  gates,  and  this  conquest  cost  only  five 
lives,  those  of  the  city's  two  commandants,  who  slew  the  three 
officers  sent  to  ask  for  surrender. 

Kubilai  did  not  go  beyond  Tali;  he  returned  to  Mongolia  and 
left  Uriang  Kadai  to  master  those  southern  regions.  After  Nan 
chao,  the  Mongol  chief  attacked  and  subjected  the  Tupo  or  Tibe- 
tans, a  war-loving  people,  between  one  and  two  millions  in  num- 
ber. Many  of  these  entered  his  army,  which  was  thereby  strength- 
ened greatly.  Some  even  served  in  the  vanguard  and  acted  as 
scouts  in  attacking. 

Towards  the  end  of  1254  Uriang  Kadai  left  his  armies  in  the 
field,  and  returned  to  Mongolia  to  report  to  Mangu  the  work  done 
in  the  south  beyond  China.  Sent  back  the  next  year,  he  entered 
through  Lower  Tibet,  and  continued  his  conquests.  The  king- 
dom of  Ava  as  well  as  two  others,  was  either  subjected  or  terrified 
into  yielding.  Two  years  later,  in  1257,  the  Mongol  general  ap- 
peared on  the  edge  of  Tung  king  (Gan  nan)  and  summoned  its 
sovereign,  Chen  chi  kung,  a  vassal  of  the  Sung  Emperor,  to  own 
himself  tributary  to  Mangu.  Since  his  envoys  did  not  return  to 
him  the  general  entered  Gan  nan  and  marched  to  the  Tha  River, 
which  runs  through  the  whole  kingdom  lengthwise.  On  the  oppo- 
site bank  he  saw  the  enemy's  army  with  an  immense  force  of  ele- 
phants in  order  of  battle.  The  Mongols,  disposed  in  three  parts, 
crossed  and  routed  the  enemy.  The  king  hurried  into  a  boat, 
sailed  with  the  current  and  fled  to  an  island;  a  part  of  his  army 
escaped  in  boats  also. 

Uriang  Kadai  ordered  Che  she  tu  to  lead  a  division  to  the  other 
bank  of  the  river,  but  not  to  give  battle  till  the  rest  of  the  army  had 
crossed  over.  Che  she  tu  was  to  seize  all  the  boats,  or  take  a  stand 
between  them  and  the  enemy.  Instead  of  obeying  he  put  the 
enemy  to  flight  before  the  other  divisions  could  cross  and  prevented 
thereby  the  capture  of  the  army.  Uriang  Kadai  in  his  rage  gave 
a  biting  reproof  and  threatened  a  trial,  whereupon  Che  she  tu 
immediately  took  poison  and  died. 

Kiao  chi,  the  Gan  nan  capital,  surrendered,  and  now  Uriang 
Kadai  found  his  envoys  in  prison.  They  had  been  bound  with 
bamboo  cords  so  firmly  that  the  bonds  had  entered  their  flesh,  and 


Death  of  Ogotai 


327 


one  of  the  men  died  the  same  hour  in  which  he  was  liberated. 
Uriang  Kadai  was  so  enraged  at  this  spectacle,  that  he  gave  up  the 
city  to  be  sacked  by  his  warriors. 

After  his  troops  had  taken  nine  days  of  rest,  he  turned  northward 
for  a  time  to  escape  the  great  heat  of  the  region.  In  1258  the  Gan 
nan  king,  Chen  chi  kung,  resigned  in  favor  of  his  eldest  son,  Chen 
kuang  ping.  The  latter  now  sent  his  son-in-law  and  many  great 
lords  on  an  embassy  to  Mangu,  who  at  that  time  was  marching 
against  the  Sung  empire. 

In  1256  Mangu  had  assembled  a  Kurultai  at  a  place  called 
Orbolgetu.  During  two  months  he  treated  the  princes  of  his 
house  with  magnificence.  All  other  guests  summoned  thither 
he  met  in  the  same  way,  and  gave  them  rich  presents.  At  this 
time  came  the  submission  of  Corea,  which,  since  1247,  had  ceased 
to  pay  tribute.  The  success  of  Mongol  arms  in  that  country 
forced  the  king  to  render  homage  in  person. 

Kubilai's  kindness  and  justice  made  him  very  popular  in  China. 
Because  of  this,  and  of  calumny,  Mangu  became  jealous,  thinking 
that  his  brother  wished  empire.  Hence  in  1257  Kubilai  was  re- 
called, and  replaced  straightway  by  Alemdar.  Alemdar  arrested 
a  number  of  Kubilai's  fiscal  agents  and  put  them  to  death,  saving 
two,  touching  whom  he  was  waiting  for  the  Grand  Elian's  deci- 
sion. Kubilai  suffered  keenly,  his  life  was  in  danger,  and  he  hesi- 
tated seriously  in  action.  The  sage  Yao  shu,  his  adviser,  declared 
that  since  he  was  the  first  subject  of  his  sovereign,  he  should  give 
an  example  of  obedience.  This  Chinese  sage  advised  a  return  to 
Mongolia  with  his  family  as  the  best  way  to  soften  the  suspicions 
of  his  brother  and  remove  every  danger.  This  advice  was  re- 
garded and  followed.  When  they  met  the  two  brothers  could  not 
restrain  tears.  No  reference  was  made  to  Chinese  matters. 
Alemdar  was  recalled,  and  his  commission  was  ended. 

Mongol  conquests  in  the  south  encircled  the  Sung  Empire ;  the 
one  question  now  was  to  completely  subdue  that  country.  There 
was  an  old  pretext  for  attacking  the  Empire:  In  1241  Turakina, 
the  regent,  had  sent  an  envoy,  Yuli  massa,  to  make  peace  proposals 
and  discuss  them.  This  envoy  was  arrested  as  soon  as  he  touched 
Sung  territory,  and  imprisoned  in  a  fortress  with  his  suite  of  seventy 
persons.  The  envoy  died  shortly  after,  but  the  members  of  his 
suite  were  detained  in  the  fortress  until  1254.    That  year  the  Mon- 


328 


The  Mongols 


gols  besieged  Ho  chiu,  before  which  they  were  defeated  by  Wang 
kian,  the  city  governor.  The  Chinese,  to  show  how  much  peace 
was  desired  by  them,  freed  the  suite  of  the  late  envoy,  or  at  least 
those  who  were  still  living. 

In  October,  1257,  Mangu  set  out  for  the  Sung  Empire,  leaving 
government  at  home  to  Arik  Buga,  his  brother,  with  Alemdar  as 
an  assistant.  In  May  of  the  following  year  he  marched  to  Shen  si 
and  fixed  his  camp  near  the  Liu  pan  mountains,  made  famous  by 
the  death  of  his  grandfather.  In  August,  three  months  later, 
he  advanced  to  Su  chuan,  his  first  field  of  action. 

Mangu  had  adopted  an  elaborate  plan  by  which  Su  chuan, 
Hu  kuang  and  Kiang  nan  would  be  attacked  simultaneously. 
He  would  march  against  Su  chuan  with  an  army  in  three  divisions ; 
a  second  army,  under  Kubilai,  would  lay  siege  to  Wu  chang,  where 
Uriang  Kadai  was  to  join  him  after  marching  directly  from  Gan  nan 
(Tung  king)  through  the  provinces  of  Kuang  si  and  Kwei  chiu. 
Togachar,  son  of  the  Utchugen,  was  to  strike  King  shan  in  the 
province  of  Kiang  nan  with  a  third  army. 

Niuli  with  a  strong  force,  preceding  the  Emperor,  moved  on 
Ching  tu,  where  Adaku,  a  Mongol  commander,  was  besieged 
by  Liu  ching,  a  Sung  general,  whom  Niuli  defeated,  thus  relieving 
the  city.  After  that  he  marched  forward,  but  no  sooner  had  he 
gone  than  the  place  was  attacked  by  Pu  ko  chi,  the  Su  chuan 
governor.  Adaku  was  killed  in  the  action  which  followed,  and  the 
city  was  taken  by  the  governor.  Niuli  turned  back  then  and 
thrust  in  his  forces  between  Ching  tu  and  the  Sung  army  outside 
it.  Through  lack  of  provisions  the  city  surrendered  a  second 
time,  but  now  to  the  Mongols,  and  the  Sung  army  then  retreated. 
Niuli  received  the  submission  of  many  places  in  that  region  and  the 
rank  of  general-in-chief  was  conferred  on  him  as  reward. 

Meanwhile  the  Grand  Khan  arrived  at  Han  chung  and  wished 
greatly  to  capture  Ku  chu  yai,  a  fortress  twenty  leagues  west  of 
Pao  ning  and  commanding  the  road  through  the  mountains.  Niuli 
left  at  Ching  tu  a  strong  garrison  and  marched  to  take  this  mountain 
stronghold.  Chang  shi,  a  Sung  general  captured  recently,  was  sent 
in  advance  to  persuade  the  commandant  of  Ku  chu  yai  to  surren- 
der. Chang  shi  entered  the  city,  but,  instead  of  persuading  the 
commandant  to  surrender,  or  trying  to  persuade  him  and  then 
returning  to  Niuli,  he  remained  in  the  stronghold. 


Death  of  Ogotai 


329 


Mangu  himself  now  marched  against  the  place  and,  overcoming 
all  obstacles,  brought  his  army  up  to  it.  After  ten  days  of  siege 
work  one  gate  of  the  city  was  surrendered  by  Chao  chung,  a  traitor- 
ous officer  of  the  garrison.  The  Mongols  entered  in  secret,  but 
there  was  soon  a  fierce  and  keen  struggle  in  the  streets,  during 
which  Yang  li,  the  commandant,  was  killed  and  the  garrison 
scattered.  The  house  of  Chao  chung,  the  traitor,  was  spared 
in  the  looting  and  destruction  which  followed;  he  himself  was 
rewarded  with  a  rich  robe  of  honor,  and  the  command  of  a  city. 
Chang  shi,  the  Sung  general  who  did  not,  or  would  not  persuade 
the  city  to  surrender,  was  captured  a  second  time,  and  next  day  the 
Grand  Khan  had  him  quartered,  that  is,  his  body  was  cut  length- 
wise and  crosswise.  After  this,  much  of  Western  Su  chuan  was 
subjected.  The  struggle  was  stubborn  and  desperate  in  some 
parts;  in  others  there  was  only  indifference,  or  treason.  On 
February  18,  1259,  the  Mongol  New  Year,  a  great  feast  was  given 
by  Mangu,  near  the  mountain  Chung  kwe.  At  this  feast  Togan, 
a  chief  of  the  Jelairs,  declared  that  South  China  was  dangerous, 
through  its  climate,  and  that  the  Grand  Khan  should  go  northward 
for  safety.  Baritchi  of  the  Erlats  called  this  advice  cowardly, 
and  advised  the  Grand  Khan  to  remain  with  his  army.  These 
words  pleased  Mangu,  who  remained,  wishing  greatly  to  capture 
Ho  chiu.  Tsin  ko  pao  was  sent  to  the  city  with  a  summons,  but 
Wang  kian  had  him  slain  as  a  traitor  immediately. 

Now  began  the  siege  of  Ho  chiu,  very  famous  for  stubbornness 
on  both  sides.  Yang  ta  yuan,  the  investing  commander  of  the 
Mongols,  began  the  action,  but  Mangu  himself  arrived  soon  with 
the  bulk  of  his  forces  and  took  his  position  in  front  of  this  city, 
which  stood  between  the  Kia  ling  and  Fiu  Rivers.  During  March 
and  April  a  number  of  assaults  were  delivered.  In  May  there  was 
a  dreadful  tempest  and  rain  poured  down  for  three  weeks  without 
ceasing,  Each  side  tried  to  cut  off  supplies  from  the  other  and 
harass  it.  After  desperate  struggles  a  division  of  the  Sung  forces 
destroyed  a  bridge  of  boats  built  on  the  Fiu  by  the  Emperor.  Over 
this  bridge  the  besiegers  were  bearing  provisions.  A  Sung  corps, 
ascending  the  Kia  ling  on  a  thousand  barges,  was  attacked  from 
both  banks  by  the  Mongols,  a  hundred  barges  were  sunk  and  the 
rest  driven  back  to  Chung  king,  whence  they  started. 

In  June  assaults  were  very  frequent,  but  with  no  profit  to  either 


330 


The  MongoL 


side.  One  night  in  July  a  Mongol  general  scaled  the  ramparts 
with  picked  warriors  and  held  his  position  till  daybreak.  Then, 
seeing  Wang  kian,  the  Sung  commander,  who  was  about  to  begin 
action  again,  he  shouted :  "  Wang  kian,  life  is  granted  to  warriors, 
as  well  as  to  citizens ;  it  is  better  to  surrender  in  season."  Barely 
had  he  uttered  the  words  when  a  stone  from  a  catapult  killed  him. 
His  men  on  the  ramparts  were  now  left  unsupported  and  fled.  This 
was  the  last  attack  made  on  Ho  chiu  by  the  Mongols  at  that  time. 
Their  assaults  had  been  many  and  resolute,  and  they  had  lost 
thousands  of  men  in  them ;  dysentery  was  raging,  Mangu  himself 
had  fallen  ill  of  it,  and  he  resolved  now  to  defer  all  attacks  and 
blockade  the  position.  Leaving  three  thousand  picked  men,  he 
led,  the  rest  of  his  troops  to  Chung  king,  which  he  intended  to 
capture,  but  twelve  days  later  he  died  (Aug.,  1259)  at  Tiao  yu,  a 
mountain  one  league  from  Ho  chiu,  and  to  the  east  of  it.  The 
chiefs  of  the  army  decided  to  raise  the  siege  and  retire  toward  the 
north,  taking  with  them  the  body  of  their  sovereign.  Mangu 's  son 
Assutai  conducted  the  corpse  to  Mongolia,  where  it  was  buried, 
near  the  graves  of  Jinghis  and  Tului. 

Mangu  was  generous  but  stern  by  nature.  He  often  distributed 
largess  freely  among  his  troops,  but  insisted  that  they  should  be 
held  under  severe  discipline  at  all  times.  In  the  Su  chuan  cam- 
paign he  strictly  forbade  his  men  to  plunder.  On  learning  that  Assu- 
tai, while  out  hunting,  had  destroyed  a  wheatfield,  he  reproved  him 
sternly  and  had  several  of  his  companions  punished.  He  carried 
discipline  so  far  that  once,  when  a  soldier  disobeyed  orders  and 
forcibly  took  an  onion  from  a  peasant,  he  was  put  to  death  imme- 
diately. Though  tolerant  of  all  religions  he  was  superstitious,  and 
under  the  influence  of  shamans,  an  influence  apparently  baneful. 
A  story  is  told  of  one  of  Mangu 's  wives,  who,  having  given  birth  to 
a  son,  summoned  a  shaman  to  read  the  boy's  horoscope.  The 
man  predicted  long  life,  but  the  child  died  in  a  few  days.  Severely 
censured  by  the  mother,  the  shaman  for  self-protection  accused  a 
nurse,  recently  executed  for  causing  by  sorcery  the  death  of  a 
princess.  The  mother,  to  avenge  the  death  of  her  child,  had  the 
son  and  daughter  of  that  nurse  killed,  the  first  by  a  man,  the  latter 
by  a  woman.  This  so  angered  Mangu  that  he  imprisoned  his  wife 
for  seven  days,  and  banished  her  from  his  presence  for  a  month. 
He  commanded  that  the  man  who  killed  the  boy  of  the  nurse  should 


Death  of  Ogotai 


331 


be  decapitated  and  his  head  hung  around  the  neck  of  the  woman 
who  had  killed  the  girl,  then  that  she  should  be  beaten  with  blazing 
firebrands,  and  put  to  death. 

When  Mangu  died  so  unexpectedly,  his  brothers  were  far 
apart.  Hulagu  was  in  Syria,  Arik  Buga  was  at  Kara  Kurum,  the 
Mongol  capital,  and  Kubilai,  the  successor  according  to  the  Mongol 
system,  was  in  China. 

Wu  chang  fu,  built  along  the  south  bank  of  the  Yang  tse  directly 
in  front  of  the  Han,  must  be  taken  by  Kubilai,  such  was  the  order 
which  Mangu  had  given  him.  In  1258  Kubilai  set  out  for  this 
work  from  Shang  tu,  a  city  which  he  had  founded  recently,  and 
which  was  famed  later  on  as  his  capital  in  summer.  He  advanced 
slowly,  and  only  in  August,  1259,  did  he  halt  at  the  Ju  in  Honan. 
He  moved  thence  toward  Wu  chang  fu,  and  captured  strong  places 
near  the  line  of  his  marching.  It  was  while  on  this  march  that 
he  heard  of  the  death  of  his  brother.  He  made  no  delay  for  that 
reason,  however,  but  crossed  the  Yang  tse  in  the  face  of  a  numerous 
and  active  flotilla. 

He  laid  siege  at  once  to  Wu  chang  fu  and  sent  a  division  of 
troops  to  Kiang  si,  where  they  captured  two  cities.  These  brilliant 
actions  roused  fear  in  Lin  ngan  (Hang  chau),  the  Sung  residence. 
The  Emperor  up  to  this  time  had  not  known  of  the  Mongol  in- 
vasion; for  his  minister  had  deceived  him  systematically,  and 
now  he  received  a  vast  number  of  petitions  from  all  sides, 
declaring  the  minister  a  traitor  and  demanding  that  death  be 
inflicted  for  his  treason.  The  Emperor  removed  the  man 
promptly  and  replaced  him  by  Kia  se  tao.  Command  was  given 
Kia  se  tao  to  advance  on  Wu  chang  at  the  head  of  an  army 
and  succor  that  city.  Immense  levies  were  ordered  and  the 
Emperor  distributed  silver  and  silk  to  those  who  took  part  in 
making  them.  The  new  minister,  a  man  given  only  to  letters,  knew 
nothing  of  war,  or  the  problem  of  governing.  Moreover,  he  was 
desperately  reckless,  without  conscience,  and  remarkably  cunning. 
His  one  object  was  to  keep  power  by  all  means  which  his 
mind  could  invent.  The  time  favored  him  greatly,  since  the 
Emperor  was  weak  and  the  court  had  small  honor.  The  army 
had  no  respect  for  Kia  se  tao,  but  he  had  no  thought  to  save  the 
Sung  Empire  by  fighting,  hence  disregarded  the  army.  He  made 
offers  in  secret  to  Kubilai,  who  was  attacking  Wu  chang  with  much 


332 


The  Mongols 


vigor.  Kia  se  tao  engaged  that  the  Sung  Emperor  would  own 
himself  a  vassal  of  the  Grand  Khan,  the  sovereign  of  the  Mongols. 
Kubilai  had  received  an  official  account  of  the  death  of  Mangu, 
still  he  rejected  the  minister's  proposal.  But  when  letters  came 
from  his  partisans,  who  urged  him  to  hasten  and  prevent  the  at- 
tempts to  be  made  by  Arik  Buga,  he  consulted  his  generals,  and 
Hao  king,  one  of  them,  explained  very  clearly  that  Arik  Buga, 
master  at  Kara  Kurum,  the  home  capital,  and  Duredji,  governor  of 
Yen  king  (now  Pekin),  the  capital  of  China,  would  act  as  one  man 
to  exclude  him,  who  as  first  prince  of  the  blood  should  be  regent 
and  preside  at  the  Kurultai ;  hence  the  urgent  need  that  he  go  to 
Mongolia  immediately.  Arik  Buga  wished  supreme  rule  and 
Kubilai  knew  that  Alemdar  and  Duredji  would  help  him  to  win 
it  in  every  way  possible.  Because  of  all  this  Kubilai  decided 
to  accept  the  conditions  just  offered  by  Kia  se  tao,  which, 
moreover,  were  favorable.  It  was  agreed  then  that  the  Sung 
Emperor  was  to  own  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and  give 
two  hundred  thousand  ounces  of  silver,  with  two  hundred  thousand 
rolls  of  silk  yearly  as  tribute.  The  Yang  tse  was  to  be  the  boundary 
of  his  lands. 

These  conditions  concluded,  Kubilai  marched  northward  with 
the  best  of  the  cavalry,  leaving  orders  with  his  generals  to  await 
Uriang  Kadai.  Uriang  Kadai  had  been  commanded  by  Mangu 
to  join  Kubilai 's  army  at  Wu  chang,  bringing  with  him  the  thirteen 
thousand  men  furnished  by  subject  nations  on  the  south,  beyond 
China.  After  he  had  defeated,  on  the  border,  armies  more  numer- 
ous by  far  than  his  own,  he  laid  siege  to  Kwei  tiu,  the  capital  of 
Kiang  si,  defeated  a  second  Chinese  army,  and  reached  Southern 
Hu  kuang,  where  he  laid  siege  to  Chang  shi.  The  treaty  now 
made  by  Kubilai  forced  him  to  desist  and  cross  the  Yang  tse  with 
'his  forces. 

The  two  southern  generals  in  command  of  auxiliaries,  reduced 
now  from  thirteen  to  five  thousand,  led  the  rear  guard  of  the  army, 
and  were  crossing  the  river  on  a  bridge  built  of  boats  when  Kia  se 
tao  broke  this  bridge  by  sending  barges  in  full  sail  against  it.  One 
hundred  and  seventy  men  left  on  the  southern  bank  were  cut  down 
by  the  minister. 

Kia  se  tao  kept  the  Sung  Emperor  in  ignorance  of  the  treaty,  and 
attributed  the  Mongol  retreat  to  his  own  splendid  valor  and 


Death  of  Ogotai 


333 


management.  The  massacre  of  Uriang  Kadai's  rear  party  was 
exhibited  as  a  triumph  and  Kia  se  tao  was  summoned  to  the  court 
to  be  honored  by  a  brilliant  reception. 

Kubilai  encamped  outside  the  walls  of  Yen  king,  and  com- 
plained to  Arik  Buga  of  the  levies  of  men,  beasts  and  money  which 
the  latter  was  making.  Arik  Buga  gave  quieting  answers;  he 
wished  to  attract  Kubilai  and  his  partisans  to  the  Kurultai  which 
had  been  summoned.  Beyond  doubt  he  either  had  taken  means  to 
assure  a  majority  on  his  side,  or  he  wished  to  get  Kubilai  into  his 
clutches  and  kill  him. 

Duredji,  who  was  then  at  Pekin,  urged  that  Kubilai  and  the 
princes  in  his  army  proceed  to  the  Kurultai.  It  was  answered, 
that  Kubilai  must  post  his  troops  first  on  their  cantonments. 
Duredji  sent  this  answer  to  Arik  Buga,  and  remained  with  Kubilai, 
who  went  to  Shang  tu,  the  place  fixed  by  his  adherents  for  a  special 
election. 

Kubilai's  party  met,  and  since  the  position  was  so  serious  as  to 
brook  no  delay,  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  wait  for  Juchi's  and 
Jagatai's  descendants  or  for  Hulagu,  who  was  then  in  Persia.  Ku- 
bilai was  elected  immediately  and  without  opposition  and  placed  on 
the  throne  with  the  usual  formalities,  1260.  —  This  election  was  the 
beginning  of  a  contest  which  in  the  sequel  destroyed  the  Mongol 
Empire.  —  A  deputation  of  one  hundred  was  now  sent  to  inform 
Arik  Buga  of  Kubilai's  election  and  enthronement.  Duredji  tried 
to  flee,  but  was  arrested  and  forced  to  reveal  the  intrigues  of  Arik 
Buga;  he  was  then  put  in  prison.  Kubilai  appointed  Apishga, 
son  of  Buri,  as  successor  to  Jagatai,  and  sent  him  home  with  his 
brother,  but  both  these  princes  were  seized  in  Shen  si  and  taken  to 
Arik  Buga,  who  kept  them  in  prison. 

Meanwhile  at  Kara  Kurum  Arik  Buga  was  not  idle.  He  sent 
Alemdar  to  levy  troops  among  tribes  in  the  north,  and  distribute 
silk  and  silver  among  them ;  he  sent  two  other  men  to  Shen  si,  and 
these  two  were  able  to  induce  certain  governors  and  generals  in 
China  to  declare  for  Arik  Buga,  who,  supported  in  this  way,  did 
not  hesitate  to  take  the  sovereign  title.  At  the  head  of  his  party 
was  Kutuktai,  once  the  chief  wife  of  Mangu.  With  her  were  asso- 
ciated Mangu's  sons :  Assutai,  Yurungtash  and  Shireki,  also  several 
of  Jagatai's  grandsons. 

The  two  claimants  continued  to  send  envoys  to  each  other  all 


334 


The  Mongols 


that  season  without  reaching  an  agreement.  In  the  autumn  Arik 
Buga  sent  out  an  army  commanded  by  Karadjar,  and  by  Chumu- 
kur,  a  son  of  Hulagu.  This  force  was  defeated  by  Kubilai's 
vanguard.  Discouraged  by  this  check,  Arik  Buga's  troops  scat- 
tered, and  he  himself  sought  Kirghis  regions  for  protection  after 
he  had  put  to  death  Apishga  and  his  brother  —  those  two  Jagatai 
princes  friendly  to  Kubilai  —  and  the  deputation  of  one  hundred 
sent  with  news  of  that  emperor's  election. 

In  Shen  si  Arik  Buga  made  no  better  progress:  Straightway 
after  his  election  Kubilai  sent  to  that  province  and  to  Su  chuan  as 
governor  Lien  hi  hien,  an  Uigur  by  birth,  one  among  the  best  of  his 
generals.  This  new  governor  hastened  to  Si  ngan  fu  and  made 
Kubilai's  authority  triumphant  very  quickly.  Arik  Buga's  agents 
had  arrived  two  days  earlier,  and  were  striving  to  win  all  that  region 
for  their  master.  The  new  governor  seized  those  two  men  and  cast 
them  into  prison.  Learning  meanwhile  that  Kubilai  had  issued 
an  amnesty  which  would  arrive  very  soon,  he  had  the  two  put 
to  death  while  in  prison,  and  published  the  edict  after  its  arrival. 
Three  corps  of  troops  led  by  Prince  Kadan  were  now  sent  by  the 
governor  against  Kundukai,  Arik  Buga's  commander,  who,  unable 
to  take  Si  ngan  fu  and  needing  reinforcements,  withdrew  north- 
ward to  meet  Alemdar,  who  was  bringing  fresh  troops  from  Mon- 
golia. After  these  two  generals  had  joined  forces,  they  turned 
toward  the  south  and  were  met  by  Kubilai's  army  in  Middle  Shen  si, 
somewhat  east  of  Kin  chau.  The  battle  which  followed  was 
stubborn  to  the  utmost,  and  for  some  time  the  issue  was  doubtful, 
but  at  last  Arik  Buga  was  surrounded  and  suffered  so  bloody  and 
crushing  a  defeat  that  the  campaign  was  ended.  Kundukai  and 
Alemdar  were  both  killed  in  this  battle,  and  China  was  secured  to 
Kubilai,  who  now  moved  north  and,  entering  Mongolia,  established 
his  camp  at  the  river  Ungki  for  that  winter.  Kara  Kurum  lacked 
supplies  and,  since  it  received  them  from  China,  Kubilai  deter- 
mined to  stop  every  movement  to  Mongolia  and  had  means  to 
enforce  this  decision.  Want  soon  appeared  in  the  capital.  Arik 
Buga  was  in  need  of  arms  and  provisions ;  still  he  persisted,  and 
transferring  to  Algu,  who  was  with  him,  the  inheritance  of  Jagatai, 
he  directed  the  new  Khan  to  send  arms  and  supplies,  and  to  guard 
the  west  strictly,  so  that  no  aid  might  reach  Kubilai  from  Hulagu, 
or  from  Berkai.    Arik  Buga  was  still  in  the  Kem  Kemdjut  region, 


Death  of  Ogotai 


335 


and  fearing  to  make  an  attack  in  his  weakness,  he  sent  a  message  to 
Kubilai  saying  that  he  repented  and  acknowledged  him  as  the  sover- 
eign, that  he  would  stand  before  him  at  once  were  his  horses  in 
condition  to  travel,  though  he  would  prefer  to  await  the  arrival  of 
Berkai  and  Hulagu,  whom  he  had  asked  with  other  princes  to 
arrange  the  affairs  of  the  Empire. 

Kubilai  answered  that  he  would  be  glad  to  see  Arik  Buga  even 
earlier  than  other  princes.  Then,  leaving  his  cousin,  Yessugka, 
in  command  of  the  capital  to  await  the  arrival  of  Arik  Buga  and 
escort  him  to  the  main  camp,  Kubilai  went  to  Kai  ping  fu,  and  sent 
his  army  to  its  cantonments. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


KTJBILAI  KHAN  DESTROYS  THE  SUNG  DYNASTY 

THE  summer  and  autumn  of  1261  were  passed  very  quietly. 
Arik  Buga's  horses  recovered;  he  assembled  large  forces 
and  set  out  for  Kara  Kurum,  the  chief  capital  of  Mongolia.  To  put 
Yessugka  off  his  guard  and  lull  all  suspicions,  he  sent  a  message 
announcing  his  visit  and  with  it  submission.  After  that  he  ap- 
peared on  a  sudden  and  fell  upon  Yessugka'smen,  whom  he  crushed. 
Hurrying  southward  at  once  to  strike  Kubilai,  he  met  him  at  some 
distance  northeast  of  Shang  tu,  on  the  eastern  rim  of  the  great  Gobi 
desert.    Arik  Buga  was  beaten  and  fled  northward. 

Kubilai,  thinking  his  brother  defeated  most  thoroughly,  forbade 
to  pursue  him,  and  turning,  marched  southward.  Arik  Buga  on 
hearing  of  this  changed  his  course,  followed  quickly,  and  made  a 
second  and  more  desperate  trial.  The  battle  was  envenomed  and 
lasted  till  night  put  an  end  to  it.  Both  parties  withdrew  from  the 
field,  and  Arik  Buga  fought  no  more  that  year,  for  just  after  this 
battle  he  learned  of  Algu's  defection. 

Algu,  made  Khan  of  Jagatai's  Horde  by  Arik  Buga,  took  the 
government  from  Organa,  Kara  Hulagu's  widow.  His  sway  then 
extended  from  Almalik  to  the  Syr  Darya,  and  soon  he  had  an  army 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Arik  Buga,  poor  and  weak  after 
such  numerous  reverses,  sent  three  agents  to  Algu  to  levy  a  contri- 
bution in  cattle,  arms,  and  money.  The  abundant  proceeds  of 
this  levy  tempted  Algu.  He  seized  Arik  Buga's  men,  since,  as  he 
stated,  they  had  made  offensive  discourses  against  him.  After  that 
Algu  met  his  advisers,  who  hinted  that  it  would  have  been  better 
to  counsel  ere  he  moved  against  Arik  Buga  so  actively,  but  since 
it  was  late  to  retrieve  the  error,  he  must  acknowledge  Kubilai  as 
sovereign  and  take  his  side  openly. 

Algu  put  the  three  agents  to  death,  seized  all  the  wealth  which 
336 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  337 


they  had  gathered,  and  gave  the  greater  part  of  it  to  his  army. 
Astonished  at  this  act,  Arik  Buga  resolved  to  march  against  Algu 
at  the  earliest.  He  went  back  to  Kara  Kurum,  gave  permission  to 
the  heads  of  the  various  religions  to  accept  Kubilai  should  the  need 
come,  and  then  he  moved  westward  very  quickly. 

Kubilai  appeared  soon  after  his  brothers'  departure,  received  the 
submission  of  people,  and  was  about  to  pursue  Arik  Buga  when 
couriers  brought  tidings  of  trouble  in  China,  hence  he  turned  and 
marched  back  to  that  Empire.  Kara  Buga,  who  commanded  Arik 
Buga's  advance,  met  Algu  near  the  city  of  Pulad,  and  lost  his  life 
in  the  battle  which  followed.  Algu  thought  himself  safe  through 
this  victory.  He  returned  to  his  home  on  the  Hi  and  very  foolishly 
dismissed  his  forces.  But  Assutai,  at  the  head  of  a  second  division, 
passed  the  Iron  Gate,  crossed  the  Hi,  captured  Almalik,  and  seized 
even  the  private  lands  of  Algu,  who  retired  toward  Khodjend  and 
Kashgar  with  his  right  wing,  which  thus  far  had  been  idle.  At 
this  time  appeared  Arik  Buga  and  took  up  winter  quarters  on  the 
Hi  near  Almalik  while  Algu  was  retreating  toward  Samarkand. 
Arik  Buga  plundered  ruthlessly  all  winter,  and  killed  every  warrior 
of  Algu's  whom  he  captured.  When  spring  came  vast  numbers 
perished  from  hunger.  Arik  Buga's  own  officers  were  furious  at  his 
treatment  of  prisoners  and  most  of  them  joined  Yurungtash. 
Yurungtash,  son  of  Mangu,  the  late  Emperor,  was  leading  at  that 
time  Kubilai 's  forces  in  the  Altai.  Only  a  handful  of  men  were 
left  Arik  Buga,  who,  knowing  that  Algu  was  ready  to  attack  him, 
tried  to  make  terms  with  this  enemy. 

When  Arik  Buga  arrived  the  year  previous,  Kara  Hulagu's 
widow,  Organa,  came  to  his  camp  and  declared  that  she  had  been 
dispossessed  at  his  order,  and  was  then  waiting  for  recompense. 
Thereupon  Arik  Buga  sent  Organa  with  Massud  Bey  to  effect  an 
agreement  with  Algu.  When  Organa  appeared  before  Algu  and 
told  him  the  cause  of  her  coming  he  married  her;  Massud  Bey 
he  placed  at  the  head  of  his  finances.  This  minister  levied  large 
contributions  on  Bokhara  and  Samarkand.  Algu  had  great  need 
of  money  at  that  juncture,  since  Kaidu,  the  grandson  of  Ogotai, 
aided  by  Berkai,  the  successor  of  Batu,  was  advancing  to  seize  his 
possessions.    He  now  had  the  strength  to  repel  him. 

Arik  Buga,  left  without  friends,  troops  or  resources,  decided  in 
1264  to  appeal  to  the  mercy  of  his  brother,  and  went  to  him.  On 


338 


The  Mongols 


appearing  at  Kubilai's  tent  men  threw  the  curtain  of  the  entrance 
around  him;  thus  covered  he  made  his  prostrations.  Such  was 
the  usage  in  cases  of  that  kind.  Admitted  to  the  interior,  he  stood 
in  the  place  given  usually  to  secretaries.  Kubilai  looked  at  him 
long,  and,  seeing  that  he  wept,  could  not  repress  his  own  tears  and 
emotion.  "  Ah,  my  brother,"  said  he  at  last,  "  who  was  right,  thou 
or  I ?  "  "I  at  first,  but  to-day  the  right  is  on  thy  side,"  replied 
Arik  Buga. 

At  this  moment  Atchigai,  brother  of  Apishga,  approached 
Assutai  and  asked :  "  Is  it  thou  who  killed  my  brother ?  "  "I 
killed  him  at  command  of  Arik  Buga,  at  that  time  my  sovereign. 
He  did  not  wish  that  a  prince  of  our  house  should  die  by  the  hand 
of  some  common  man.  Kubilai  is  my  sovereign  now;  should 
he  command,  I  would  kill  even  thee  in  like  manner." 

Kubilai  imposed  silence,  and  added :  "  This  is  not  the  time  for 
such  speeches." 

Togachar,  a  nephew  of  Jinghis,  rose  then  and  said :  "  The  Khan 
desires  no  mention  to-day  of  the  past.  He  wishes  you  to  feel 
nothing  but  pleasantness."  Turning  to  Kubilai  then,  he  added: 
"  Arik  Buga  is  standing ;  what  place  dost  thou  give  him  ?  99  He 
was  seated  with  Kubilai's  sons  and  they  passed  that  day  in  com- 
pany. On  the  morrow,  however,  Arik  Buga's  officers  were  all 
put  in  irons,  and  Kubilai  appointed  a  commission  of  four  princes 
and  three  generals  to  interrogate  Arik  Buga  and  his  partisans. 
Arik  Buga  declared  that  he  alone  was  responsible,  that  his  officers 
were  not  guilty  in  any  way.  "  How  not  guilty  ?  "  asked  Kubilai. 
"  The  generals  opposed  to  Mangu  drew  no  bow  against  him ;  still 
it  is  known  to  thee  how  they  were  punished,  simply  for  intentions. 
Ye  who  have  begun  civil  war  and  slain  so  many  princes  and 
warriors,  what  are  your  deserts  ?  "  The  officers  made  no  reply. 
"  My  friends,"  said  Tuman  Noyon,  the  most  aged  among  them, 
"  do  ye  not  remember,  that  in  raising  Arik  Buga  to  the  throne  we 
swore  to  die  for  his  cause  should  the  need  come  ?  The  moment 
has  come  to  make  good  that  promise." 

Kubilai  praised  this  fidelity  and  asked  Arik  Buga  again,  who  had 
roused  him  to  the  enterprise.  He  declared  at  last  that  Alemdar 
and  Bolga  had  said  to  him :  "  Hulagu  and  Kubilai  are  on  distant 
expeditions,  and  our  late  sovereign  has  left  you  at  the  head  of  the 
principal  ulus  of  the  Mongols.    Why  hesitate?    Make  yourself 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  339 


Grand  Khan  immediately.' '  He  had  consulted  with  the  other 
officers;  all  held  that  opinion  together.  The  officers  present  con- 
firmed what  Arik  Buga  had  stated,  and  ten  of  them  were  sen- 
tenced to  pay  the  death  penalty.  But  to  judge  Arik  Buga  himself 
Kubilai  wished  the  presence  of  Hulagu,  Berkai,  and  Algu.  After 
waiting  a  long  time  for  them,  princes  of  the  blood  and  generals  then 
present  in  Mongolia  met  to  determine  the  fate  of  Assutai  and 
Arik  Buga.  Through  regard  for  Kubilai  they  decided  with  one 
mind  to  grant  life  to  both  princes.  This  decision  was  taken  to 
Hulagu,  Berkai  and  Algu  for  their  approval.  Algu  replied,  that, 
since  he  held  power  and  office  with  Kubilai 's  consent,  he  would 
give  no  opinion;  the  other  two  confirmed  the  decision. 

Arik  Buga  and  Assutai  were  set  at  liberty  to  render  homage  to 
the  Khan  and  move  about  freely.  One  month  later  Arik  Buga 
died  of  illness  and  was  buried  near  Jinghis  and  Tului  (1266). 

The  death  of  Arik  Buga,  his  brother,  did  not  save  the  great 
Emperor  from  civil  war,  and  a  long  and  terrible  contest :  Kaidu, 
a  grandson  of  Ogotai,  had  his  claim  to  the  headship  of  the  Mongols. 
He  brought  that  claim  forward  and  pushed  it  with  such  power, 
skill  and  resource  that  Kubilai  had  not  strength  enough  to  suppress 
him. 

This  struggle  between  the  descendants  of  Ogotai  and  Tului  was 
the  greatest  and  by  far  the  most  striking  event  in  the  history  of 
Jinghis  Khan's  family.  Though  Kubilai  was  able  to  conquer  all 
China  and  Burma  he  could  not  conquer  Kaidu.  He  met  him  and 
held  him  in  check,  —  he  had  power  to  do  that,  and  to  found  at  the 
same  time  a  dynasty  in  China,  but  he  could  not  crush  him. 

We  will  consider  first  the  subjection  of  China,  and  then  turn 
to  Kaidu  and  his  exploits. 

Kubilai,  now  Grand  Khan,  had  decided  to  conquer  all  China 
and  he  began  that  great  work  with  seriousness.  During  1260  he 
had  sent  an  envoy  named  Haoking  to  inform  the  Sung  Emperor  of 
his  election.  This  envoy  was  to  see  in  addition  that  the  treaty  con- 
cluded at  Wu  chang  fu  with  Kia  se  tao  was  respected.  As  soon  as  the 
envoy  set  foot  on  Sung  territory  he  was  cast  into  prison  with  all 
his  attendants.  This  was  done  at  direction  of  Kia  se  tao,  the  real 
author  of  the  treaty  by  which  the  Sung  Emperor  was  made  a 
vassal  of  Kubilai.  Kia  se  tao  had  removed  from  this  world  every 
person  who  knew  of  that  treaty  and  its  various  provisions.  He  was 


340 


The  Mongols 


the  only  man  living  at  that  time  in  China  who  knew  of  it.  The 
great  point  for  Kia  se  tao  was  that  the  Sung  Emperor  must  continue 
in  ignorance  of  his  thraldom.  This  man,  whose  sacred  duty  it  was 
to  explain  the  position,  used  his  best  power  to  conceal  it,  and 
adhered  to  his  own  direful  policy  at  all  costs.  No  one  knew  the 
great  tragedy  of  China's  position  save  Kia  se  tao,  first  minister  of 
the  Empire. 

The  arrest  of  his  envoy  called  forth  from  Kubilai  a  statement 
in  1261 :  "  Since  my  coming  to  the  throne,"  declared  he,  "  I  have 
striven  to  secure  peace  to  my  subjects,  hence  I  sent  an  envoy  to  the 
court  of  the  Sung  Emperor  to  make  a  firm  agreement  of  amity. 
That  court,  little  mindful  of  the  future,  has  become  more  incursive 
and  insolent.  There  is  no  day  in  which  some  of  its  warriors  do  not 
harass  our  borders.  I  commanded  my  generals  last  spring  to  be 
ready,  but,  remembering  the  sad  fruits  of  warfare,  and  trusting 
that  Hao  king,  my  new  envoy,  would  return  with  the  results  which 
I  hoped  for,  I  waited.  I  found  myself  duped  very  sorely.  My  envoy 
was  arrested,  against  all  the  rules  which  exist  between  sovereigns,, 
and  during  six  months  I  looked  in  vain  for  his  coming. 
Hostilities  continue,  and  thus  it  is  clear,  that  the  Sung  government 
wishes  no  longer  for  peace  with  us.  Ought  a  nation,  which  for  so 
many  years  has  vaunted  its  wisdom  and  observance  of  the  rules  of 
good  government,  to  treat  us  in  this  way?  Its  conduct  is  little 
in  accord  with  the  laws  which  it  boasts  of,  and  resembles  that  shade 
in  a  picture  which,  giving  contrast,  brings  out  the  light  with  more' 
brilliancy,  and  causes  the  shade  to  seem  darker.  Thus  the  beauty 
of  China's  laws  is  in  contrast  with  its  government ;  hence  we  see  the. 
bad  faith  of  the  latter  more  clearly."  Then  he  notified  all  to 
prepare  horses  and  weapons  for  action,  and  added :  "  The  truth 
of  my  intentions,  and  the  justice  of  my  cause  assure  victory." 

But  the  war  which  the  Grand  Khan  had  to  wage  with  his  brother,, 
forced  him  to  loiter  in  action  against  the  Sung  sovereign.  Barely 
had  he  come  to  Yen  king  after  those  two  stubborn  battles  with 
Arik  Buga  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  desert  when  he  heard  that  one 
of  his  commanders,  Li  tan,  had  revolted.  This  general  in  Shan 
tung,  seizing  Se  tian  che  and  Itu,  slew  Mongol  garrisons  in  these  and 
other  cities,  and  declared  for  the  Sung  Emperor.  Kubilai  sent 
Prince  Apiche  and  General  Se  tian  die  against  Li  tan.  They 
invested  him  closely  in  Tsi  nan,  where  the  defence  grew  most 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  341 


stubborn.  When  provisions  were  exhausted  the  besieged  ate  the 
flesh  of  the  citizens.  After  four  months  of  bitter  struggle  Li  tan 
killed  his  wife  and  his  concubines  and  then  sprang  into  Ta  ning,  a 
shallow  lake,  from  which  he  was  rescued,  and  immediately  Se 
tian  che  cut  his  head  off.  As  was  known,  this  revolt  was  upheld 
by  the  Sungs,  although  timidly.  Notwithstanding  Sung  action 
Kubilai  delayed  serious  war  for  a  time. 

When  he  had  reigned  forty  years  and  lived  sixty-two  Li 
tsong,  the  Sung  Emperor,  died,  November,  1264.  Having  no  son, 
he  left  the  throne  to  his  nephew,  Chao  ki,  who  took  the  name 
Tu  tsong  when  made  Emperor. 

It  was  only  in  1267  that  Kubilai  moved  against  Southern  China. 
In  planning  the  campaign  he  made  use  of  the  knowledge  of  Liu 
ching,  one  of  China's  best  officers,  who  had  left  the  Sung  cause  and 
gone  over  to  the  Mongols.  Liu  ching  had  been  governor  of  Lu 
chiu  in  Su  chuan  some  time  previous  and  had  been  calumniated 
before  Kia  se  tao,  the  chief  minister,  by  the  Su  chuan  governor. 
Fearing  for  his  life,  he  took  service  with  the  Mongols.  In  1261  he 
appeared  before  Kubilai,  who  made  him  governor  of  Kwei  chiu, 
a  city  on  the  Hu  kuang  and  the  Su  chuan  border.  War  being 
decided,  through  his  advice  it  was  planned  to  begin  by  the  siege  of 
Siang  yang  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Han;  the  possession  of 
this  city  would  facilitate  the  conquest  of  the  great  Yang  tse  region. 

Kia  se  tao,  either  wishing  to  win  back  Liu  ching,  or  to  discredit 
this  dignitary  with  the  Mongols,  made  him  prince  of  Yen,  and  sent 
him  a  gold  seal  with  the  diploma  and  insignia  of  this  office.  Liu 
ching  arrested  the  official  who  brought  the  emblems,  and  went  with 
him  to  the  residence  of  Kubilai,  before  whom  he  renewed  his 
expressions  of  fidelity.  The  Emperor  treated  him  with  honor  and 
cut  off  the  head  of  the  Chinese  official. 

At  command  of  Kubilai,  Liu  ching  and  At  chu,  son  of  Uriang 
Kadai,  went  with  seventy  thousand  good  men  to  besiege  Siang  yang 
in  October,  1268.  She  tian  tse  was  made  commander-in-chief  of 
all  forces  directed  against  the  Sung  Empire,  and  many  men  of 
distinction  from  various  lands  of  the  great  Mongol  Empire,  such 
as  Uigurs,  Persians,  Arabs,  Kipchaks  and  others,  offered  their 
services  to  this  renowned  general. 

It  was  decided  that  the  city  could  sustain  a  long  siege,  and  that 
they  must  reduce  it  by  famine.   All  communication  by  land  was 


342 


The  Mongols 


cut  off,  but  the  Chinese  had  a  numerous  flotilla  and  could  receive 
arms  and  reinforcements  by  the  river.  The  besiegers  constructed 
fifty  great  barges  on  which  warriors  were  exercised  daily  at  warfare 
on  the  water;  still  they  could  not  prevent  a  well  manned  flotilla 
which  was  laden  with  arms  and  provisions  from  reaching  the  city 
in  the  following  autumn  (1269)  during  very  high  water.  At  chu 
punished  the  Chinese  while  they  were  nearing  Siang  yang,  and  on 
their  way  back  he  seized  five  hundred  boats  from  them. 

After  a  blockade  of  one  year  the  Mongols  saw  the  need  of  invest- 
ing Fan  ching,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  cities  were 
connected  by  bridges  of  boats ;  both  sides  of  the  river  were  dotted 
with  posts  and  intrenchments,  while  the  river  was  barred  with 
strong  chains  and  armed  barges.  Siang  yang  seemed  abandoned 
to  its  fate,  for  Kia  se  tao  did  nothing  to  succor  it,  but  he  took  im- 
mense pains  all  this  time  to  hide  from  his  sovereign  what  was 
happening  in  the  Empire.  Despite  his  precautions  the  Emperor 
heard  in  1271  that  the  Mongols  were  besieging  Siang  yang,  that 
being  the  third  year  of  the  investment.  He  demanded  information ; 
the  chief  minister  declared  that  the  siege  had  been  raised,  and  the 
enemy  was  retreating.  The  minister  at  first  was  unable  to  learn 
who  had  enlightened  the  Emperor,  but  later  on  he  discovered  the 
man  and  had  him  put  to  death  for  some  other  cause.  Still  the 
Emperor's  questions  roused  the  minister  from  torpor,  and  he  sent 
an  army  under  Fan  wen  hu  to  relieve  the  two  cities. 

On  his  part  Kubilai  assembled  troops  to  strengthen  the  besiegers. 
He  opened  the  prisons  of  North  China,  and  thus  obtained  twenty 
thousand  new  warriors.  These  men  gave  good  service  and  some 
of  them  reached  high  positions.  They  marched  in  three  corps  and 
by  different  routes,  and  met  on  the  bank  of  the  Han  below  the  point 
where  the  flotilla  of  the  Sungs  had  been  stationed.  These  new 
troops  joined  both  banks  by  a  boat  bridge,  and  captured  nearly  all 
the  flotilla.  At  chu  came  upon  the  army  of  a  hundred  thousand 
led  by  Fan  wen  hu  and  sent  by  the  minister.  The  two  vanguards 
met,  and  that  of  the  Chinese  was  cut  to  pieces,  or  scattered. 

This  check  spread  such  a  terror  among  the  Sung  warriors  that 
the  whole  army  fled,  leaving  standards  and  baggage  behind  it. 
Still  the  besieged,  whose  chiefs  were  not  cast  down  by  reverses, 
stood  firm,  and  at  the  end  of  four  years  the  city  was  still  well  sup- 
plied with  provisions,  though  salt  and  a  few  other  articles  were 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  343 


needed.  The  commandant  of  Ngan  lo,  a  town  twenty  leagues 
lower  down  on  the  river,  undertook  to  supply  what  was  lacking. 
He  had  boats  built  in  a  side  stream  of  the  Han  and  he  held  forth 
high  rewards  to  all  men  who  would  handle  them.  Three  thousand 
came  forward  to  enter  the  city  of  Siang  yang,  or  perish  in  trying. 
The  boats  went  in  threes ;  one  boat  was  laden,  and  a  second  and 
a  third  tied  firmly  to  each  side  of  the  laden  one.  These  two  were 
filled  with  armed  warriors,  who  shot  blazing  arrows,  and  with 
small  engines  hurled  stones  and  burning  coals.  They  passed 
both  divisions  in  this  manner,  breaking  through  every  obstacle  by 
fighting,  and  entered  Siang  yang  amid  endless  shouts  of  delight  from 
the  people. 

This  new  flotilla  was  commanded  by  Chan  shun  and  Chang  kwe, 
two  very  brave  warriors,  Chan  shun  was  killed  before  reaching 
the  city.  Chang  kwe  in  returning  to  Ngan  lo  was  met  by  the  Mon- 
gols, and  a  desperate  hand  to  hand  conflict  resulted;  every  man 
near  Chang  kwe  was  killed,  and  he  was  seized.  All  wounded  and 
blood-covered,  he  would  not  acknowledge  the  Mongols.  They 
slew  him  immediately  and  sent  four  prisoners  back  to  Siang  yang 
with  his  body.  Engineers  of  great  skill  in  constructing  ballistas 
appeared  now  in  action.  These  men  had  been  summoned  from 
Persia  by  Kubilai,  and  in  1273  they  raised  engines  which  breached 
the  walls  quickly.  The  Mongols  took  the  suburbs  after  terrible 
slaughter,  and  then  burned  the  bridge  which  connected  the  cities ; 
that  done,  they  turned  on  Fan  ching  and  stormed  it.  Fan  tien 
chun,  the  commander,  killed  himself,  saying  that  he  would  die 
a  Sung  subject.  His  colleague,  Niu  fu,  took  a  company  of  desperate 
followers,  and  fought  in  the  streets  against  terrible  odds,  setting 
fire  to  the  houses,  while  driven  gradually  back ;  the  time  came  when 
covered  with  wounds,  he  threw  himself  into  the  flames  which  his 
own  hands  had  kindled.  The  men  who  fought  with  him  died  as 
he  died. 

The  Mongols  master  Fedan  ching  during  February,  1273.  Kia 
se  tao  now  offered  to  lead  men  himself  and  give  aid  to  the  cities, 
but,  through  the  Emperor,  he  commanded  himself  to  remain, 
declaring  his  presence  at  court  indispensable.  Kao  ta,  a  great 
enemy  of  Liu  wen  hoan,  was  appointed  to  lead  instead  of  the  won- 
derfully adroit  minister. 

The  catapults  were  turned  on  Siang  yang,  but  the  attack  began 


344 


The  Mongols 


only  in  November.  The  machines  made  a  terrible  noise;  the 
enormous  stone  missiles  crushed  all  that  they  fell  upon.  The 
besieged  rushed  away  from  exposed  spots  in  terror.  Fear  spread 
through  the  city.  Liu  ching,  who  knew  Liu  wen  hoan,  the  com- 
mandant, asked  now  for  parley,  and  got  it,  but  the  two  men  had 
barely  begun  to  converse  when  Chinese  warriors  sent  arrows  from 
the  fortress  and  Liu  ching  was  saved  only  by  the  goodness  of  his 
armor. 

The  Mongols,  indignant  at  this  action,  wished  to  storm  the  place 
straightway,  but  were  stopped  by  the  generals,  who  informed  the 
besieged  that  a  message  had  just  come  to  them  from  Kubilai.  It 
was  read  in  a  loud  voice  and  its  import  was  as  follows :  "  A  splendid 
defence,  of  five  years,  covers  you  with  great  glory.  Each  faithful 
subject  should  serve  his  own  sovereign  with  his  life  blood,  but  to 
sacrifice  thousands  of  people  through  stubbornness,  only  think,  is 
that  reasonable  or  proper,  especially  for  you  who  are  exhausted, 
without  aid,  or  even  hope  of  it  ?  Submit  and  no  harm  will  meet 
any  one.  We  promise  to  give  each  of  you  honorable  employment. 
Ye  will  be  satisfied.  We  pledge  our  true  word  of  an  Emperor  that 
ye  will  be  satisfied." 

Liu  wen  hoan  accepted  these  promises,  and  surrendered  the 
city.  He  went  with  Alihaiya  then  to  Kubilai,  who  showed  him 
clear  marks  of  esteem  and  named  him  commandant  of  troops  in 
Siang  yang.  The  officers  under  him  were  given  good  places  in  the 
armies  of  Kubilai. 

The  defection  of  Liu  wen  hoan  produced  a  colossal  sensation. 
His  family  was  one  of  the  best  in  the  Empire,  and  many  of  his 
relatives  sent  in  their  resignations  since  they  had  the  evil  fate  to  be 
connected  by  blood  with  that  traitor.  Kia  se  tao,  who  was  a 
friend  of  the  family,  did  not  present  even  one  resignation  to  the 
Emperor. 

Kubilai,  exercised  by  the  war  in  his  own  family,  was  inclined  to 
cease  action  on  the  Yang  tse  for  the  present,  but  his  generals 
explained  the  great  value  of  the  capture  of  Siang  yang  in  contin- 
uing the  struggle  and  urged  that  he  strike  his  enemies  while  the 
advantage  was  on  his  side.  The  Emperor,  Tu  tsong,  had  just  died, 
August,  1274,  and  had  left  all  affairs  to  Kia  se  tao,  and  others  as 
indifferent  as  that  minister  to  the  interests  of  China.  The  chief 
men  wished  to  put  on  the  throne  Chao  she,  eldest  son  of  Tu  tsong, 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  345 


but  Kia  se  tao  considered  that  he  himself  would  hold  power  more 
completely,  and  longer,  by  choosing  the  second  son,  Chao  hien,  a 
child  of  four  years.  This  boy  was  chosen.  The  new  Emperor 
received  the  name  Kong  tsong,  and  the  Empress  Siei  shi,  a  widow 
of  Tu  tsong's  father,  was  raised  to  the  regency. 

While  preparing  to  continue  the  conquest  of  China  most  effect- 
ively, Kubilai,  to  explain  and  to  justify  his  action,  issued  a  re- 
script declaring  that  Jinghis,  Ogotai  and  Mangu  had  striven  to 
establish  firm  peace  with  the  Sung  Empire,  and  that  he  himself 
when  only  a  prince  and  commander  of  armies  had  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Sung  court,  but  that  the  court  broke  every  promise  as  soon 
as  he  had  withdrawn  his  forces.  On  ascending  the  throne  he 
had  sent  an  envoy  to  reinforce  peace  and  good  feeling,  but  the 
envoy  had  been  seized  and  imprisoned  with  all  his  attendants,  and 
was  held  in  confinement  till  that  day. 

After  this  declaration  had  been  made,  Kubilai  appointed  She 
tian  tse  and  Bayan  to  command  all  the  armies  invading  Hu  kwang 
and  he  gave  them  as  lieutenants  At  chu,  Alihaiya,  and  Liu  wen 
hoan.  Another  army  was  to  act  in  Kiang  nan  under  Polo  hwan 
and  four  other  commanders.  These  two  great  groups  of  warriors 
reached  perhaps  two  hundred  thousand.  She  tian  tse  died 
soon  after  his  appointment  and  the  whole  command  of  that 
first  group  was  given  to  Bayan,  the  best  leader  among  all  the 
Mongols. 

Bayan  was  of  the  Barin  tribe.  He  had  passed  his  youth  in 
Persian  regions,  and  had  come  on  an  embassy  from  Abaka  the 
Ilkhan.  Kubilai  was  so  pleased  with  Bayan 's  speech  and  bearing 
that  in  1265  he  took  the  man  into  his  service,  and  made  him 
Minister  of  State  very  quickly. 

From  Siang  yang,  Bayan  sailed  down  the  Han  toward  Ngan  lo 
with  a  numerous  flotilla,  but  the  river  was  blocked  firmly  with 
chains,  with  piles  lashed  together,  and  with  barges  on  which  were 
large  forces  of  warriors  well  armed  and  using  ballistas.  Moreover 
Ngan  lo  itself  was  protected  by  walls  of  stone  strong  and  massive 
in  structure.  Bayan  judged  that  he  could  not  take  such  a  place 
without  losing  much  time  and  many  warriors,  hence  he  pondered 
well  over  the  problem.  A  Chinese  prisoner  showed  a  way  out  of 
the  trouble,  and  Bayan  took  the  city.  The  Mongols  made 
track  of  strong  beams  from  the  river  to  Lake  Teng  into  which  they 


346 


The  Mongols 


dragged  all  their  vessels  and  barges.  From  this  lake  they  sailed 
to  the  Han  by  an  outlet,  thus  passing  Ngan  lo  without  battle. 
Having  taken  Sin  hing  chau  and  Sha  yang,  two  cities  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Han,  thsy  sailed  down  to  its  mouth,  where  in  command 
of  Hia  kwe  a  strong  flotilla  was  posted  to  guard  the  great  river. 
Bayan  attacked  this  line  of  boats  and  feigned  to  force  on  the  left 
flank  a  way  at  all  costs  through  it,  but  while  the  battle  was  raging 
on  that  side  he  seized  Sha  fu  kwe  on  the  other  flank,  took  one 
hundred  war  barges,  and  reached  the  Yang  tse  on  its  north  bank, 
taking  nearly  all  his  boats  with  him.  He  sent  at  once  a  strong  fleet 
across  the  Yang  tse  under  At  chu.  Hia  kwe,  the  Chinese  general, 
fearing  lest  he  might  be  cut  off,  sailed  down  with  all  his  flotilla, 
thus  leaving  Bayan  perfect  freedom  of  action. 

Yang  lo  on  the  north  bank  was  captured.  Han  yang  surren- 
dered. Bayan  crossed  the  great  river  with  his  army,  and  was 
preparing  a  siege  for  Wu  chang  fu  when  Chang  yen  kien  and  Ching 
pong,  the  commandants  of  that  city,  surrendered  and  passed  with 
their  men  to  the  service  of  Kubilai.  Bayan  left  a  strong  garrison 
under  Alihaya  and  moved  toward  the  east  with  the  rest  of  his 
forces. 

Ching  pong  had  been  charged  by  Bayan  with  effecting  the  sub- 
mission of  Chin  y,  the  Hoang  chiu  commandant.  Chin  y  de- 
manded a  good  office.  Bayan  promised  to  make  him  chief  inspector 
of  lands  along  the  Yang  tse.  Chin  y  then  opened  the  gates  of 
Hoang  chiu  to  the  Mongols ;  he  induced  the  governor  of  Ki  chiu 
to  join  also  and  surrender  his  city.  Many  commandants  along 
the  Yang  tse  had  served  under  Liu  wen  hoan,  or  men  of  his 
family,  and  these  surrendered  without  waiting  for  a  summons. 
Chin  yen,  a  commandant  in  Kiang  nan,  and  son  of  Chin  y,  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  his  father.  The  governor  of  Kiu  kiang 
opened  his  gates  to  Bayan,  who  received  in  this  city  the  surrender 
of  Nan  king,  Te  ngan  fu,  and  Lu  ngan.  The  kindly  reception 
given  by  Bayan  to  all  Chinese  facilitated  his  conquests  im- 
mensely. 

Kia  se  tao,  now  master  of  the  Sung  Emperor,  had  collected  mean- 
while a  great  army,  and  brought  to  Wu  hu,  or  to  a  point  near  it, 
a  great  river  fleet  which  was  joined  by  Hia  kwe 's  large  flotilla. 
The  first  minister  sent  now  to  Bayan  a  Mongol  captive  as  envoy, 
bearing  presents  of  beautiful  fruits  and  proposals  of  peace  on  the 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  347 


basis  of  his  first  treaty  with  Kubilai  at  Wu  chang  in  1260.  Bayan 
answered  by  letter  that  Kia  se  tao  should  have  spoken  before  he 
(Bayan)  had  crossed  the  Yang  tse,  that  if  he  wished  peace  with 
sincerity  he  should  seek  it  in  person.  This  letter  was  left  without 
answer. 

Chi  chiu  on  the  Yang  tse  had  also  surrendered  to  the  Mongols, 
and  Kia  se  tao  commissioned  Sun  hu  chin  to  occupy  with  large 
forces  an  island  lower  down  than  that  city,  and  give  two  thousand 
five  hundred  boats  to  Hia  kwe  to  bar  the  Yang  tse  to  the  Mongols. 
He  chose  for  himself,  and  the  bulk  of  his  army,  a  position  still 
nearer  the  sea. 

Bayan  moved  down  both  banks  of  the  river  with  infantry  and 
cavalry,  but  when  he  was  opposite  Sun  hu  chin's  island  he  opened 
on  the  Chinese  with  ballistas,  and  ordered  an  attack  by  some  of 
his  warriors.  The  Chinese  fled  in  great  haste  to  their  vessels, 
but  storms  of  missiles  from  both  banks  sank  many  of  their  barges 
and  killed  such  a  large  number  of  men  that  their  blood  reddened 
the  river. 

This  triumph  gave  immense  booty  to  the  Mongols.  Kia  se 
tao,  informed  of  the  issue  by  Hia  kwe,  sailed  down  the  river 
with  all  his  flotilla.  He  stopped  at  the  island  Kin  sha,  where  he 
counseled  with  Sun  hu  chin  and  Hai  kwe.  Nothing  could  be 
done,  they  declared,  with  warriors  who  trembled  at  sight  of  the 
Mongols.  Kia  se  tao  retired  down  the  river  still  farther  to  gather 
new  forces,  but  in  vain;  all  had  lost  courage  and  no  man  would 
serve  the  vile  minister.  As  a  result  of  this  last  defeat  many  cities 
in  Kiang  nan,  whose  governors  had  fled  from  them,  were  seized 
by  the  Mongols;  others  were  surrendered  by  the  commandants. 
At  the  approach  of  Bayan,  Wan  li  sin,  who  was  governor  then  of 
Nan  king,  despaired  of  his  country,  and  wishing  to  die  still  a  Sung 
subject,  invited  his  relatives  and  friends  to  a  banquet  at  which  he 
took  poison;  the  city  then  fell  to  the  Mongols. 

As  the  time  of  great  heat  was  approaching,  Kubilai  wished  to 
spare  Mongol  forces  and  instructed  Bayan  to  desist  till  the  autumn. 
But  Bayan  expressed  his  conviction  that  when  one  has  an  enemy 
by  the  throat  it  is  not  the  time  to  give  him  a  breathing  spell.  Hao 
king,  Kubilai's  envoy,  was  still  in  confinement,  and  the  man's 
brother  had  been  sent  to  obtain  his  release  from  Kia  se  tao.  The 
mission  succeeded ;  Hao  king  and  his  suite  were  set  free,  but  he  fell 


348 


The  Mongols 


ill  on  the  road,  and  died  after  reaching  Yen  king  (Pekin),  the 
capital  of  the  Empire. 

Kubilai  sent  an  embassy  soon  after  this  to  make  new  peace  pro- 
posals. Lien  hi  kien,  the  chief  of  this  embassy,  stopped  at  Nan 
king,  Bayan's  headquarters,  and  obtained  five  hundred  men  as  an 
escort.  Bay  an  forbade  hostile  acts  on  the  part  of  his  army,  and 
thus  avoided  all  pretexts  for  violence  to  the  embassy.  In  spite  of 
this,  Lien  hi  kien  was  attacked  on  the  way  by  Chinese  troops,  who 
wounded  him  and  killed  his  colleague.  They  took  him  to  Lin  ngan, 
where  he  died  of  his  injuries.  The  Sung  court  sent  an  officer  to 
Nan  king  in  all  haste  with  a  letter  declaring  that  the  attack  had 
been  made  without  its  knowledge ;  that  the  authors  of  the  violence 
would  be  discovered  and  punished;  that  the  Emperor  was  ready 
to  declare  himself  Kubilai 's  vassal. 

Bayan  was  distrustful,  and  received  all  these  statements  very 
coolly.  He  sent  to  Lin  ngan  with  the  bearer  of  this  letter  Chang 
yu,  his  own  officer,  to  treat  for  peace  formally,  but  really  to  see  the 
condition  of  the  capital.  Chang  yu  was  assassinated  on  the 
journey.  Bayan,  indignant  at  such  treachery,  demanded  permis- 
sion of  Kubilai  to  continue  hostilities.  The  Grand  Khan,  in 
answer,  recalled  him  at  once  to  the  North  to  take  command  against 
Kaidu,  who  at  that  time  was  pressing  him  sorely. 

Kao  shi  kie,  governor  of  Yu  chau  in  Hu  kwang,  planned  an 
attack  on  Wu  chang  fu.  He  manned  several  thousand  large  boats 
and  seized  the  straits  of  King  kiang.  Alihaiya,  the  Wu  chang 
commandant,  advanced  with  a  fleet  against  Kao  shi  kie,  who, 
fearing  the  risk  of  a  battle,  raised  anchor  and  retired  to  the  great 
Tong  ting  lake,  where  he  made  his  boats  ready  for  action.  Ali- 
haiya formed  his  fleet  into  several  squadrons,  which  put  the  Chinese 
to  flight  with  great  promptness.  They  seized  Kao  shi  kie's  boat, 
took  him  prisoner  and  then  cut  his  head  off.  The  head  was  fixed 
on  a  lance  point  and  shown  beneath  the  walls  of  Yu  chau,  which 
surrendered  when  summoned. 

Alihaiya  now  attacked  Kiang  ling.  The  governor  of  this  city, 
Kao  ta,  was  among  the  best  officers  in  China.  Dissatisfied  with 
the  court  which  had  put  other  men  above  him  irregularly,  he  sur- 
rendered his  city.  After  some  days  he  wrote  to  commandants 
within  his  jurisdiction  advising  surrender,  and  soon  fifteen  of 
them  yielded.   Alihaiya  left  all  who  surrendered  in  command  of 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  349 


their  cities.  Alihaiya  was  a  favorite  of  Kubilai,  who  now  sent  this 
general  a  letter  of  thanks  for  his  action,  and  gave  Kao  ta  that  same 
office  which  the  Sung  government  had  refused  him. 

Southern  Su  chuan  was  still  unconquered,  but  now  Wang 
liang  chin,  the  Mongol  governor,  defeated  Tsan  wan  chiu,  the 
Sung  general  commanding,  and  besieged  him  in  Kia  ting,  his 
capital.  Tsan  wan  chiu  surrendered,  giving  also  an  account  of 
every  place  in  his  province.  He  was  retained  then  in  office.  Still 
Su  chuan  did  not  submit  altogether  till  1278.  The  great  question 
now  for  the  government  was  to  be  rid  of  Kia  se  tao,  who  had  grown 
odious  to  all  men,  and  in  1274  the  regent  deprived  him  of  office. 
This  did  not  sate  public  hatred,  however.  Ten  accusations  were 
leveled  against  this  vile  minister,  but  the  regent  whom  he  had 
created  could  not  make  up  her  mind  to  destroy  the  man,  so  she  con- 
fiscated his  property,  and  assigned  Fu  kien  to  him  as  a  place  of 
life  exile.  An  official  whose  father  the  minister  had  banished  was 
given  the  task  of  conducting  the  condemned  man.  This  official 
made  it  his  pleasure  to  torment  the  fallen  minister  as  he  traveled, 
and  finished  by  killing  him  near  the  end  of  the  journey.  For  this 
act  he  was  put  to  death  straightway. 

At  chu  resolved  now  to  attack  Chang  shi  kie,  who  had  a  vast 
fleet  of  boats  on  the  river.  In  front  of  his  own  fleet  he  arranged 
his  largest  boats  and  placed  upon  them  one  thousand  crossbow- 
men  who  discharged  blazing  arrows  to  fire  the  opposing  flotilla. 
He  followed  closely  behind  to  sustain  them. 

The  Mongol  fleet  bore  down  with  all  force  on  the  Chinese. 
The  thousand  bowmen  sent  burning  arrows  in  every  direction, 
and  soon  the  great  river  was  covered  with  blazing  barges  and  boats. 
To  avoid  being  burned  or  taken  captive  by  Mongols  many  Chinese 
hurled  themselves  into  the  river  and  perished.  Chang  she  kie 
fled,  leaving  more  than  seven  hundred  boats  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mongols. 

Bayan  saw  the  Grand  Khan  at  Shang  tu,  and  convinced  him  that 
harm  alone  could  result  from  stopping  operations  in  China  for 
even  a  short  time.  Bayan  was  sent  back  to  his  office  and  the  plan 
of  campaign  was  fixed  promptly.  Bayan  was  to  march  straight- 
way (1275),  and  take  the  Sung  capital.  His  assistants  were  to 
operate  on  the  right  and  the  left  in  the  Hoai  nan  and  Kiang  si 
provinces.    His  own  army  was  divided  into  three  parts  and  its 


350 


The  Mongols 


action  repeated  in  some  sense  the  movements  of  the  combined 
Mongol  forces.  The  part  of  this  army  in  which  Bayan,  the  great 
chief,  was  present  marched  through  Chang  chan ;  Liu  wen  hoan 
led  its  vanguard. 

The  Sung  court  sent  corps  after  corps  to  succor  the  city.  Bayan 
crushed  all  that  he  met  in  the  field,  and  then  summoned  Chang 
chau  to  surrender.  When  both  threats  and  promises  proved  use- 
less he  destroyed  the  suburbs,  and  raising  a  rampart  to  the  height 
of  the  walls,  he  then  captured  the  city.  Of  the  four  chiefs  who 
commanded  three  fell,  while  the  fourth  fled  and  saved  himself. 
The  inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword  without  pity.  Bayan 's 
generals,  Argan  and  Tong  wen  ping,  carried  everything  before 
them;  people  were  fleeing  to  Lin  ngan  in  thousands;  there  was 
panic  in  all  parts,  and  terror  in  the  capital.  Chin  y  chong 
the  first  minister  forced  to  the  ranks  every  male  above  fifteen 
years  of  age.  The  Empress  sent  an  envoy  to  Bayan  to  explain 
that  the  evil  done  had  been  done  by  Kia  se  tao,  whom  she  had 
punished,  that  the  sovereign  was  still  in  tender  years,  and  that  all 
would  be  remedied. 

Bayan  answered  that  Kia  se  tao  had  not  murdered  Lien  hi  hien, 
and  bade  her  remember  that  when  the  Sung  dynasty  won  its 
dominion,  the  last  of  the  Cheu  line,  from  which  the  Sungs  had 
snatched  Empire,  was  also  an  infant.  "  Think  it  not  strange  if 
your  infant  is  treated  as  you  treated  that  one." 

Bayan  advanced  farther.  The  same  envoy  appeared  from 
Chin  y  chong  and  the  Empress  to  declare  that  the  young  Emperor 
would  agree  to  call  himself  the  nephew  of  Kubilai,  and  pay  tribute. 
This  too  was  rejected.  Now  the  Empress  sent  to  say  that  the 
Emperor  would  own  himself  a  subject  of  Kubilai,  and  pay  yearly 
tribute.  This  offer  was  made  without  the  knowledge  of  Chiny  y 
chong,  who  wished  the  court  to  remove  to  southern  regions  and 
fight  to  the  end  there  with  valor.  The  Empress  would  not  hear 
of  this  project.  Bayan  was  approaching  the  capital  irresistibly; 
nothing  could  stop  him.  The  Sung  princes  advised  now  to  send 
Ki  wang  and  Sin  wang,  the  Emperor's  half-brothers,  to  more 
remote  regions,  and  preserve  in  this  manner  the  dynasty.  The 
Empress  consented  and,  changing  the  title  of  Ki  wang  to  Y  wang, 
and  Sin  wang  to  Kwang  wang,  sent  them  both  to  Fu  kien,  but  to 
different  places  in  the  province. 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  351 


Bayan  was  met  near  Lin  ngan  by  the  two  other  parts  of  his 
army.  In  sign  that  she  submitted  the  Empress  now  sent  him  the 
grand  seal  of  Empire,  which  he  transmitted  to  Kubilai  immediately. 
Next  he  summoned  Chin  y  chong  to  discuss  terms  of  settlement, 
but  this  minister,  who  was  opposed  to  the  Empress,  hurried  off 
southward.  Chang  shi  kie  retired  also  with  his  troops  to  Ting  hai, 
and  when  Bayan  sent  an  officer  of  distinction  to  invite  him  to 
surrender  Chang  shi  kie  cut  the  man's  tongue  out,  and  hacked  him 
to  pieces.  The  Empress  now  made  Wen  tien  siang  her  first 
minister,  gave  him  U  kien  as  a  colleague,  and  sent  the  two  men  to 
Bayan  on  a  mission. 

The  minister  told  the  great  general  that  if  the  Northern  Empire 
wished  China  to  be  on  the  footing  of  other  kingdoms  subdued  by 
the  Mongols,  he  would  ask  him  to  retire,  at  least  to  Kia  hing, 
where  they  would  settle  on  the  tribute  in  silver  and  silk  to  be  paid 
every  year,  and  on  the  places  to  be  occupied.  "  But  if  your  plans," 
added  he,  "  are  farther  reaching,  and  you  think  to  destroy  the  Sung 
dynasty,  be  assured  that  the  road  to  your  object  is  long,  and  you 
will  fight  many  battles  ere  you  reach  it.  The  south  is  not  in  your 
power  yet.  We  shall  defend  ourselves;  the  issue  of  arms  is  ever 
changing.  WTio  knows  that  the  whole  position  will  not  be  reversed 
utterly  ?  " 

Bayan  dismissed  U  kien  and  detained  Wen  tien  siang  under 
pretext  of  arranging  a  peace  with  him;  the  minister  protested 
against  this.  Seeing  Chinese  officers  who  had  gone  over  to  the 
Mongols,  he  reproached  them  for  their  infamy  very  sharply,  not 
sparing  even  Liu  wen  hoan  among  others.  Bayan  sent  him  to 
Kubilai,  but  the  minister  escaped  from  his  guards  on  the  way. 

To  govern  Lin  ngan  Bayan  now  appointed  a  council  of  Mongols 
and  Chinese,  under  presidence  of  Man  hu  tai  and  Fan  wen  hu; 
he  charged  also  Ching  pong  to  obtain  from  the  Empress  an 
order  to  all  governors  of  provinces  to  submit  to  the  Mongols,  and, 
to  render  this  more  emphatic,  the  great  functionaries  signed  it  at 
his  instance.  All  obeyed  except  one,  Kai  hiuen  hong,  whom  no 
threats  could  intimidate. 

Four  Mongol  officers,  at  command  of  Bayan,  took  the  seals  of 
departments,  and  seized  every  register  book,  historical  memoir, 
and  map  in  each  archive;  these  were  all  carefully  placed  under 
seal.  Troops  were  stationed  in  every  part  of  the  capital  and  exact 


352 


The  Mongols 


order  continued.  Bayan,  whom  the  Emperor  and  Empress  de- 
manded to  see,  excused  himself  under  pretext  that  he  knew  not 
the  right  ceremonial  on  such  an  occasion,  and  next  day  he  left  the 
city.  Two  Chinese  dignitaries  were  charged  with  watching  the 
palace,  for  no  reason  whatever  were  they  to  lose  sight  of  the 
Empress.  This  was  done  under  guise  of  showing  boundless  respect 
for  her. 

Very  soon  after,  Atahai,  a  general,  with  a  large  suite  of  officers, 
appeared  at  the  palace.  His  first  act  was  to  abolish  all  etiquette 
observed  with  the  Emperor  and  Empress.  Meanwhile  he  invited 
the  Emperor  and  his  mother  to  set  out  for  Kubilai 's  court  in  Shang 
tu,  without  waiting.  After  this  notice  had  been  given,  the  Empress 
with  streaming  eyes  embraced  her  little  boy,  lately  heir  to  the  Em- 
pire: "  The  son  of  Heaven  spares  thy  life,"  said  she.  "It  is  proper 
to  thank  him."  This  heir  of  seven  years,  a  creation  of  the  dead 
Kia  se  tao,  fell  on  his  knees  at  the  side  of  his  mother ;  their  faces 
were  turned  toward  the  north,  toward  Shang  tu ;  nine  times  did 
they  strike  the  floor  with  their  foreheads  in  saluting  Kubilai  the 
Grand  Mongol. 

The  son  and  mother  were  then  placed  in  an  equipage  and  left 
Lin  ngan  and  their  Empire  forever.  With  them  went  a  great 
company  containing  all  the  princes  and  princesses  of  the  Sung 
family  who  were  in  the  capital  at  that  time,  besides  ministers,  high 
functionaries,  men  of  letters  of  great  note  and  marked  influence. 
All  these  took  the  road  northward,  and  surely  a  mournful  proces- 
sion followed  the  Emperor. 

The  regent,  the  Emperor's  grandmother,  fell  ill  and  was  left  in 
Lin  ngan  for  recovery.  A  number  of  Chinamen,  desperate  at 
seeing  their  Emperor  led  captive  with  the  chief  men  of  the  govern- 
ment and  some  of  the  best  minds  of  China,  made  efforts  to  save 
them.  Twice  did  they  rush  at  the  escort  of  Mongols  which  was 
led  by  Atahai  and  Li  ting,  but  the  escort  was  too  strong  to  be 
broken;  the  Mongols  repelled  the  Chinese  after  a  desperate 
encounter  in  each  case. 

When  the  young  Emperor  was  reaching  Shang  tu,  Kubilai  sent 
his  first  minister  to  meet  him.  Orders  had  been  given  to  treat  all 
captives  properly.  The  Emperor  was  reduced  to  be  a  kong,  or 
prince  of  the  third  order ;  Hiao  Kong  was  the  title  accorded  him. 
The  Empress  mother  and  the  regent  were  stripped  of  their  titles. 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  353 


Jambui  Khatun,  the  Grand  Khan's  chief  wife,  tried  to  soften  the 
lot  of  the  mother  by  delicate  attention. 

Lin  ngan,  the  capital  of  the  Emperor,  is  said  to  have  been  very 
large  and  magnificent.  It  was  built  amid  lagoons  and  had  twelve 
hundred  bridges,  some  having  piers  of  such  great  height  that  vessels 
of  two  hundred  tons  could  sail  under  the  bridge.  In  the  city  was 
a  beautiful  lake  surrounded  with  palaces  and  mansions.  On  the 
islands  of  this  lake  were  pleasure  houses  where  marriage  feasts 
were  held  and  great  banquets  given.  There  were  three  thousand 
baths  in  Lin  ngan,  each  large  enough  to  accommodate  one  hundred 
persons  at  a  time.  Marco  Polo  states  that  the  Emperor's  palace 
was  the  largest  in  the  world.  It  contained  twenty  halls,  the  most 
capacious  of  which  was  used  as  a  state  banquet  room ;  aside  from 
these  there  were  one  thousand  chambers  richly  decorated  in  gold 
and  colors.  The  city  contained  ten  large  markets ;  1,600,000  houses 
and  seven  hundred  temples.  The  inhabitants  dressed  richly,  all, 
except  the  lowest  class  of  laborers  and  coolies,  wearing  silk. 

The  Grand  Khan  had  received  the  gold,  silver  and  other  precious 
objects  taken  in  Lin  ngan  from  the  palace.  The  princes  and 
princesses  of  Kubilai 's  court  gazed  with  delight  on  these  spoils  of 
a  mighty  dynasty,  but  Jambui  Khatun  could  not  keep  back  her 
tears  as  she  turned  to  the  Grand  Khan  and  said  to  him :  "  It  has 
come  to  my  mind  at  this  moment  that  the  Empire  of  the  Mongols 
also  will  finish  in  this  way." 

South  China  remained  still  unconquered.  While  Bay  an  was 
moving  on  Lin  ngan  invincibly,  Alihaiya  was  advancing  through 
Hu  kuang  and  had  laid  siege  to  Chang  cha.  He  attacked  with 
such  vigor  that  after  some  days  the  city  suffered  excessively.  The 
Mongols  delivered  a  general  assault,  won  the  rampart,  and  the 
fate  of  the  place  was  decided ;  a  part  was  on  fire,  and  the  fall  of 
the  whole  was  a  question  of  hours  at  the  utmost.  At  this  juncture 
an  official  from  a  city  of  importance,  who  chanced  to  be  there 
with  two  sons  who  had  just  come  of  age,  made  those  sons  put 
hats  on  their  heads  (the  hat  being  a  symbol  of  manhood).  That 
done,  he  cast  himself  into  the  flames  with  them  and  his  household ; 
Li  fu,  the  governor  of  Chang  cha,  honored  greatly  the  memory  of 
this  visitor,  and  feeling  sure  that  every  official  would  be  true  to 
the  dynasty,  he  summoned  a  certain  Chin  tsong  and  said  to  him : 
"  I  will  not  dishonor  my  blood  by  surrender ;  I  ask  you  to  despatch 


354 


The  Mongols 


all  my  family,  and  then  show  to  me  the  same  service."  In  vain 
did  Chin  tsong  strike  the  earth  with  his  forehead,  in  vain  did  he 
beg  of  the  governor  to  relieve  him  from  such  a  terrible  service. 
Li  fu  was  unbending,  and  as  he  insisted,  Chin  tsong,  weeping 
bitterly,  agreed  to  obey  him.  Wine  was  given  all  who  were  ready 
to  die,  and  while  under  its  influence  death  touched  them  easily. 
When  Li  fu  presented  his  head  it  was  swept  from  him  with  one 
blow  of  a  sabre.  Chin  tsong  set  fire  to  the  palace  immediately; 
then  he  ran  to  his  house,  where  he  slew  his  own  wife  and  children ; 
that  done,  he  killed  himself.  All  the  officials,  save  two,  and  a 
great  number  of  officers  and  people  followed  the  governor;  some 
sprang  into  wells,  others  hanged  themselves,  or  took  poison. 
On  entering  Chang  cha  the  Mongols  were  astonished  to  find  the 
place  almost  deserted. 

Alihaiya  then  summoned  the  other  cities  of  Southern  Hu  kuang ; 
nearly  all  of  them  surrendered  without  raising  a  weapon  to  defend 
themselves.  At  the  same  time  in  Kiang  si  Sung  tu  kai  made 
great  progress.  Eleven  cities  of  this  province  submitted,  and  Fu 
chau  also  was  taken.  Bay  an  had  been  summoned  to  appear  at 
Shang  tu  immediately.  Sung  tu  kai  told  him  at  parting,  that  the 
Sung  princes  had  assembled  many  troops  in  Fu  kien  and  Kuang 
tung,  and  that  they  intended  to  enter  Kiang  si.  Bay  an  enjoined 
on  Argan  and  Tong  wen  ping,  whom  he  left  in  command  near 
Lin  ngan,  to  leave  those  princes  no  time  to  strengthen  their  armies. 

When  the  Sung  princes,  brothers  of  the  Emperor,  came  to  Wen 
chau  from  Lin  ngan,  the  officers  who  followed  or  joined  them, 
made  Y  wang,  the  elder,  chief  governor  of  the  Empire,  and  asso- 
ciated with  him  his  brother  Kwang  wang.  These  brothers 
entered  Fu  kien,  where  the  two  leading  cities  were  on  the  point 
of  submitting  to  Hoang  wan  tau,  whom  Bayan  had  made  governor 
of  that  province  very  recently.  The  new  governor  had  guaranteed 
to  reduce  the  whole  province.  The  Sung  partisans  seized  arms 
immediately.  The  Mongol  governor  was  defeated  and  driven  out 
of  the  province;  his  troops  deserted  and  joined  the  Sung  forces. 

The  two  princes  arrived  at  Fu  chau,  the  capital,  and  Ywang, 
who  was  nine  years  of  age,  was  made  Emperor  with  all  needful 
ceremony.  The  sovereign  had  a  numerous  army  divided  into 
four  corps,  which  were  to  operate  in  the  south  and  along  the  Yang 
tse,  on  both  sides  of  that  river.    At  this  juncture  appeared  Wen 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  355 


tien  siang,  who  had  escaped  from  the  Mongols  during  the  second 
attack  on  the  men  who  were  taking  the  young  Emperor  to  Shang 
tu.  To  him  was  now  given  the  conduct  of  the  struggle,  and  he 
strove  to  rally  the  Chinese,  and  rouse  their  love  of  country.  A 
proclamation  of  the  young  Emperor  stirred  up  the  nation,  and 
great  levies  were  made,  which  disquieted  the  Mongols. 

When  Bayan  obtained  a  command  from  the  Empress,  the 
Emperor's  mother,  requiring  every  Sung  subject  to  submit  to  the 
Mongols,  At  chu  sent  a  copy  to  Li  ting  shi,  who  had  tried  to  rescue 
the  Emperor  and  who  was  defending  Yang  chiu  with  great  stub- 
bornness. Li  ting  shi  answered  from  the  ramparts,  that  he  knew 
no  command  save  that  to  defend  the  place  assigned  him  by  the 
Empress  through  a  document  from  her  own  hand.  At  chu  ob- 
tained a  new  command  in  still  stronger  language,  and  addressed 
to  Li  ting  shi  directly.  Li  ting  shi  discharged  arrows  at  the  man 
bringing  this  document. 

At  chu  redoubled  his  efforts  to  cut  off  supplies  from  his  opponent. 
In  despair  that  he  could  not  conquer  one  city,  while  Bayan  had 
reduced  a  whole  province  so  quickly,  and  with  it  the  capital  of 
the  Empire,  he  tried  other  methods.  He  sent  Li  ting  shi  a  letter 
in  which  Kubilai  promised  to  grant  every  wish  of  his.  Li  ting  shi 
burned  this  letter,  and  cut  off  the  head  of  the  man  who  had  brought 
it.  All  other  cities  besieged  in  those  regions  had  fallen  by  famine, 
if  not  conquered  otherwise ;  hunger  was  reaching  Yang  chiu,  but 
how  closely  was  not  known  to  the  Mongols  at  that  time. 

At  At  chu's  request  Kubilai  wrote  to  Li  ting  shi  as  follows: 
"  If  you  will  obey  even  at  this  hour,  I  am  willing  to  carry  out  former 
promises,  and  pardon  the  murder  of  my  envoy."  Li  ting  shi 
would  not  receive  this  new  letter,  and  learning  that  Y  wang  was 
Sung  Emperor,  he  left  the  defence  of  Yang  chiu  to  Chu  hwan  and 
set  out  with  his  colleague,  Kiang  tsai,  and  seven  thousand  men  to 
join  his  new  sovereign.  Barely  had  he  gone  from  the  city  when 
Chu  hwan  surrendered. 

At  chu  sent  a  strong  corps  of  cavalry  to  hunt  down  the  two 
fleeing  commanders.  One  thousand  Chinese  were  slain  in  this 
labor,  and  Li  ting  shi  was  forced  into  Tai  chiu,  where  he  was 
surrounded  immediately.  Two  leading  officers  in  that  city  be- 
trayed it  to  the  Mongols.  Li  ting  shi,  seeing  that  his  last  hour  was 
near,  sprang  into  a  pond  which  proved  to  be  very  shallow.  He 


356 


The  Mongols 


was  dragged  out  of  it  promptly  and  with  Kiang  tsai  hurried  back  to 
Yang  chiu.  At  chu  left  nothing  undone  to  win  these  two  men  to 
Kubilai,  but  since  both  were  unbending  he  killed  them. 

Tong  wen  ping  and  Argan  made  progress  in  Che  kiang.  They 
won  a  victory  over  the  Sung  army  in  Chu  chiu,  and  in  Fu  kien 
took  a  fortress,  called  Sha  u.  These  Mongol  successes  were  fol- 
lowed by  Chinese  defections  and  the  surrender  of  cities.  This 
constrained  the  Sung  court  to  think  of  its  safety.  Chin  y  chong 
and  Chang  shi  kie  assembled  a  very  large  fleet,  and  a  considerable 
army.  The  Emperor  embarked  with  his  court  and  the  army  and 
sailed  away  southward  to  Tsuen  chiu  (the  Zaitun  of  Marco  Polo). 
This  port  was  the  seat  of  much  commerce ;  the  harbor  was  crowded 
with  vessels  at  all  times.  The  commanders  now  seized  certain 
ships  which  they  needed.  These,  as  it  seemed,  belonged  mainly 
to  the  governor,  a  very  rich  merchant.  The  governor  was  so 
greatly  enraged  at  this  action  that  he  attacked  all  who  landed, 
and  even  forced  the  fleet  to  sail  out  of  the  harbor ;  that  done,  he 
delivered  his  city  to  the  Mongols. 

Alihaiya  had  laid  siege  for  three  months,  with  great  vigor,  to 
Kwe  lin  fu,  the  capital  of  Kuang  si,  but  failing  to  conquer  the 
desperate  resistance  of  the  governor  Ma  ki,  he  tried  softer  methods. 
He  obtained  from  Kubilai  a  diploma  appointing  Ma  ki  commander- 
in-chief  of  Kuang  si,  and  sent  him  the  document  by  an  officer. 
Ma  ki  burned  the  diploma,  and  cut  down  the  officer.  Kwe  lin  fu, 
built  at  the  meeting  of  two  rivers,  was  exposed  at  one  side  alone, 
where  the  whole  garrison  could  face  any  enemy.  The  Mongol 
general  dug  out  new  beds  for  the  rivers  and  turned  them ;  the  city 
was  assailable  now  upon  every  side  and  he  stormed  it.  His  army 
swept  over  the  walls  like  a  torrent,  but  Ma  ki  met  the  foe  worthily. 
He  fought  from  street  to  street,  from  one  square  to  another,  till 
at  last,  when  covered  with  wounds,  and  bleeding  his  life  out,  that 
brave  man  was  captured,  but  died  shortly  afterward.  All  the 
inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword  without  pity. 

The  capital  taken,  Alihaiya  divided  his  army  into  various 
detachments,  which  he  sent  to  seize  the  chief  cities  of  that 
province. 

Ki  wang,  or  Y  wang,  the  young  Emperor,  sailed  to  Hwei  chiu,. 
not  far  from  the  present  Hong  Kong,  and  sent  one  of  his  officers 
to  Sutu,  the  Mongol  commander,  with  a  letter  for  Kubilai,  in 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  357 


which  he  offered  submission.  Sutu  sent  his  son  to  Shang  tu 
with  the  bearer  of  this  letter.  Meanwhile  operations  continued, 
and  soon  the  whole  province  of  Kuang  tung,  attacked  the 
year  previous,  had  submitted. 

At  this  juncture  Kubilai  summoned  Bayan  from  South  China, 
directing  him  to  leave  there  only  those  who  were  needed  to  guard 
conquered  places.  Li  heng  would  command  troops  of  that  kind. 
All  others  were  to  strike  in  the  North  at  his  enemy  Kaidu.  After 
Bayan 's  departure  the  Sung  party  attacked  and  retook  many  cities  in 
the  four  southern  provinces.  Chang  shi  kie  made  great  levies  in  Fu 
kien,  equipped  a  large  fleet  and  laid  siege  to  Tsuen  chiu,  but  Sutu 
forced  him  afterward  to  raise  it.  Sutu  declared  that  the  Chinese 
were  not  to  be  trusted,  and  fell  back  on  the  old  Mongol  method  of 
slaughter.  City  after  city  was  put  to  the  sword  without  mercy 
or  favor.  Since  many  southern  cities  had  been  retaken  by  Sung 
forces  Kubilai  in  1278  sent  fresh  troops  to  that  part  of  the  Empire, 
and  ordered  Ta  chu,  Li  heng,  and  Liu  se  kwe  to  cross  the  Ta  yn 
ling  mountains,  while  the  fleet,  under  Sutu  and  others,  would  at- 
tack the  Sung  squadron. 

Sutu  now  swept  all  things  before  him  till  he  reached  Chao  chiu, 
where  he  met  firm  resistance.  Not  wishing  to  delay,  lest  he  be 
late  in  the  south,  he  sailed  on,  and  joined  the  land  forces  near 
Canton,  which  surrendered.  After  this  success  he  returned  to 
Chao  chiu  and  laid  siege  to  it  regularly.  The  place  was  built 
strongly,  and  Ma  fa,  the  commandant,  was  so  active  and  resolute 
that  after  battering  it  for  twenty  days  and  storming  it  repeatedly 
Sutu  could  show  only  small  progress.  Then  the  commandant 
made  a  sortie  in  which  he  burned  the  battering  engines  of  the  Mon- 
gols, but  surrounded  at  last  by  greater  forces,  he  perished  in  a 
murderous  struggle.  His  men  broke  and  fled  to  the  city;  the 
enemy  ran  with  them,  rushed  in  throngs  to  the  gates,  swept  through 
them  after  the  Chinese,  took  the  place,  and  put  all  to  the  sword 
without  exception. 

The  young  Emperor  had  no  port  in  which  to  anchor  his 
vessels  with  safety.  Hence  he  wandered  about  on  the  sea  with- 
out a  resting-place,  till  in  May,  1278,  at  the  age  of  eleven,  he 
died,  on  Kang  chuen,  a  desert  island.  Most  of  the  officials  and 
high  personages  who  followed  him  were  averse  to  this  wandering 
existence,  and  were  ready  to  submit  to  Kubilai,  but  Liu  sin  fu 


358 


The  Mongols 


opposed  them  with  the  uttermost  vigor.  "  We  have,"  said  he,  "  a 
son  of  Tu  tsong  with  us  yet  and  we  must  make  him  the  Emperor. 
We  shall  find  warriors  and  officers  in  plenty.  If  Heaven  has  not 
decreed  ruin  to  the  Sungs,  do  ye  doubt  that  it  can  raise  their  throne 
to  its  former  magnificence  ?  " 

These  words  roused  the  chiefs ;  they  placed  Kuang  wang  on  an 
earth  mound,  knelt,  and  rendered  homage.  Ti  ping  was  the  name 
given  the  new  Emperor.  Liu  sin  fu  and  Chang  shi  kie  were  his 
ministers.  The  Chinese  headquarters  were  mainly  on  water,  their 
fleet  was  very  great,  and  carried  large  forces.  This  fleet  retired 
to  straits  in  the  Gulf  of  Canton  which  lay  between  the  mountain 
Kiche  and  the  island  of  Ya  i.  The  position,  as  it  seems,  was  a 
good  one.  In  every  case  it  was  the  last  refuge  and  stronghold  of 
the  Sung  dynasty.  Chang  shi  kie  had  built  on  the  summit  of  the 
island  a  modern  palace  for  the  Emperor,  and  barracks  for  the 
warriors.  He  worked  with  great  zeal  to  re  victual  the  vessels  and 
provide  all  that  was  needful  for  every  one.  Provisions  came  from 
Canton  and  other  places,  from  cities  which  were  subject  to  the 
Mongols,  as  well  as  the  Chinese.  Wen  tien  siang,  in  spite  of  his 
losses,  recaptured  Canton,  and  held  it,  at  least  for  a  season. 

At  this  time  Chang  hong  fan  explained  to  Kubilai  in  a  letter 
that  to  end  the  great  struggle  successfully  Kuang  wang  must  be 
mastered.  Kubilai  sent  him  a  sword  set  with  jewels,  and  made 
him  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  appointed  to  subdue  the 
new  Emperor.  The  first  act  of  the  general  was  to  crush  the  land 
forces;  as  these  were  mainly  new  levies  and  the  Mongols  were1 
veterans,  they  fled  at  the  earliest  onset  and  their  officers  were  taken 
captive.  Among  them  were  Wen  tien  siang,  chief  commander, 
with  Liu  tse  tsiun  and  Tsiu  fong.  The  last  of  these  killed  himself 
and  the  second  was  burned  to  death  over  a  slow  fire.  Wen  tien 
siang  begged  for  death  earnestly,  but  Chang  hong  fan  would  not 
grant  it.  After  asking  him  in  vain  to  give  homage  by  bowing 
northward,  Chang  hong  fan  sent  him  to  Kubilai,  and  freed  all  his 
friends  and  relatives  who  were  captive. 

The  armies  of  the  Sung  Emperor  were  destroyed.  The  last  blow 
remained,  that  against  the  sea  forces.  Chang  hong  fan  put  his 
army  in  ships  and  sailed  in  past  the  island  called  Ya  i.  The 
Chinese  land  troops  were  intrenched  on  the  island  very  firmly,  and 
the  Chinese  fleet  seemed  secure  from  attack  on  the  north  side,  since 


Kubilai  Khan  Destroys  the  Sung  Dynasty  359 


the  water  in  that  part  was  too  shallow,  as  they  thought,  for  the 
large  Mongol  vessels. 

Chang  hong  fan  reconnoitred  his  opponents,  and  saw  that  their 
vessels  were  unwieldy,  so  he  took  a  number  of  his  light  boats, 
filled  them  with  straw  soaked  in  oil  and  ignited  them.  Favored 
by  a  strong  southern  wind,  he  sent  these  burning  boats  forward  to 
strike  on  the  Chinese.  But  Chang  shi  kie  had  covered  all  his 
front  barks  and  their  rigging  with  mud,  hence  they  were  not  fired 
and  the  attack  proved  fruitless. 

Canton  had  been  taken  by  the  Mongols  a  second  time  and 
occupied.  Chang  hong  fan  now  received  thence  a  reinforcement 
of  men,  and  also  of  vessels.  These  latter  he  posted  north  of  Ya  i, 
and  prepared  to  attack  the  Sung  fleet,  which  was  west  of  the  island, 
between  it  and  the  mountain.  Attacks  were  made  on  the  north 
and  the  south  simultaneously.  The  battle  continued  all  day.  The 
Chinese  were  unbroken  in  the  evening,  but  in  the  fleet  there  was 
something  approaching  a  panic ;  the  commanders  had  lost  control 
for  the  greater  part.  Chang  shi  kie  and  his  colleague  determined 
to  reach  the  open  sea  under  cover  of  a  mist  which  was  present  in 
every  place.  The  Chinese  emerged  from  the  straits  with  sixteen 
bulky  vessels  and  there  formed  the  front  of  the  squadron.  Liu 
sin  fu  boarded  the  Emperor's  vessel  to  save  him;  that  ship  was 
larger  than  others  and  more  difficult  to  manage.  They  sailed  on, 
however,  till  they  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  channel,  which  was 
blocked  by  Mongol  barges  lashed  one  to  another  securely.  There 
was  no  chance  to  move  forward  and  to  return  was  impossible. 

Liu  sin  fu,  seeing  this,  had  his  children  and  wife  hurled  into  the 
water.  Then,  telling  Ti  ping  that  a  Sung  sovereign  should  prefer 
death  to  captivity,  he  put  the  boy  Emperor  on  his  shoulders  and 
sprang  into  the  sea  with  him.  Most  of  the  dignitaries  followed 
this  example,  and  drowned  themselves. 

More  than  eight  hundred  ships  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Mon- 
gols. Later  on  Chinese  corpses  in  thousands  were  floating  on 
those  waters.  Among  them  was  that  of  Ti  ping,  and  on  it  was 
found  the  seal  of  the  Empire.  When  Chang  shi  kie  heard  that 
his  sovereign  was  dead  he  went  to  the  ship  of  the  Empress  and 
tried  to  induce  her  to  aid  him  in  choosing  some  relative  of  the  Sung 
family  and  making  him  Emperor.  But  when  she  learned  of  the 
death  of  her  young  son  she  sprang  into  the  sea  without  further 


360 


The  Mongols 


discussion,  and  was  followed  by  the  ladies  of  her  service.  Chang 
shi  kie  found  her  body  and  buried  it  on  the  mainland.  He  then 
sailed  away  for  Tung  king,  where  he  had  faithful  allies  with  whom 
he  intended  to  return  and  instal  a  new  Emperor  if  possible.  But 
in  crossing  the  Gulf  of  Tung  king,  Chang  shi  kie  was  met  by  a 
terrible  tempest,  and  perished. 

Meanwhile  Su  liu  i,  his  colleague,  fell,  slain  by  his  own  men. 
When  he  was  dead  all  people  in  China  submitted,  and  Kubilai  Khan 
found  himself  master  of  an  Empire,  for  which  the  Mongols  had 
been  fighting  for  more  than  five  decades.  Thus  the  Sung  family 
vanished  after  ruling  three  and  one-fifth  centuries  over  China. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


KUBILAl's  ACTIVITY  IN  CHINA  AND  WAR  WITH  KAIDU 

THE  struggle  of  Kubilai  Khan  against  Arik  Buga,his  brother,  has 
been  described  in  some  detail  already,  as  well  as  the  downfall 
and  death  of  the  latter.  Next  came  Kaidu,  a  more  dangerous  oppo- 
nent, who  claimed  Mongol  sovereignty  through  descent  from  his 
grandfather  Ogotai.  Ogotai  had  been  designated  by  Jinghis 
to  the  khanship  of  the  Mongols,  and  when  this  choice  was  con- 
firmed at  the  first  Kurultai  of  election  the  dignity  was  fixed  among 
Ogotai's  descendants.  By  the  election  of  Mangu,  a  son  of  Tului, 
this  pact  was  rejected  and  broken.  Long  and  stubborn  struggle* 
and  ruin  were  entailed  on  the  Mongols  by  that  change. 

The  war  with  Kaidu  lasted  from  the  death  of  Arik  Buga  to  the 
end  of  Kubilai's  life  and  somewhat  beyond  it.  Before  touching 
on  this  bloody  conflict  it  will  be  perhaps  better  to  show  what 
Kubilai  Khan  did  after  conquering  China  (January  31,  1279). 

No  sooner  had  the  Grand  Khan  ended  the  Sung  dynasty  than  he 
turned  to  Japan,  which  had  paid  tribute  formerly  to  China.  In 
1270  he  had  invited  the  Japanese  monarch,  through  an  envoy,  to 
acknowledge  as  his  suzerain  the  master  of  the  earth,  who  was  also 
the  son  of  Heaven,  but  the  envoy  was  given  no  audience.  Other 
envoys,  sent  later,  were  put  to  death  promptly  by  the  Japanese. 
Kubilai  resolved  now  to  conquer  those  eastern  islands,  though  his 
best  counsellors  tried  to  dissuade  him.  They  saw  the  perils  of 
the  enterprise  and  did  not  believe  that  success  would  in  any  case 
pay  for  the  outlay,  but  Kubilai  was  inflexible,  and  the  order  was 
given  to  send  an  army  one  hundred  thousand  strong  to  conquer 
the  islands.  The  troops  embarked  at  Lin  ngan  and  Tsuen  chiu  fu 
toward  the  end  of  1280 ;  the  fleet  bearing  them  sailed  for  Corea  to 
be  joined  by  a  contingent  of  that  country  composed  of  nine  hun- 
dred ships,  which  carried  ten  thousand  warriors.   This  immense 

361 


362 


The  Mongols 


fleet  with  its  forces  was  struck  near  the  Japanese  coast  by  a 
tempest;  the  ships  went  ashore  for  the  greater  part,  and  the  men 
were  taken  prisoners.  Sixty  thousand  Chinese  were  seized  and 
of  Mongols  thirty  thousand  were  slain  by  the  Japanese.  In  the 
autumn  of  1281  a  feeble  remnant  and  wreck  of  this  great  army 
made  its  way  back  to  China. 

When  the  Sung  family  had  fallen  the  King  of  Cochin  China 
rendered  homage  to  Kubilai  and  sent  him  tribute.  Not  content 
with  the  tribute  thus  brought  him,  Kubilai  sent  to  that  country  a 
ruling  council  composed  of  his  own  officers.  After  two  years  the 
heir  of  Cochin  China,  indignant  at  the  sight  of  foreign  men  ruling 
his  country,  moved  his  father  to  arrest  them.  To  punish  this  rebel- 
lion, as  he  called  it,  Kubilai  sent  a  fleet  from  South  China  with  an 
army  under  General  Sutu,  who  landed  in  1281  at  the  capital, 
-which  he  captured.  The  king's  son  retired  toward  the  moun- 
tains, and  occupied  Sutu  with  phrases  of  submission.  Mean- 
while he  was  preparing  to  defeat  him  if  possible.  Sutu  learned 
shortly  after  that  men  were  advancing  from  many  directions  to  cut 
him  off  from  his  vessels.  He  found  it  well  for  this  reason  to 
return  to  Canton. 

Western  Yun  nan  was  formed  of  two  princedoms,  La'i  liu 
and  Yung  chang,  which  must  be  brought  to  obedience,  such  was 
the  order  of  the  Emperor.  The  King  of  Mien  tien,  the  Burma  of 
our  day,  to  whom,  as  it  seems,  the  two  princedoms  paid  tribute, 
set  out  in  1277  to  drive  back  the  Mongols.  He  advanced  with  a 
force  sixty  thousand  in  number  formed  of  horsemen  and  infantry. 
His  first  line  was  of  elephants  bearing  towers  which  held  archers. 

At  approach  of  this  Burmese  army,  the  Mongols,  whose  flank  was 
protected  by  a  forest,  rode  out  from  behind  their  intrenchments  to 
charge  on  the  enemy  then  advancing,  but  their  horses  ran  in  terror 
from  the  elephants,  and  for  some  minutes  no  man  could  check 
the  beast  under  him.  When  the  panic  was  over  Nassir  ud  din 
commanded  his  men  to  dismount,  put  their  beasts  in  the  forest, 
and,  advancing  on  foot,  attack  the  first  line  of  elephants  with 
arrows.  The  elephants,  unprotected  by  armor  of  any  kind,  were 
covered  with  wounds  very  quickly.  Maddened  by  pain,  they 
turned  and  rushed  through  the  ranks  just  behind  them.  Many 
fled  to  the  forest,  where  they  broke  the  towers  on  their  backs 
and  hurled  down  the  men  who  were  in  them. 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


363 


Free  of  the  elephants,  the  Mongols  remounted,  attacked  the 
Burmese  with  arrows,  and  next  with  their  swords  at  close  quarters. 
The  unarmored  Burmese  were  put  to  flight  promptly.  Two 
hundred  elephants  were  seized  by  the  Mongols,  who  pursued 
the  enemy  until  intense  heat  drove  them  back.  After  this  brief 
and  striking  campaign  Kubilai  retained  elephants  in  his  army. 
In  1283  Kubilai  sent  a  large  army  under  command  of  Sian  kur 
to  force  the  king  of  Mien  tien  to  submission,  that  is  to  become 
tributary  and  permit  Mongol  officials  to  reside  in  the  country. 
After  a  short  siege  Tai  Kung,  the  capital,  was  taken  and  the 
whole  kingdom  agreed  to  pay  tribute  to  Kubilai.  The  Kin  shi, 
a  people  of  Yun  nan,  who  till  that  time  had  been  kept  by  the 
king  from  submission  to  the  Mongols,  declared  obedience. 

The  great  Emperor  planned  now  a  second  attack  on  the  Japa- 
nese islands,  to  repair  the  disaster  which  happened  to  the  first 
one.  Atagai  was  named  chief  of  the  expedition.  The  Corean 
king  was  to  give  five  hundred  ships  to  it.  In  Kiang  nan,  Che 
kiang  and  Fu  kien,  ships  were  built,  and  new  levies  made,  to  the 
great  harm  of  commerce  in  those  places.  Workmen  in  the  docks, 
and  also  sailors,  forcibly  levied,  deserted  in  crowds,  and  robbed 
on  the  highway,  or  became  pirates  along  the  coast  regions.  The 
army  was  dissatisfied  and  most  men  in  the  Emperor's  own  council 
opposed  the  expedition,  but  Kubilai's  attention  was  soon  drawn 
elsewhere.  The  King  of  Cochin  China  after  the  withdrawal  of 
Sutu  in  1281  had  sent  ambassadors  to  appease  Kubilai,  but  the 
Emperor  refused  them  an  audience,  and  commanded  Togan,  his 
son,  then  governing  Yun  nan  of  the  East,  to  march  through 
Tung  king,  and  attack  Cochin  China;  Sutu  was  to  aid  in 
planning  this  action.  Tung  king  had  submitted  to  Kubilai  on 
his  advent  to  power,  and  Ching  koan  ping,  its  ruler,  had  engaged 
to  pay  once  in  three  years  a  given  quantity  of  gold,  silver,  precious 
stones,  and  drugs  useful  in  medicine,  also  horns  of  rhinoceros,  and 
ivory.  At  the  same  time  an  agent  from  Kubilai  came  to  reside  at 
the  capital.  Ching  koan  ping  had  for  successor  in  1277  his  son, 
Chin  ge  suan,  who  hated  the  Mongols  and  was  waiting  to  attack 
them.  When  Togan  on  his  way  to  Cochin  China  demanded 
provisions,  Chin  ge  suan  raised  false  objections,  and  Togan, 
seeing  his  active  hostility,  knew  that  he  must  first  of  all 
bring  Tung  king  down  to  obedience.    He  entered  the  coun- 


364 


The  Mongols 


try  in  1285  during  January  and  on  rafts  crossed  the  Fu  liang 
River.  At  the  other  bank  stood  the  enemy  in  order  of  battle,  but 
they  fled,  and  their  hostile  King  vanished.  Togan  thought  the 
war  ended,  but  the  enemy  rallied  and  harassed  his  marches.  The 
great  heat  of  summer  and  the  rains  brought  disease  to  his  northern 
warriors.  The  army  was  forced  to  fall  back  on  Yun  nan  and  was 
harassed  continually  while  retreating.  Li  heng,  who  commanded 
under  Togan's  direction,  was  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and  died 
very  soon,  for  the  arrow  had  been  poisoned. 

Sutu,  who  was  twenty  leagues  distant  from  this  army  and  had  no 
account  of  its  trouble,  was  cut  off  by  Tung  king  men,  and  perished 
in  a  battle  at  the  Kien  moan  River.  Kubilai  grieved  much  for  the 
loss  of  so  gifted  a  general.  To  this  loss  was  added  the  death  of 
Chingkin,  that  son  whom  he  had  declared  his  successor,  a  man 
of  great  wisdom,  instructed  in  all  Chinese  learning,  esteemed  for 
his  probity  and  his  love  of  justice.  Chingkin  was  forty-three 
years  of  age  when  he  died.  He  left  three  sons :  Kamala,  Dharma 
Bala,  and  Timur  of  whom  we  shall  hear  much  hereafter. 

In  1286  the  Japanese  expedition  was  still  pending.  All  forces 
were  ready,  however,  and  the  ships  were  to  meet  in  September  at 
Hupu,  the  great  rendezvous.  Meanwhile  the  president  of  the 
tribunal  of  mandarins  dissuaded  the  Emperor  from  so  hazardous  a 
project.  He  left  Japan  in  peace,  but  a  new  expedition  was  sent  to 
Cochin  China.  Alihaiya  was  to  take  troops  from  South  China 
garrisons,  and  fall  on  Tung  king  with  the  uttermost  vigor.  Prince 
Togan,  who  had  command  of  this  army,  entered  Tung  king  in 
1287  during  February;  he  had  under  him  the  generals  Ching 
pong  fei  and  Fan  tsie.  Meanwhile  a  fleet  from  Kuang  tung  bore 
a  second  good  army  under  Situr,  a  great  Kipchak  leader  who 
brought  with  him  officers  and  warriors  of  his  people. 

Kubilai's  forces  beat  the  Tung  king  men  in  seventeen  en- 
gagements, ravaged  a  part  of  the  country,  pillaged  the  capital, 
seized  immense  wealth,  and  retired  on  Yun  nan  with  rejoic- 
ing. The  King,  Chin  ge  suan,  had  sailed  away,  no  one  knew 
whither,  but  now,  when  the  Mongols  had  gone,  he  appeared  with 
large  forces  a  second  time. 

Togan  reentered  the  country  in  1288,  and  found  the  inhabitants 
armed  and  ready  for  action.  The  campaign  was  continued  till 
summer,  which  brought  much  disease,  and  forced  Togan  to  fallback 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


365 


on  Kuang  si  for  a  period.  Chin  ge  suan  now  attacked  him  and 
strove  to  stop  his  retreat  altogether.  Togan  lost  many  men  in 
various  battles,  among  others  the  generals  Fan  tsie  and  Apatchi, 
and  was  saved  only  by  the  valor  of  Situr,  who  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  vanguard  and  opened  a  way  for  the  army. 

Notwithstanding  his  victory  the  king  thought  it  wise  now  to 
offer  submission ;  he  begged  Kubilai  to  forget  past  events  and  with 
his  prayers  sent  a  gold  statue.  Kubilai,  in  punishment  for  de- 
feat, took  Yun  nan  rule  from  Prince  Togan,  forbade  him  the 
palace,  and  assigned  him  Yang  chiu  as  a  residence. 

In  1285  Kubilai  had  charged  Yang  ting  pie  to  visit  the  islands 
south  of  China  and  inform  himself  secretly  of  the  forces  and  the 
wealth  on  them.  The  mission  was  successful,  for  in  October  of 
1286  the  ships  of  ten  kingdoms  sailed  into  Tsuen  chiu,  a  port  of 
the  Fu  kien  province,  bearing  tribute,  as  was  stated.  It  is  quite 
likely,  however,  that  these  ships  brought  simply  presents. 

The  chief  and  perhaps  the  one  reason  why  Kubilai  dropped  his 
campaign  against  the  Japanese  islands  was  the  menacing  action  of 
Kaidu,  who  had  struggled  two  decades  to  win  headship  in  the 
Empire.  Kaidu,  the  grandson  of  Ogotai,  claimed  the  Mongol 
throne  as  a  right  which  no  man  might  question,  or  venture  to  take 
from  him,  since  it  came  from  the  will  of  Jinghis,  and  also  from  the 
solemn  decision  of  the  first  Mongol  Kurultai.  For  many  \ears, 
and  under  varying  pretexts,  Kaidu  had  avoided  appearing  at 
Kubilai's  court  and  now  he  declared  himself  openly  hostile.  The 
Emperor  reckoned  on  the  support  of  Borak,  whom  he  had  made 
Khan  of  Jagatai,  and  whose  dominions  touched  those  of  Kaidu  on 
the  western  border. 

These  two  rulers  did,  in  fact,  begin  war  by  a  battle  on  the  Syr 
Darya  or  Yaxartes.  Borak  gained  the  victory  through  an  ambush. 
He  made  many  prisoners,  and  took  rich  booty.  Later  on  Kaidu 
got  assistance  from  Mangu  Timur  of  the  Golden  Horde,  a  descend- 
ant of  Juchi,  who  sent  an  army  commanded  by  Bergatchar,  his 
uncle.  With  his  own  and  these  forces  Kaidu  met  Borak  and  de- 
feated him  in  a  murderous  battle.  The  defeated  man  then  with- 
drew to  Transoxiana  and  recruited  his  army,  which  he  welded 
together  again  through  treasures  obtained  from  Bokhara  and 
Samarkand,  those  famous  old  cities  between  the  two  rivers.  He 
was  preparing  for  a  second  struggle  when  peace  proposals  were 


366 


The  Mongols 


brought  him  from  Kaidu  by  Kipchak  Ogul,  a  grandson  of  Ogotai, 
and  friendly  to  both  these  opponents.  The  proposals  were  agree- 
able to  Borak,  who  immediately  accepted  them.  He  formed  an 
alliance  then  with  Kaidu  and  each  man  became  to  the  other  a 
sworn  friend  or  66  anda." 

This  union  gave  control  to  Kaidu  of  the  Jagatai  country  made  up 
of  Turkistan  and  Transoxiana.  Borak  died  in  1270,  and  his 
successor,  Nikbey,  son  of  Sarban,  and  grandson  of  Jagatai,  having 
taken  arms  against  Kaidu  was  attacked  in  1272,  and  killed  in  a 
battle.  Next  came  Toga  Timur;  after  his  death  Kaidu  put  on 
the  throne  Dua,  son  of  Borak,  his  own  "  anda."  In  1275  Kaidu 
and  Dua  invaded  the  country  of  the  Uigurs  with  an  army  a  hundred 
thousand  in  number  and  laid  siege  to  the  capital.  These  allies 
wished  to  force  the  Idikut  to  join  in  the  war  against  Kubilai,  but 
at  this  juncture  the  Idikut  received  aid  from  the  Emperor's  troops, 
which  appeared  in  that  region. 

That  same  year  Kubilai  sent  westward  a  numerous  army  com- 
manded by  his  son  Numugan,  who  had  under  him  as  general  Han- 
tum,  a  minister  of  State,  and  a  descendant  of  Mukuli,  Jinghis  Khan's 
most  beloved  and  perhaps  his  most  gifted  commander.  Guekji, 
Numugan 's  brother,  and  Shireki,  son  of  Mangu,  went  also  with  his 
army,  as  well  as  Tok  Timur  and  other  princes  with  their  warriors. 
Numugan  was  appointed  chief  governor  of  Almalik  at  the  outset. 

In  1277  Tok  Timur,  dissatisfied  with  Kubilai,  proposed  to  put 
Shireki,  son  of  Mangu,  on  the  throne  of  the  Mongols.  Shireki 
accepted  the  offer;  Kubilai's  two  sons  and  the  general,  Hantum, 
were  seized  in  the  night  time.  Both  princes  were  delivered  to 
Mangu  Timur,  the  sovereign  of  Kipchak;  Hantum  was  given  to 
Kaidu.  Sarban,  son  of  Jagatai,  was  won  for  the  cause  somewhat 
later,  and  other  princes  of  this  branch  as  well  as  that  of  Ogotai.  At 
this  juncture  Kubilai  summoned  Bayan  from  South  China  and  put 
him  at  the  head  of  an  army  to  crush  the  above  combination.  Bayan 
found  his  foes  well  entrenched  on  the  Orgun.  He  cut  off  their 
supplies  and  they,  dreading  hunger,  accepted  the  wager  of  battle. 
The  conflict  on  which  such  great  interests  depended  was  stubborn 
to  the  utmost.  For  hours  it  raged  with  equal  chances,  till 
Bayan 's  skill  turned  the  scale  finally.  Shireki  was  defeated  and 
withdrew  toward  the  Irtish.  Tok  Timur  fled  to  the  land  of  the 
Kirghis,  where  Kubilai's  forces  surprised  him  and  seized  all  his 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


367 


camp  goods.  He  sent  to  Shireki  for  succor,  but  Shireki  failed  to 
give  it.  Tok  Timur  took  revenge  for  this  by  offering  the  throne 
of  the  Mongols  to  Sarban.  Shireki  tried  to  conciliate  him,  but 
Tok  Timur  gave  answer  as  follows :  "  Thou  hast  not  the  courage 
for  this  dignity,  Sarban  is  more  worthy."  Shireki  was  forced  to 
give  way,  and  had  even  to  send  his  own  envoys  with  those  of  other 
princes  to  Mangu  Timur  and  to  Kaidu  to  declare  that  Sarban  had 
been  chosen. 

Tok  Timur  now  wished  to  force  Yubukur  to  acknowledge  the 
sovereign  just  created.  Yubukur  assembled  his  forces  to  oppose, 
but  before  he  had  a  chance  to  begin  battle  Tok  Timur's  warriors 
deserted  to  his  enemy.  Tok  Timur,  thus  abandoned,  took  to 
flight,  but  was  seized  and  given  to  Shireki,  who  had  him  killed  at 
Yubukur 's  order.  Tok  Timur  was  renowned  for  splendid  bravery 
and  for  skill  as  a  bowman ;  he  always  rode  a  white  horse  during 
battle,  and  said  that  men  choose  dark  horses  lest  blood  from  wounds 
might  be  apparent  on  their  bodies,  but  to  his  mind  the  blood  of 
the  horse  and  the  rider  ornamented  the  latter,  as  rouge  does  the 
cheeks  of  a  woman. 

Sarban,  who  was  now  without  effective  aid,  went  to  Shireki,  and 
begged  to  be  forgiven  for  letting  Tok  Timur  wheedle  him.  Shireki 
took  Sarban 's  troops  and  soon  after  sent  the  man  under  an  escort  of 
fifty  warriors  to  Kotchi  Ogul,  a  grandson  of  Juchi,  but  while  passing 
the  district  of  Jend  and  Ozkend  he  was  rescued  by  his  own  men, 
who  were  quartered  just  then  in  those  places.  Putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  them,  he  advanced  on  Shireki.  When  the  two 
forces  met  Shireki's  men  deserted  to  Sarban,  who  captured  him. 
Yubukur,  who  had  come  to  give  aid  to  Shireki,  was  also  aban- 
doned by  his  own  troops  and  captured  by  Sarban,  who,  giving 
each  of  these  princes  to  a  guard  of  five  hundred,  set  out  on  a  visit 
to  Kubilai.  Yubukur,  while  passing  near  the  Utchugen's  land,  sent 
gifts  of  silver  and  jewels  to  the  prince  who  was  ruling  at  that  time 
and  begged  for  deliverance.  Sarban  was  attacked  on  a  sudden  by 
the  Utchugen's  descendants  and  his  force  taken  captive.  He  him- 
self escaped  unattended,  and  made  his  way  to  the  Emperor,  who 
gave  him  both  lands  and  warriors  in  sufficience,  but  Shireki,  when 
taken  to  Kubilai,  was  sent  to  an  island  where  the  climate  was  pestif- 
erous and  he  died  in  due  season.  Yubukur,  after  serving  a  time 
with  Kaidu,  made  his  peace  with  the  Emperor  and  later  on  Kubi- 


368 


The  Mongols 


lai's  son,  Numugan,  who  had  been  seized  by  Shireki  was  set 
free. 

Ten  years  after  these  struggles  Kaidu  formed  a  new  league 
against  the  Emperor.  This  time  he  drew  to  his  side  men  descended 
from  Jinghis  Khan's  brothers,  namely:  Nayan,  fifth  in  descent 
from  the  Utchugen,  youngest  brother  of  Jinghis  Khan;  Singtur, 
descended  from  Juchi  Kassar;  and  Kadan,  who  was  fourth  in 
descent  from  Kadjiun,  also  a  brother  of  Jinghis.  These  princes 
were  all  in  the  present  Manchuria.  Nayan  had  forty  thousand 
men  under  him  and  was  waiting  for  Kaidu,  who  had  promised  to 
bring  one  hundred  thousand  picked  warriors.  To  prevent  the 
meeting  of  these  forces  the  Emperor  sent  Bayan  to  the  west,  where 
he  was  to  hold  Kaidu  in  check  while  Kubilai  himself  was  crushing 
Nayan  and  the  others. 

Kubilai,  who  had  sent  forward  provisions  by  sea  to  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Liao,  moved  on  Nayan  by  forced  marches,  and  found 
him  near  that  same  river,  at  some  distance  south  of  Mukden  in 
Manchuria.  The  Emperor  had  sent  scouts  far  ahead  of  his  forces 
so  that  no  knowledge  of  his  movements  might  reach  the  man 
against  whom  he  was  marching.  Kubilai  divided  his  army  into 
two  parts,  one  composed  of  Chinese,  under  Li  ting,  a  Manchu, 
the  other  of  Mongols,  under  Yissu  Timur,  a  grandson  of  Boorchu, 
one  of  Jinghis  Khan's  four  great  heroes. 

After  consulting  his  astrologers,  who  promised  a  victory,  the 
Emperor  gave  the  signal  for  action.  He  had  thirty  regiments  of 
cavalry,  in  three  divisions.  Before  each  regiment  were  five  hundred 
infantry  with  pikes  and  sabres.  These  foot-soldiers  were  trained 
to  mount  behind  horsemen  and  thus  advance  swiftly ;  when  near 
the  enemy  they  slipped  down,  used  their  pikes  and  next  their 
sabres.  If  the  cavalry  retreated,  or  moved  to  another  part  those 
footmen  sprang  up  behind  them.  Kubilai's  place  was  in  a  wooden 
tower  borne  by  four  elephants ;  these  beasts  were  covered  with 
cloth  of  gold  put  on  above  strong  leather  armor.  The  Imperial 
standard  with  the  sun  and  the  moon  on  it  waved  over  this  tower, 
which  was  manned  and  surrounded  by  crossbowmen  and  archers. 

When  the  two  armies  were  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  the  whole 
space  which  they  occupied,  and  a  broad  belt  around  it,  was  filled 
with  a  great  blare  of  trumpets  and  the  music  of  many  wind-instru- 
ments.   This  was  followed  by  songs  from  the  warriors  on  both 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


369 


sides,  and  then  the  great  kettledrum  sounded  the  onset.  The  air 
was  filled  with  clouds  of  arrows ;  when  the  opponents  drew  nearer 
spears  were  used  deftly,  and  they  closed  finally  with  sabres  and 
hand  to  hand  weapons.  Nayan's  army  showed  great  resolution, 
fighting  from  dawn  until  midday,  but  at  last  numbers  triumphed. 
Nayan,  when  almost  surrounded,  strove  to  escape,  but  was  cap- 
tured. Kubilai  had  him  killed  on  the  field  without  waiting;  he 
was  wrapped  in  a  pair  of  felt  blankets  and  beaten  to  death  without 
bloodshed.  It  is  said  that  he  was  a  Christian  and  bore  on  his 
standard  a  cross  in  contrast  to  the  sun  and  moon  of  the  standards 
of  Kubilai. 

The  Emperor  returned  to  Shang  tu  after  this  great  encounter 
and  triumph.  The  princes  Singtur  and  Kadan  were  still  in  arms, 
hence  Kubilai  sent  his  grandson,  Timur,  against  both  with  the 
generals  Polo  khwan,  Tutuka,  Yissu  Timur  and  Li  ting  shi.  After 
a  toilsome  campaign,  which  took  place  in  the  following  summer, 
Timur  defeated  Singtur  and  Kadan,  and  received  the  submis- 
sion of  Southern  Manchuria. 

The  chief  enemy  who  had  raised  the  whole  conflict  remained  in 
the  West,  and  against  him  the  Emperor  now  turned  his  efforts.  To 
guard  western  frontiers  most  surely,  Kubilai  gave  Kara  Kurum  to 
Bay  an  as  headquarters.  This  great  commander  received  power 
without  limit,  since  he  was  to  watch  all  home  regions  and  hold  them 
securely.  Before  Bayan  had  arrived  at  the  army  Kamala,  a  son  of 
Chingkin,  led  a  corps  in  advance  and  tried  to  stop  Kaidu  from 
crossing  the  mountains  of  Kang  kai.  Kamala,  Kubilai's  favorite 
grandson,  was  defeated  and  surrounded  near  the  river  Selinga.  He 
was  barely  rescued  by  Tutuka  and  his  Kipchak  warriors. 

Affairs  now  seemed  so  serious  that  the  Emperor,  despite  ad- 
vanced age,  thought  it  best  to  march  forward  in  person.  He  sent 
for  Tutuka  to  act  with  him,  and  praised  the  recent  exploit  of  that 
general.  Kubilai  left  Shang  tu  for  the  West  July,  1289,  but  re- 
turned without  meeting  Kaidu,  or  coming  near  him. 

For  four  years  now  Bayan  held  Kaidu  in  check,  till  at  length 
being  accused  of  inaction,  and  even  of  connivance  with  the  Em- 
peror's rival,  Kubilai  recalled  the  great  general,  and  gave  command 
to  Timur,  his  own  grandson.  But  before  Timur  came  to  take  over 
the  office  Bayan  had  gone  forth  to  meet  Kaidu  and  had  defeated 
his  army.    On  returning  to  headquarters  he  yielded  command  and 


370 


The  Mongols 


gave  Timur  a  banquet  at  which  he  made  him  rich  presents.  Bayan 
then  departed  for  Tai  tung  fu,  assigned  him  already  as  a  residence. 
On  arriving  he  found  there  an  order  to  stand  before  Kubilai.  The 
Emperor,  who  had  shaken  off  all  his  prejudice  in  the  meanwhile, 
received  the  famed  leader  with  every  distinction,  praised  him  in 
public,  exalted  his  zeal  and  his  services,  made  him  first  minister 
and  commander  of  the  guards  and  other  troops  in  both  capitals 
(Shang  tu  and  Ta  tu). 

Kubilai  liked  to  send  envoys  to  various  countries  south  of  China 
whence  ships  came  in  large  numbers  bearing  rare  objects  as  pres- 
ents. He  sent  once  a  Chinese  minister  to  visit  the  sovereign  of  a 
land  called  Kuava  (Java).  This  ruler  for  some  unknown  reason 
had  the  minister  branded  on  the  face,  and  sent  him  home  with 
great  insult.  Kubilai  felt  the  outrage,  and  all  his  officers  demanded 
sharp  vengeance.  In  1293  a  thousand  ships  with  thirty  thousand 
men  on  them  and  provisions  for  a  twelvemonth  set  sail  for  Kuava. 
Chepi,  a  Chinese,  who  knew  the  language  of  Java,  commanded  this 
squadron.  The  King  of  Kuava  gave  pretended  submission  and 
persuaded  Chepi  to  conquer  Kolang,  a  near  kingdom  at  war  then 
with  Kuava.  Chepi  won  a  great  victory  over  the  King  of  Kolang 
whom  he  seized  and  killed  straightway.  The  King  of  Kuava  tried 
now  to  get  rid  of  the  Chinese,  and  strove  to  cut  them  off  from  their 
vessels.  Chepi  reached  the  fleet,  thirty  leagues  distant,  with  diffi- 
culty, after  some  serious  encounters  in  which  he  lost  three  thousand 
warriors,  though  he  brought  away  much  gold  and  many  jewels. 
On  arriving  at  court  he  gave  these  to  the  Emperor,  but  Kubilai, 
enraged  because  Chepi  had  not  conquered  the  kingdom  of  Kuava, 
condemned  him  to  seventy  blows  of  a  stick,  and  took  one  third  of 
his  property. 

On  coming  to  the  throne  Kubilai  had  confided  his  finances  to 
Seyid  Edjell,  a  Bukhariote,  and  an  adherent  of  Islam,  a  man  who 
had  a  great  reputation  for  probity.  This  minister  died  in  1270. 
Next  came  Ahmed,  a  native  of  Fenaket,  a  city  on  the  Syr  Darya. 
Ahmed's  good  fortune  came  from  his  intimacy  with  Jambui 
Khatun,  the  first  and  favorite  wife  of  the  Emperor ;  this  intimacy 
began  when  Jumbui  was  still  in  the  house  of  her  father,  Iltchi 
Noyon,  a  chief  of  the  Kunkurats.  Ahmed  became  attached  to  the 
court  of  the  Empress,  and  adroit,  insinuating,  rich  in  expedients, 
he  had  the  chance  of  winning  favor  from  Kubilai,  who  after 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


371 


the  death  of  Seyid  Edjell  put  the  wealth  of  the  Empire  into  his 
keeping. 

Kubilai  needed  money  at  all  times,  he  needed  much  of  it,  and 
Ahmed  found  means  to  get  money.  Invincible  through  the  Em- 
peror's favor,  he  exercised  power  without  limit;  at  his  will  he 
disposed  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  Empire.  He  brought  down  to 
death  whomsoever  he  accounted  an  enemy,  and  no  man,  whatever 
his  rank  or  position,  had  the  courage  to  brave  Ahmed's  hatred.  He 
amassed  boundless  wealth  by  abuses  of  all  sorts ;  no  man  obtained 
any  office  without  giving  great  presents  to  this  minister.  He  had 
twenty-five  sons,  all  holding  high  places.  No  woman  of  beauty 
was  safe  from  his  passion ;  he  left  no  means  unused  to  satisfy  his 
greed  and  ambition  and  lust. 

For  twelve  years  this  man  proved  invincible,  though  his  secret 
enemies  were  an  army  in  number,  and  he  was  hated  by  the  people 
for  his  endless  abuses.  Those  learned  Chinese  who  were  intimate 
with  the  Emperor  strove  in  vain  to  open  his  eyes  to  the  real  charac- 
ter of  Ahmed.  At  last  they  were  able  to  expose  him  to  Chingkin 
well  and  clearly  and  Chingkin  became  Ahmed's  most  resolute 
enemy.  This  son  of  Kubilai  was  so  angry  one  day  at  the  minister, 
that  he  struck  him  on  the  face  with  his  bow,  and  laid  his  cheek 
open.  Kubilai,  seeing  the  minister  wounded,  inquired  what  the 
cause  was.  "  I  have  been  kicked  by  a  horse,"  replied  Ahmed. 
"  Art  thou  ashamed  to  tell  who  struck  thee  ?  "  asked  Chingkin, 
who  was  present.  Another  time  Chingkin  pummeled  him  with 
his  fists  before  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor. 

At  last,  in  1282,  appeared  Wang  chu,  a  Chinese,  a  man  of  high 
office  in  the  ministry.  Wang  chu  resolved  to  deliver  the  Empire 
from  this  greatest  of  miscreants.  To  carry  out  his  plan  he  chose 
the  time  when  Kubilai  and  Chingkin  were  at  Shang  tu,  their 
residence  in  summer.  As  Ahmed  had  remained  in  the  capital  for 
business  of  his  ministry  Wang  chu  brought  in  one  day  the  false 
news  that  Chingkin  was  coming.  All  the  great  functionaries 
hastened  to  the  palace  to  greet  him.  Ahmed  went  at  the  head  of 
the  mandarins ;  just  as  he  was  passing  the  gate  Wang  chu  struck 
him  down  with  a  club  and  thus  killed  him.  At  news  of  this  deed 
Kubilai  was  terribly  enraged.  He  had  Wang  chu  and  his  asso- 
ciates seized,  judged,  and  executed.  A  large  sum  of  money  was 
assigned  for  a  funeral  of  great  splendor,  and  Kubilai  commanded 


372 


The  Mongols 


all  his  most  distinguished  officers  to  be  present.  But  grief  at  the 
tragic  death  of  his  favorite  was  followed  soon  by  furious  anger. 
Seeking  to  find  a  large  diamond  for  his  own  use,  as  an  ornament, 
he  discovered  that  some  time  before  two  merchants  had  brought 
him  a  stone  of  rare  size  and  quality  which  they  had  left  for  delivery 
with  Ahmed.  This  same  stone  was  now  found  in  possession  of 
the  principal  wife  of  the  late  minister.  The  Emperor's  wrath  was 
so  excited  by  this  and  by  other  disclosures,  and  intensified  by 
Chingkin's  strong  speeches,  that  he  ordered  that  Ahmed's  body 
be  dug  up  immediately,  and  the  head  cut  from  it  and  exposed  as  a 
spectacle.  When  all  this  was  done  the  body  was  hurled  to  the  dogs 
to  be  eaten.  That  one  of  Ahmed's  widows  who  had  worn  the 
diamond  was  put  to  death  with  her  two  sons;  his  forty  other 
wives  and  four  hundred  concubines  were  distributed  as  gifts  to 
various  people.  Ahmed's  property  was  confiscated,  and  his  clients 
to  the  number  of  seven  hundred  suffered  variously  in  proportion 
as  they  had  shared  in  his  abuses,  and  assisted  him  in  deceiving  the 
Emperor. 

The  ministry  of  finance  was  given  now  to  an  Uigur  named 
Sanga,  whose  brother  was  the  principal  Lama.  Sanga  had 
occupied  his  dignity  eight  years,  following  closely  the  ex- 
ample of  Ahmed,  when  one  of  Kubilai's  officers  undertook  to 
expose  the  evil  deeds  of  the  minister.  In  time  of  a  hunt  he  spoke 
with  the  Emperor  about  Sanga.  Kubilai  thought  him  a  vilifier 
and  had  the  man  beaten.  Later  on  the  Emperor  tried  to  force 
from  this  officer  a  confession  that  he  was  serving  the  hatred  of  men 
who  were  envious  of  Sanga.  The  officer  declared  that  he  was  in 
no  way  opposed  to  the  minister  and  was  only  trying  to  render 
service  to  his  sovereign,  and  benefit  the  country.  Kubilai  found  on 
inquiry  that  the  officer  had  spoken  the  truth,  and  if  no  one  before 
him  had  reported  the  evil  doings  of  Sanga,  it  was  because  people 
dreaded  the  merciless  revenge  of  that  minister.  At  last  Sanga 
was  destroyed  in  the  mind  of  the  Emperor. 

One  day  Kubilai  asked  pearls  of  the  minister ;  the  latter  declared 
that  he  had  none.  A  Persian  who  was  favored  by  Kubilai,  and 
who  detested  the  minister,  made  haste  to  declare  that  he  had  seen 
a  great  quantity  of  pearls  and  precious  stones  in  possession  of 
Sanga,  and  if  the  Emperor  would  deign  to  occupy  Sanga  some 
moments  he  would  bring  those  same  pearls  from  that  minister's 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


373 


mansion.  The  Emperor  agreed,  and  in  a  short  time  the  Persian 
returned,  bringing  with  him  two  caskets  filled  with  pearls  of  great 
value.  "  How  is  this  ?  "  cried  the  Emperor  to  Sanga ;  "  thou  hast 
all  these  pearls  and  art  unwilling  to  give  me  even  a  few  of  them  ? 
Where  didst  thou  find  such  great  riches  ?  "  The  minister  an- 
swered that  he  got  them  from  various  Mohammedans  who  were 
governors  of  provinces  in  China.  "  Why  have  these  men  brought 
me  nothing  ?  "  asked  Kubilai.  "  Thou  bringest  me  trifles  and 
for  thyself  keepest  all  that  is  most  precious.' '  "  They  were  given 
me,"  said  the  minister.  "If  it  is  thy  wish  I  will  return  them  to 
the  donors." 

Kubilai  in  his  rage  had  Sanga's  mouth  filled  with  excrement 
and  condemned  him  to  death  without  waiting  for  further  inquiry. 
His  immense  fortune  was  seized  and  the  Emperor,  incensed  at  those 
functionaries  whose  duty  it  had  been  to  expose  the  excesses  of  the 
minister,  demanded  of  the  censors  of  the  Empire  what  punishment 
they  had  merited.  By  decision  of  the  censors  they  were  stripped 
of  office.  Two  Mohammedan  governors  lost  their  lives,  as  did 
many  others  involved  in  the  recent  abuses. 

Thus  after  the  death  of  Seyid  Edjell,  for  about  one  fifth  of  a  cen- 
tury the  chiefs  of  finance  in  China  were  men  from  other  countries, 
as  were  most  of  their  agents.  These  persons  kept  themselves  in 
power  by  revolting  exactions.  Kubilai,  ever  greedy  of  money  since 
he  needed  endless  sums  of  it,  chose  as  agents  in  finance  men  who 
were  ready  to  increase  the  state  income  if  physically  possible,  and 
gave  power  to  persons  who  stopped  before  nothing.  Extortion, 
false  witness,  confiscation,  and  even  murder  were  means  used  by 
them  frequently.    Oldjai  followed  Sanga  as  minister. 

Kubilai  died  in  1294  during  February,  in  Ta  tu,  the  Pekin  of  the 
present  day.  He  was  eighty  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death  and 
sovereign  over  the  largest  domain  ever  ruled  by  one  person. 

Besides  building  his  beautiful  city  Kubilai  did  much  to  improve 
the  general  condition  of  China.  Among  other  great  public  works 
which  he  carried  out  was  the  building  of  the  Grand  Canal  which 
joined  his  capital  with  the  more  fertile  districts  of  the  country.  He 
also  extended  an  excellent  post  system.  According  to  Marco  Polo 
all  the  principal  roads  met  at  Ta  tu.  Along  those  roads  at  intervals 
of  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  were  well  equipped  post  houses,  at 
some  of  which  four  hundred  horses  were  kept,  two  hundred  for 


374 


The  Mongols 


immediate  use  and  two  hundred  at  .pasture.  Three  hundred 
thousand  horses  were  engaged  in  this  service,  and  there  were  ten 
thousand  post  stations. 

Two  systems  of  carriers  were  maintained  by  the  government. 
The  foot  messengers  wore  belts  with  bells  attached  and  were 
stationed  at  intervals  of  three  miles  apart.  When  the  bells  an- 
nounced the  approach  of  a  runner  a  fresh  man  prepared  to  take 
his  place  at  once.  Each  man  ran  at  his  greatest  speed.  The 
mounted  couriers  by  a  similar  system  of  relief  could  travel  four 
hundred  miles  in  twenty-four  hours,  the  distance  covered  at  night 
being  much  less  than  that  during  day,  for  at  night  footmen  with 
torches  accompanied  the  mounted  courier. 

Kubilai  built  his  capital  near  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Kin 
Emperors.  Marco  Polo  states  that  it  was  twenty-four  miles 
in  circuit.  Its  ramparts  were  fifty  feet  in  width  and  fifty  feet 
high;  at  each  corner  was  an  immense  bastion  and  on  each 
side  were  three  gates,  each  gate  garrisoned  by  one  thousand 
men.  The  palace  itself  was  surrounded  by  two  walls,  the  outer 
one  being  a  mile  square  and  ornamented  with  battle  scenes  painted 
in  bright  colors.  Between  the  two  walls  were  parks  and  pleasure 
grounds  through  which  were  paved  roads  raised  two  cubits  above 
the  level  of  the  ground.  In  the  center  of  the  enclosure  rose  the 
magnificent  palace. 

His  summer  palace  was  at  Shang  tu  and  was  similar  to  the 
one  in  Ta  tu.  In  a  grove  not  far  from  the  palace  was  a  beautiful 
bamboo  dwelling  supported  by  gilt  and  lacquered  columns,  a 
resort  for  the  Emperor  during  the  warmer  days.  This  bamboo 
palace  was  stayed  by  two  hundred  silk  ropes  and  could  very  easily 
be  put  up  and  taken  down. 

Kubilai  enjoyed  hunting.  In  March  of  each  year  a  great  hunt 
was  organized.  Marco  Polo  says  that  there  were  two  masters 
of  the  hunt,  each  having  under  him  ten  thousand  men,  five  thousand 
dressed  in  red  and  five  thousand  in  blue.  These  men  surrounded 
an  immense  space  and  drove  in  the  animals.  "When  everything 
was  ready  the  Khan  set  out  with  his  ten  thousand  falconers.  He 
traveled  in  a  palanquin  carried  by  four  elephants.  This  palanquin 
was  lined  with  gold  and  covered  with  lion  skins.  Ten  thousand 
tents  were  erected  near  the  hunting  ground.  The  Emperor's 
great  tent  where  receptions  were  held  accommodated  one  thousand 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


375 


persons.  Near  by  was  his  private  tent  and  the  tent  in  which  he 
slept.  Each  one  of  these  Imperial  tents  was  covered  with  lion 
skins  and  lined  with  ermine  and  sable.  There  were  many  ropes 
to  these  tents  and  all  were  of  silk. 

The  magnificence  and  luxury  of  the  Mongol  court  would  be 
remarkable  even  in  our  time.  On  his  name-day  Kubilai  held  a 
reception  and  received  many  presents.  On  New  Year's  Day  also 
was  held  a  festival  when  gifts  were  presented  to  the  Grand  Khan. 
If  possible  a  multiple  of  nine,  the  sacred  number,  was  chosen  for  the 
number  of  the  articles  given.  On  one  of  these  great  feast  days 
Kubilai  was  presented  with  a  hundred  thousand  horses  with  rich 
coverings.  During  the  day  his  five  thousand  elephants  were 
exhibited  in  their  housings  of  bright  colored  cloth  on  which  birds 
and  beasts  were  represented.  These  elephants  bore  caskets  con- 
taining the  Imperial  plate  and  furniture  and  were  followed  by 
camels  laden  with  things  needful  for  the  feast. 

Only  the  princes  and  higher  officers  assembled  in  the  hall,  other 
people  remained  outside.  When  every  one  was  seated  an  official 
rose  and  cried :  "  Bow  and  pay  homage  !  "  All  then  touched  the 
ground  with  their  foreheads.  This  was  repeated  four  times.  A 
similar  obeisance  was  made  before  an  altar  on  which  was  a  tablet 
bearing  the  great  Khan's  name. 

At  the  banquet  the  table  of  the  Khan  was  raised  above  the  others 
and  so  placed  that  he  sat  facing  the  south.  At  his  left  hand  sat 
his  chief  wife  and  on  his  right  princes  of  the  Imperial  family,  but 
lower  down,  so  that  their  heads  would  not  be  above  the  level  of 
the  Emperor's  feet.  Lower  still  sat  the  chief  officers.  Ordinary 
guests  and  warriors  seated  themselves  on  the  carpet.  Two  large 
men  stood  at  the  entrance  of  the  hall  to  punish  those  who  were  so 
unfortunate  as  to  step  on  the  threshold,  such  offenders  were  imme- 
diately stripped  and  beaten  severely  with  rods.  Various  household 
officials  moved  about  to  see  that  the  guests  were  properly  served. 
Near  the  Khan's  table  was  a  magnificently  carved  stand  in  which 
was  inserted  a  golden  vessel  holding  an  enormous  quantity  of 
spiced  wine.  Besides  this  there  were  many  golden  vessels,  each 
holding  wine  for  ten  persons.  There  were  large  wine  bowls  on  the 
tables  with  handled  cups  from  which  to  drink.  One  of  these  bowls 
was  placed  between  every  two  persons.  The  men  who  served  the 
Khan  had  their  mouths  and  noses  covered  with  delicate  napkins 


376 


The  Mongols 


of  silk  and  gold,  that  their  breath  might  not  offend  him.  Whenever 
he  raised  the  wine  cup  to  his  lips  the  musicians  began  to  play,  and 
princes  and  officials  went  down  on  one  knee. 

Kubilai  had  five  principal  wives  the  chief  of  whom  was  Jambui 
Khatun.  Each  wife  had  her  own  court  and  was  attended  by  not 
fewer  than  three  hundred  damsels  as  well  as  by  many  pages  and 
eunuchs.  The  Kunkurats  were  celebrated  for  the  beauty  of  their 
women  and  supplied  most  of  the  wives  and  concubines  of  the  Khan. 
Officials  were  often  sent  to  select  several  hundred  girls  and  pay  their 
parents  for  them,  estimating  their  value  according  to  their  beauty. 
The  girls  were  sent  to  the  court  and  examined  by  a  number  of 
matrons.  Polo  states :  "  These  women  make  the  girls  sleep  with 
them  in  turn  to  ascertain  that  they  have  a  sweet  breath  and  are 
strong  of  limb."  The  few  who  passed  this  examination  attended 
the  Khan,  the  rejected  married  officers  or  became  palace  em- 
ployees. 

It  is  stated  by  chroniclers  of  that  time  that  Kubilai  became, 
through  the  influence  of  Jambui  Khatun,  a  Lamaist.  Still,  to 
secure  good  fortune,  he  prayed  to  Christ,  Mohammed,  Moses 
and  Buddha,  whom  he  revered  as  the  four  great  prophets  of  the 
world. 

Kubilai  was  a  man  of  medium  stature.  He  had  a  fair  complexion 
and  keen  black  eyes,  and  was  of  a  kindly  disposition.  He  had 
designated  as  heir  his  fourth  son,  Numugan,  but  while  that  prince 
was  a  prisoner  in  the  war  with  Kaidu  he  chose  Chingkin,  hia 
second  son,  as  successor.  Some  time  after  this  Numugan  was  set 
free,  and  as  he  criticized  the  appointment  of  his  brother  he  incurred 
Kubilai's  wrath,  and  was  banished.  He  died  soon  after.  Chingkin 
died  also  before  his  father. 

In  1293,  eight  years  after  the  death  of  Chingkin,  his  widow, 
Guekjin,  urged  the  great  general,  Bayan,  to  remark  to  the  Emperor 
that  he  had  not  named  a  successor.  Thereupon  Kubilai  appointed 
his  grandson,  Timur,  whom  he  had  sent  to  Kara  Kurum  as  its 
governor,  and  charged  Bayan  to  announce  to  that  prince  his  ap- 
pointment, and  instal  him  as  heir  with  due  festivals  and  ceremonies. 

After  Kubilai's  death,  February,  1294,  a  Kurultai  of  election  was 
held  at  Shang  tu,  the  summer  capital.  Timur  went  to  that  city 
from  his  army  and,  though  he  was  formally  heir,  his  elder  brother, 
Kamala,  aspired  to  the  Empire.    The  princes  of  the  family 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


377 


wavered  for  a  time,  but  the  generals  and  the  Chinese  officials  gave 
Timur  their  adherence.  At  last  Bayan,  who  by  character  and  office 
had  the  greatest  influence  in  that  meeting,  took  his  sabre  and 
declared  that  he  would  suffer  no  man  on  the  throne  save  him  whom 
Kubilai  had  selected.  This  ended  debate,  and  Kamala  knelt  to 
his  brother;  the  other  princes  followed  his  example,  and  Timur 
was  proclaimed  then  Grand  Khan  of  the  Mongols. 

The  first  work  of  Timur  was  to  give  Imperial  rank  to  his  parents, 
and  next  to  rear  a  monument  to  Kubilai,  Jambui,  the  late  Empress, 
and  Chingkin,  his  own  father.  Kamala  was  made  the  chief  gover- 
nor of  Mongolia  with  Kara  Kurum  as  his  residence.  Guekdju  and 
Kurguez,  Timur's  brothers-in-law,  received  command  over  troops 
opposed  to  Kaidu  and  Dua  on  the  northwestern  border.  Timur's 
cousin,  Prince  Ananda,  was  made  governor  of  Tangut,  that  region 
west  of  the  Yellow  River.    Bayan  Fentchan  kept  the  ministry. 

Bayan,  the  chief  commander  and  greatest  general  of  Kubilai's 
reign,  died  early  in  1295,  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine  years.  He  and 
Ye  liu  chu  tsai,  Ogotai's  faithful  adviser,  were  renowned  for  lofty 
character  and  justice  beyond  all  men  in  the  history  of  Mongols. 
Both  tried  to  spare  human  blood,  and  both  were  endowed  with 
rare  modesty. 

Only  two  events  of  note  came  to  pass  in  Timur's  time :  a  war 
in  the  regions  which  lie  between  China  and  India,  and  a  war  in  the 
west  against  Kaidu. 

Once  on  the  throne,  Timur  made  peace  with  the  King  of  Ngan 
nan  and  opened  communication  with  India,  which  had  been  stopped 
by  the  war  and  operations  against  Java.  For  several  years  Titiya, 
King  of  Mien  tien  (Burma),  had  failed  to  send  tribute,  and  Timur 
was  preparing  large  forces  against  him  when  Titiya's  son,  Sinho- 
bati,  came  with  both  homage  and  tribute  in  the  name  of  his  father. 
Through  a  patent  Timur  then  declared  Titiya  king,  with  his  son 
Sinhobati  as  successor,  and  gave  to  the  prince  a  square  seal  with  the 
figure  of  a  tiger.  Mongol  generals  on  the  borders  of  Burma 
received  the  command  to  respect  that  vassal  State  and  protect 
commerce  between  it  and  the  Empire. 

Three  years  later  on  Titiya  was  dethroned,  and  then  killed  by 
Asankoye,  his  brother.  His  son  went  to  beg  the  assistance  of 
China.  Timur  sent  this  command  to  Seitchaur,  then  governing 
in  Yun  nan  for  the  Empire :    "  March  into  Mien  tien ;  seize  and 


378 


The  Mongols 


bring  me  Asankoye."  Seitchaur  met  many  checks  and  returned 
to  Yun  nan,  spreading  meanwhile  the  statement  that  he  had 
quelled  all  rebellion,  but  a  number  of  his  officers  were  punished  with 
death  because  they  had  been  bribed  by  the  rebels;  this  had  been 
proven.  The  Emperor  degraded  Seitchaur  and  seized  all  his 
property. 

While  the  war  in  Mien  tien  was  progressing  Timur  learned  that 
Pape  si  fu,  which  lies  west  of  Yun  nan,  had  refused  China's 
calendar,  and  would  not  obey  that  great  Empire.  He  took  the 
advice  of  Li  yu  chin,  whom  he  sent  with  a  force  of  thirty  thousand  to 
bring  all  to  obedience.  This  army  was  reduced  very  soon  to  one 
third  of  its  numbers  by  difficult  marches  and  the  tropical  climate. 
Demands  in  Yun  nan  for  provisions  and  horses  roused  revolt  among 
hill  tribes,  whom  the  Chinese  called  barbarous.  Song  long  tsi, 
a  chief  among  these  people,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  their  forces, 
surrounded  Li  yu  chin,  the  Imperial  commander,  and  would  have 
cut  his  whole  army  to  pieces  had  not  the  viceroy  Hugatchi, 
Timur's  uncle,  marched  very  quickly  from  Yun  nan  and  saved 
him. 

The  Emperor  at  this  juncture  commanded  his  generals  Liu 
kwe  kie  and  Yang  sai  yu  pwa  to  assemble  all  troops  available  in 
Su  chuan,  Yun  nan  and  Hu  kuang  and  advance  to  support  Li  yu 
chin,  who,  pressed  by  Song  long  tsi  most  unsparingly,  was  retreat- 
ing, or  rather,  fleeing  to  a  place  of  protection.  He  had  abandoned 
his  baggage  and  lost  many  warriors. 

The  revolt  spread  now  on  all  sides,  and  many  new  tribes  joined 
it.  Detached  bands  plundered  towns,  and  ravaged  loyal  places „ 
Liu  kwe  kie  held  his  own  till  fresh  men  came  by  swift  marches  to 
strengthen  him ;  with  these  new  forces  and  his  own  he  pushed  into 
the  country  of  the  rebels,  and  defeated  them.  Large  numbers 
were  captured,  and  among  them  Che  tsi  we,  a  woman  who  had  led 
mountain  men  from  the  first  in  that  struggle.  She  was  killed 
without  hesitation  or  pity. 

In  the  North  the  long  war  continued.  The  Imperial  troops  led 
by  Chohaugur,  who  in  1297  succeeded  his  father  Tutuka,  won 
advantages  over  Kaidu  and  Dua,  who  in  their  turn  gained  a  victory, 
thanks  to  neglect  on  the  other  side.  A  division  of  Dua's  army 
attacked  the  cordon  which  stood  against  him  and  his  ally.  This 
cordon  was  of  cavalry  placed  on  a  line  from  southwest  stretching 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


379 


northeastward;  contact  between  the  groups  was  kept  up  by 
couriers.  When  an  enemy  was  sighted  mounted  men  dashed  away 
to  notify  the  next  group.  One  night  the  commanders  of  three 
posts  met  for  a  drinking  feast.  News  came  at  midnight  that 
the  enemy  was  approaching,  but  they  were  too  drunk  to  mount, 
rush  away,  and  give  notice.  Kurguez,  the  general  in  charge,  did 
not  know  of  this  and  marshalled  his  warriors,  six  thousand  in 
number.  The  attack  was  a  fierce  one,  Kurguez  fought  as  best  he 
was  able,  but  waited  in  vain  for  assistance;  he  fled  at  last,  was 
pursued  and  taken  captive.  "  I  am  the  Emperor's  brother-in- 
law,"  said  he.  With  these  words  he  saved  his  life,  for  they  spared 
him.  Timur  had  the  three  men,  who  had  failed  through  their 
drinking,  put  in  irons,  but  the  loss  caused  by  their  feasting  soon 
found  a  recompense.  Wishing,  as  they  said,  to  serve  the  Emperor, 
two  princes,  Yubukur  and  Ulus  Buga,  with  one  general, 
Durduka,  taking  twelve  hundred  men  with  them,  abandoned 
Dua.  These  same  three  had  deserted  the  Empire  in  Kubilai's  day, 
hence  Timur,  distrusting  such  persons,  sent  troops,  who  arrested 
them. 

Ulus  Buga  from  Kara  Kurum  sent  his  men  out  to  pillage  and 
was  seized  for  such  action.  Friends  saved  him,  however,  from 
punishment,  but  Timur  would  not  give  him  employment.  Yubu- 
kur, on  the  contrary,  was  treated  with  kindness  by  the  Emperor. 
Durduka,  who  had  deserted  twice  before,  received  this  time  a 
death  sentence.  He  wept  while  defending  his  action,  and  declared 
in  reply  to  this  sentence,  that  fear  had  forced  him  to  go  from  the 
service  of  Kubilai,  that  he  had  never  raised  arms  against  that  sover- 
eign, that  seeing  Timur  on  the  throne  he  had  persuaded  the  two 
others  who  were  with  him  to  rally  to  the  Emperor,  that  he  had 
brought  back  more  troops  than  he  had  taken,  and  had  brought 
them  to  march  against  Timur's  opponents. 

Timur  pardoned  Durduka  and  sent  him  with  an  army  against 
Dua.  Yubukur  was  permitted  to  go  with  him,  These  two 
men,  who  knew  Dua's  strength  well,  wished  to  win  distinction  by 
crushing  it.  After  his  recent  triumph  Dua  was  marching  home  by 
slow  stages.  He  intended  to  fall  on  the  troops  of  Ananda,  Achiki 
and  Chobai  when  he  came  to  them,  disposed  as  they  were  along 
Tangut  on  the  border  as  far  as  Kara  Kodja  toward  Uigur  regions. 
But  while  Dua's  troops  were  preparing  to  pass  a  certain  river, 


380 


The  Mongols 


Durduka,  coming  up  on  a  sudden,  defeated  them  and  slew  or 
drowned  a  great  number. 

In  1301  Kaidu  was  leading  the  largest  army  that  he  had  ever 
assembled.  With  him  went  Dua  and  forty  princes  descended 
from  his  grandfather  and  from  his  grand-uncle  Jagatai.  Khaishan, 
Timur's  nephew,  who  had  come  a  short  time  before  to  learn  war 
under  Yuetchar  and  Chohaugur,  summoned  promptly  the  five 
army  corps  stationed  in  that  region  and  gave  battle  between  Kara 
Kurum  and  the  Tamir  River.  The  historian  Vassaf  describes 
the  battle  as  resulting  in  victory  for  Kaidu,  who  died  while  his 
troops  were  marching  homeward,  but  this  westward  march  seems 
to  prove  that  the  victory,  if  there  was  one,  could  not  have  been  on 
his  side  decisively. 

Kaidu  had  assumed  the  title  Grand  Khan,  thus  claiming  the 
headship  of  the  Mongols,  which  belonged  to  him  by  the  will  of 
Jinghis,  and  the  solemn  oath  of  the  earliest  Kurultai.  Could  he 
liave  lived  some  years  longer  he  might  have  obtained  the  great 
primacy,  since  after  Timur  the  Mongol  sovereigns  of  China  dete- 
riorated and  became  not  merely  paltry  but  pitiful  and  wretched, 
while  Kaidu  was  a  genius  and  also  a  hero.  He  was  loved  in  the 
West  very  greatly,  and  his  veterans  were  renowned  even  among 
Mongols.  Kaidu  was  exalted  by  his  people  for  magnanimity  and 
kindness.  His  boundless  bravery  and  strength  of  body  roused 
admiration  and  wonder.  He  had  forty  sons  and  one  daughter, 
named  Aiyaruk  (Shining  Moon),  whom  Marco  Polo  states 
was  famous  for  beauty  and  still  more  famous  for  the 
strength  of  her  body;  she  surpassed  every  warrior  of  that 
day,  not  only  among  Mongols,  but  all  surrounding  nations. 
This  young  princess  declared  that  she  would  marry  no  man 
save  him  who  could  conquer  her  in  wrestling.  When  the  time 
came  notice  was  given  to  every  one  that  Kaidu's  only  daughter 
would  marry  the  man  who  could  throw  her  in  wrestling,  but  if  he 
were  thrown  by  the  princess  he  would  lose  a  hundred  horses.  Man 
after  man  came  till  the  princess  had  thrown  a  hundred  suitors  and 
won  ten  thousand  horses.  After  this  hundred  came  the  best  man 
of  all,  a  young  hero  from  a  rich  remote  kingdom,  a  man  who  had 
never  met  an  equal  in  any  land.  He  felt  sure  of  victory,  and 
brought  with  him  a  forfeit  of  not  one  hundred,  but  one  thousand 
horses.    Kaidu  and  the  young  lady's  mother  were  charmed  with 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


381 


this  suitor  when  they  saw  him,  and,  being  the  son  of  a  great  and 
famous  sovereign,  begged  their  daughter  to  yield  in  case  she  were 
winning  in  the  struggle,  but  she  answered :  "I  will  not  yield  unless 
he  can  throw  me.  If  he  throws  me,  I  will  marry  him.,,  A  day 
was  appointed  for  the  meeting,  and  an  immense  audience  came  to 
witness  the  trial.  When  all  the  great  company  was  ready  the  strong 
maid  and  the  young  man  came  into  the  courtyard  and  closed  in 
the  struggle.  They  wrestled  with  great  skill  and  energy  and  it 
seemed  for  a  long  time  that  neither  could  conquer  the  other,  but 
at  last  the  damsel  threw  the  young  hero.  Immense  was  the 
suitor's  confusion  as  he  lay  in  the  courtyard,  but  he  rose  and  hurried 
off  with  all  his  attendants,  leaving  the  one  thousand  horses  behind 
him  as  forfeit. 

Kaidu 's  warriors  mourned  the  death  of  their  ruler  with  loud 
intense  wailing.  Dua,  to  whom  he  had  told  his  last  wishes,  pro- 
posed to  the  princes  who  stood  round  the  bier  of  the  sovereign  to 
choose  as  successor  the  eldest  among  the  dead  man's  forty  sons, 
namely,  Chabar,  who  was  then  absent.  Dua  on  his  part  owed  much 
to  Chabar.  When,  after  the  death  of  Borak,  the  members  of  his 
family  repaired  to  the  court  of  Kaidu,  as  custom  commanded, 
Dua,  though  not  the  eldest  of  Jagatai's  descendants,  obtained  his 
succession  through  the  influence  of  Chabar.  All  present  agreed 
with  Dua,  and  each  of  the  princes  sent  officers  to  attend  Kaidu's 
body  to  its  resting-place. 

Chabar  arrived  very  soon,  and  the  princes,  with  Dua  at  the  head 
of  them,  rendered  him  homage  as  Kaidu 's  successor.  When 
Chabar  was  installed  in  Ogotai's  dominion,  Dua  proposed  to 
acknowledge  overlordship  of  Timur,  grandson  of  Kubilai,  and 
thus  end  the  strife  which  had  raged  for  three  decades  in  Jinghis 
Khan's  family.  This  advice  was  accepted  by  Chabar  and  all 
other  princes,  and  they  sent  envoys  immediately  to  offer  submission. 
This  pledge  of  peace  was  received  with  great  gladness  by  Timur, 
who  now  saw  his  authority  recognized  by  every  member  of  his 
family. 

But  this  agreement  was  short-lived.  In  the  year  following, 
disputes  burst  forth  between  Chabar  and  Dua  which  involved 
the  two  sides  of  Jinghis  Khan's  family.  In  1306,  at  Dua's  persua- 
sion, Timur,  who  was  watchful,  of  course,  and  suspicious,  attacked 
Chabar,  the  son  of  Kaidu  his  recent  opponent.    Chabar  was 


382 


The  Mongols 


deserted  immediately  by  most  of  his  adherents.  He  turned  in 
distress  then  to  Dua  to  support  him.  Dua  treated  his  guest  with 
distinction,  but  took  that  guest's  states  from  him,  and  joined 
Turkistan  to  Transoxiana.  He  thus  reestablished  well-nigh 
in  completeness  the  dominions  of  Jagatai,  which  Kaidu  had  dis- 
membered. 

So  Chabar,  the  successor  of  Kaidu  of  Kuyuk  and  of  Ogotai,  was 
the  last  real  sovereign  descended  from  Ogotai,  son  of  Jinghis ;  that 
Ogotai  to  whom  the  great  conqueror  had  given  supreme  rule  in  the 
world  of  the  Mongols;  Ogotai,  whose  descendants,  despoiled 
by  Batu,  son  of  Juchi,  had  won  for  themselves  immense  regions 
through  the  fruitful  activity  and  genius  of  Kaidu. 

Dua,  son  of  Borak,  died  in  1306 ;  his  son,  Gundjuk,  who  suc- 
ceeded him,  held  power  one  year  and  a  half  only.  After  Gund- 
juk's  death  supreme  power  was  next  captured  by  Taliku,  who 
through  Moatagan  was  descended  from  Jagatai.  Taliku  had 
grown  old  in  combats ;  a  Mohammedan  by  religion,  he  strove  to 
spread  his  belief  among  Mongols. 

Meanwhile  two  princes,  descended  from  Jagatai,  insisted,  weap- 
ons in  hand,  that  the  throne  belonged  by  right  to  a  son  of  Dua; 
these  two  were  vanquished.  Many  others  were  preparing  to 
avenge  the  defeat  which  these  men  had  suffered  when  Taliku  was 
killed  at  a  banquet  by  officers  who  wished  to  raise  a  son  of  their 
former  sovereign,  Dua,  to  dominion.  The  conspirators  then  pro- 
claimed Dua's  youngest  son,  Gebek  (1308).  This  prince  was  barely 
installed  when  Chabar,  leagued  with  other  princes  descended 
from  Kaidu,  attacked  him.  Chabar  being  vanquished  in  this 
struggle,  crossed  the  Hi.  Only  a  few  followers  went  with  him,  and 
he  and  they  found  a  refuge  in  the  lands  of  the  Emperor.  After 
this  victory  over  Chabar,  which  destroyed  every  hope  among 
Ogotai's  descendants,  the  Jagatai  branch  held  a  Kurultai  at  which 
they  chose  Issen  Buga,  a  brother  of  Gebek,  as  their  ruler.  This 
prince,  who  was  then  in  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Khan,  came 
for  the  sovereignty,  which  Gebek  gave  him  with  willingness.  After 
Issen  Buga's  death,  —  we  know  not  when  it  happened,  —  Gebek 
received  power  and  used  it. 

Bloody  quarrels  of  this  kind  brought  ruin  to  Turkistan  regions 
and  to  Transoxiana.  Prosperity  could  not  exist  long  with  such 
sovereigns.    When  the  fruit  of  any  labor  grew  evident  it  was 


Kubilai's  Activity  in  China 


383 


pounced  upon  straightway.  The  whole  life  of  that  land  was 
passed  in  confusion,  bloodshed  and  anarchy. 

Timur,  the  Grand  Khan  at  Ta  tu,  was  forty- two  years  of  age  when 
he  died  in  1307,  after  a  reign  of  thirteen  years.  During  his  last  ill- 
ness a  decree  was  issued  forbidding  the  killing  of  any  animal  for 
forty- two  days ;  still  he  died.  He  was  a  sovereign  well  liked  by 
the  Chinese,  who  praised  his  humanity  and  prudence.  Humane 
he  seems  to  have  been  to  some  extent.  Princes  and  princesses  of 
the  Jinghis  Khan  line  had  held  boundless  power  over  vassals  and 
people  who  served  them  till  Timur  declared  that  no  prince  what- 
ever should  put  to  death  any  one  without  his  confirmation.  He 
founded  an  Imperial  College  at  Ta  tu  and  built  a  magnificent 
palace  in  honor  of  Confucius. 

Before  he  mounted  the  throne  Timur,  like  so  many  men  of  his 
family  and  race,  had  been  an  unrestrained,  boundless  drinker; 
his  grandfather,  Kubilai,  reprimanded  him  frequently  and  basti- 
nadoed him  thrice  for  his  conduct.  At  last  physicians  were  sent 
to  see  that  he  ate  and  drank  within  reason,  but  an  alchemist,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  attend  him  in  the  bathing  house,  filled  his  bath  tub 
with  wine  or  other  liquor  instead  of  water.  Kubilai  heard  of  this 
trick,  and  when  Timur  clung  to  his  favorite,  Kubilai  had  the  man 
exiled  and  then  killed  on  the  journey.  But  Timur,  when  made 
Emperor,  forsook  his  intemperance  and  became  as  abstemious  as 
he  had  been  irrestrainable  aforetime. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


EXPULSION  OF  THE  MONGOLS  FROM  CHINA 

THE  late  Emperor  was  childless.  His  widow,  Bulagan,  who 
toward  the  end  of  her  husband's  reign  had  great  influence, 
wished  to  put  on  the  throne  Ananda,  a  son  of  Mangkala  and  grand- 
son of  Kubilai.  He  was  living  at  that  time  in  Tangut  as  its  vice- 
roy. Tangut  in  those  days  included  Shen  si,  with  Tibet  and  Su 
chuan  also  in  some  part.  While  Timur  lay  on  his  death-bed  Bula- 
gan warned  Ananda  in  secret  to  hasten  to  the  capital.  She  wished 
to  keep  the  throne  from  Khaishan  and  Ayurbali  Batra,  the  two 
sons  of  Chingkin's  son  Tarmabala;  she  had  had  the  mother  of 
these  two  princes  sent  to  Corea  as  an  exile.  Khaishan  was  on  the 
northwestern  border  at  that  time,  commanding  an  army  of  observa- 
tion, and  had  won  high  repute  through  discretion  and  bravery  in 
the  struggle  with  Kaidu.    Batra  was  with  his  mother  in  exile. 

Bulagan,  now  the  regent,  was  sustained  in  supporting  Ananda 
by  Agutai,  the  first  minister,  and  by  others.  She  disposed  troops 
along  the  roads  of  Mongolia  to  hinder  Khaishan  in  reaching 
Tatu.  There  was,  however,  a  party  which  favored  the  sons  of 
Tarmabala.  Karakhass,  who  was  chief  of  this  party,  sent  secretly 
to  hurry  Khaishan  on  his  journey  and  mentioned  the  route  by 
which  he  should  travel  to  avoid  meeting  enemies.  He  urged 
Batra  also  to  be  in  Ta  tu,  and  Batra  did  not  fail  to  come  promptly 
with  his  mother.  Meanwhile  Ananda's  adherents  had  settled  the 
day  on  which  to  instal  him. 

Khaishan 's  party  saw  that  there  was  no  time  for  loitering. 
They  could  not  wait  for  their  candidate ;  he  was  too  far  from  the 
capital.  So  Prince  Tulu  brought  in  a  large  army  corps  which  he 
was  commanding,  and  acted.  Melik  Timur,  a  son  of  Arik  Buga, 
was  one  of  Ananda's  chief  partisans.  He  had  served  in  the  army 
of  Chabar,  had  revolted,  and  then  fled  to  China;  this  Melik  Timur 
384 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  385 


was  put  in  chains,  conveyed  to  Shang  tu,  and  immured  there 
securely.  Agutai  and  other  partisans  of  Ananda  were  arrested  and 
condemned  to  die  for  endeavoring  to  dispose  of  the  throne  arbi- 
trarily, but  the  execution  was  deferred  till  Khaishan's  arrival. 
Bulagan  and  Ananda  were  guarded  in  the  palace.  The  princes 
of  the  blood  asked  Batra  to  proclaim  himself  Emperor,  but  he 
refused,  saying  that  the  throne  belonged  to  his  elder  brother. 
Batra  now  sent  the  seal  of  the  Empire  to  that  brother,  and  took  the 
title  of  regent  till  Khaishan's  arrival,  holding  down  meanwhile 
the  partisans  of  the  Empress. 

Khaishan  hurried  to  Kara  Kurum,  where  he  took  counsel  with 
princes  and  generals.  The  army,  in  which  he  was  a  great  favorite, 
desired  to  proclaim  him  in  the  homeland.  Khaishan  refused  and 
started  for  Shang  tu  with  a  picked  force  thirty  thousand  in  number. 
He  sent  a  message  to  his  mother  and  brother  inviting  them  to 
assist  at  his  installation.  Batra  set  out  at  once  for  Shang  tu, 
where  Khaishan  was  saluted  as  sovereign  by  the  princes  and 
generals  assembled  in  a  Kurultai.  He  took  the  name  Kuluk 
Khan,  raised  his  mother  to  be  Empress  and  gave  his  dead  father 
the  title  of  Emperor.  He  acknowledged  at  the  same  time  the 
services  of  his  brother  by  making  him  heir,  though  he  had  heirs  in 
his  own  sons. 

Khaishan's  first  act  was  to  give  homage  to  his  ancestors  in  the 
temple  devoted  to  their  service.  Next  he  carried  out  the  judgment 
passed  by  Batra  against  the  adherents  of  Ananda.  Ananda  him- 
self, with  Melik  Timur,  his  close  intimate,  and  Bulagan,  the  Em- 
press had  to  die  according  to  sentence.  They  had  broken  the 
laws  of  the  Yassa  by  their  efforts  to  dispose  of  the  throne  without 
winning  consent  from  Jinghis  Khan's  family. 

Khaishan 's  acts  as  a  ruler  were  not  merely  paltry,  they  were 
harmful,  except  this,  that  he  had  one  work  of  Confucius  translated 
into  Mongol,  and  also  many  sacred  texts  of  the  Buddhists.  He 
angered  the  Chinese  by  favoring  Lamas  beyond  measure.  A  law 
was  passed  that  whosoever  struck  a  Lama  his  hand  should  be  cut 
off,  and  whoso  spoke  against  a  Lama  should  have  his  tongue  cut 
out.  Given  to  women  and  wine,  Khaishan  died  at  the  age  of 
thirty-one,  in  the  year  1311.  His  brother  Batra  was  then  pro- 
claimed Emperor,  but  with  the  condition  that  a  son  of  Khaishan 
should  be  his  heir.  The  feast  of  installation  lasted  for  a  week.  At 


386 


The  Mongols 


an  hour  designated  by  astrologers  he  ascended  the  throne  and  was 
saluted  under  the  name  Bayantu.  The  first  act  of  this  sovereign 
was  to  punish  those  ministers  who,  taking  advantage  of  Khaishan's 
incompetence,  had  acquired  wealth  for  themselves  through  injus- 
tice; he  put  to  death  some  of  these,  and  sent  others  to  exile. 

Notwithstanding  an  ordinance  made  by  Kubilai,  examinations  of 
scholars  had  not  been  reestablished.  Bayantu  brought  them 
now  into  use,  thus  winning  good  will  from  the  learned.  He  pro- 
hibited the  employment  of  eunuchs  in  every  office,  though  he 
infringed  his  own  law  the  year  following  (1315),  by  making  a 
eunuch  Grand  Mandarin.  Bayantu  was  himself  a  scholar  and 
encouraged  learned  men.  Among  many  who  are  mentioned  as 
being  guests  at  his  court  is  Chahan,  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
scholars  of  his  time. 

Now  comes  the  great  cause,  and  beginning  of  ruin  for  the  ruling 
line  of  the  Mongols  in  China :  the  struggle  among  members  of  that 
line  for  dominion.  Though  Bayantu  was  made  heir  on  condition 
that  he  appoint  to  that  dignity  one  of  his  nephews,  he  removed 
his  nephew,  Kushala,  the  eldest  son  of  Kuluk  Khan  (Kaishan) 
the  late  Emperor,  and  sent  him  to  live  in  Yun  nan  as  its  governor. 
The  officers  of  Kushala's  household  looked  upon  this  as  exile, 
and  in  crossing  Shen  si  they  persuaded  many  Mongol  com- 
manders in  those  parts  to  take  arms  in  Kushala's  favor.  But 
when  Kushala  saw  himself  abandoned  soon  after  by  those  very 
officers,  he  fled  to  the  Altai  for  refuge  among  the  Khans  of  Jagatai. 
Thereupon  the  Emperor  appointed  as  heir  his  own  son  Shudi 
Bala. 

Bayantu  died  in  February,  1320,  his  age  being  somewhat  beyond 
thirty  years. 

His  first  minister  was  a  Mongol  named  Temudar,  who  made 
himself  odious  by  countless  deeds  of  injustice.  Accused  by  the 
censors  of  the  Empire,  he  was  driven  from  office,  and  given  a  death 
sentence,  but  the  Empress  delayed  the  execution.  While  the  case 
was  still  pending  Bayantu  died,  and  the  Empress  reinstated  her 
favorite  in  all  former  dignities.  Shudi  Bala,  or  Gheghen  Khan, 
the  new  Emperor,  mourned  sincerely  for  his  father,  fasted  long  and 
gave  large  sums  in  charity.  Through  regard  for  his  mother  he 
did  not  act  against  Temudar,  but  he  gave  his  confidence  to  Baidju, 
a  descendant  of  Mukuli,  Jinghis  Khan's  great  commander.  Te- 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  387 


mudar  took  revenge  on  many  of  his  enemies,  but  after  his  death 
which  took  place  in  1322  a  host  of  accusers  attacked  this  oppressor. 
Fear  restrained  them  no  longer,  hence  they  called  loudly  for  jus- 
tice and  obtained  it  as  far  as  was  possible  at  that  time.  The 
Emperor  degraded  the  dead  minister  by  cancelling  his  titles,  des- 
troying his  tomb,  and  seizing  his  property.  Those  who  had  shared 
in  Temudar's  crimes,  among  others  his  adopted  son  Tekchi, 
formed  a  plan  to  assassinate  Shudi  Bala  and  Baidju,  his  first 
minister,  and  give  the  throne  then  to  Yissun  Timur,  a  son  of 
Kamala,  brother  of  Kuluk  Khan. 

Tekchi,  being  military  inspector,  had  immense  power  in  the 
army,  and  he  sent  off  in  secret  to  Yissun  Timur,  who  was  then  at 
the  Tula,  an  officer  named  Walus.  This  man  bore  a  letter  with 
sixteen  names  affixed  to  it.  In  this  letter  the  plan  was  explained, 
and  Yissun  invited  to  be  Emperor.  The  prince  had  Walus  arrested 
and  sent  at  once  an  account  to  the  Emperor  of  the  plot  against  his 
person.  The  couriers  were  late  in  arriving.  The  conspirators, 
fearing  lest  the  plot  be  discovered,  resolved  to  finish  all  without 
waiting  for  an  answer.  Shudi  Bala  had  set  out  from  Shang  tu,  his 
summer  residence,  for  Ta  tu,  the  chief  capital,  and  while  he  was 
spending  the  night  at  Nanpo,  the  conspirators  killed  Baidju  in  his 
tent  to  begin  with,  and  then  forced  the  guard  of  the  Emperor's 
pavilion.  Tekchi  himself  slew  his  sovereign.  Shudi  Bala  was  only 
twenty-one  years  of  age  when  his  death  came.  This  was  the  first 
death  by  assassination  that  there  had  ever  been  in  the  Imperial  fam- 
ily of  the  Mongols.  Two  princes,  Antai  Buga  and  Yesien  Timur, 
seized  the  great  seal,  with  other  insignia  of  dominion,  and  bore 
them  to  Yissun  Timur,  son  of  Kamala,  who  proclaimed  himself 
Emperor  at  the  Kerulon  River,  and  granted  a  pardon  to  all  men. 

At  first  he  intended  to  place  at  the  head  of  affairs  those  who  had 
brought  him  dominion  through  their  murders;  but  when  ex- 
perienced advisers  explained  to  the  new  sovereign  clearly  that  if 
this  were  done  the  whole  nation  might  suspect  him  of  complicity, 
he  had  Yesien  Timur  with  two  other  conspirators  arrested  and 
executed  in  the  place  where  the  Emperor  and  his  minister  had 
been  murdered.  He  then  sent  two  officers  bearing  an  order  to 
put  to  death  Tekchi  with  his  accomplices,  also  their  families,  and 
then  to  confiscate  their  property. 

Sonan,  son  of  Temudar,  h^d  been  condemned  simply  to  exile, 


388 


The  Mongols 


but  when  the  ministers  remarked  that  he  had  cut  off  Baidju's 
shoulder  with  a  sabre  stroke,  Sonan  suffered  death  with  the  others. 
Those  princes  of  the  blood  who  had  joined  the  conspiracy  were 
sent  to  various  places  of  exile. 

Yissun  Timur  entered  T  tu  in  December,  1323,  and  early  the 
following  year  he  pppointed  as  heir  his  son  Asukeba.  This  paltry 
monarch  did  nothing  of  note  while  in  power,  and  died  when  thirty- 
six  years  of  age.  Though  Asukeba,  who  was  eldest  among  the 
four  sons  of  the  Emperor,  was  heir  by  appointment,  his  right  to 
the  Empire  was  challenged.  It  will  be  remembered  that  when 
Bayantu  had  succeeded  Kuluk  Khan  he  did  so  on  condition  that 
he  make  a  son  of  the  latter  his  heir.  Instead  of  doing  that  he 
kept  the  place  for  his  own  son  and  removed  to  a  distance  Kuluk's 
sons,  Tob  Timur  and  Kushala.  When  the  conspiracy  against 
Shudi  Bala,  or  Gheghen  Khan,  had  succeeded,  the  second  of 
Kuluk's  sons  was  in  Southern  China,  the  first  in  the  west  far 
beyond  the  Altai. 

It  was  easy  for  Yissun  Timur  to  seize  power  in  their  absence, 
and  he  did  so.  Five  years  later  he  died  in  Shang  tu,  where  he  had 
gone  to  pass  the  summer. 

The  Empress  now  sent  Upetala,  a  minister  of  State,  to  Ta  tu  to 
seize  each  department  seal.  Her  son  Asukeba,  at  that  time  nine 
years  of  age,  had  been  declared  heir  when  in  his  fifth  year,  but 
Yang  Timur,  governor  of  the  capital,  was  the  chief  of  a  party  which 
wished  a  son  of  Kuluk  Khan  to  be  Emperor.  Yang  Timur,  son 
of  Choahugur,  was  distinguished  as  a  warrior,  while  his  position 
was  strengthened  by  the  fame  of  his  father  and  grandfather. 
Raised  to  high  dignities  through  Kuluk  Khan,  by  whom  he  was 
favored,  this  governor  felt  himself  bound  to  the  sons  of  that  Em- 
peror by  gratitude,  as  well  as  self-interest.  When  setting  out  for 
Shang  tu  some  months  earlier  Yissun  Timur  had  given  him  power 
in  the  capital.  Yang  Timur  now  summoned  high  officials  to  the 
palace  and  proposed  the  elevation  of  one  of  Kuluk's  sons  to  Em- 
pire, threatening  with  death  all  who  showed  opposition.  After 
this  declaration  he  arrested  Upetala,  and  other  high  functionaries ; 
these  men  he  replaced  by  others  in  whom  he  had  confidence. 
The  troops,  who  had  no  knowledge  yet  of  his  intentions,  were 
ordered  to  kneel,  looking  southward,  and  touch  the  earth  with 
their  foreheads.    This  was  to  indicate  that  through  them  Yang 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  389 


Timur  had  proclaimed  Tob  Timur  Emperor.  That  prince  was 
then  in  Nan  king.  The  minister  had  urged  him  to  hasten,  and  now 
announced  his  early  arrival. 

Three  descendants  of  Jinghis  with  fourteen  high  officials  con- 
spired to  slay  the  first  minister  for  his  unparalleled  daring.  Yang 
Timur,  learning  of  their  plot,  seized  the  seventeen  and  put  to  death 
every  man  of  them. 

Meanwhile  the  Empress  had  Asukeba  proclaimed  at  Shang  tu, 
and  chose  Prince  Wan  tsin,  a  grandson  of  Kamala,  as  first  minister. 
She  chose  as  commander  of  the  army  Tache  Timur,  a  son  of  the 
minister  Toto,  a  Kankali,  and  gave  him  the  word  to  attack  Yang 
Timur,  who  was  trying  to  cut  off  Shang  tu  by  seizing  other  places 
of  importance. 

Tob  Timur  appeared  now  in  Ta  tu,  assumed  power  and  made 
appointments  to  office.  He  put  to  death  Upetala,  the  minister, 
and  sent  Toto  to  exile  with  other  persons  whom  Yang  Timur  had 
imprisoned.  The  governor  urged  the  prince  to  proclaim  himself 
Emperor,  but  he  insisted  that  power  belonged  by  right  to  his 
elder  brother,  Kushala,  who  besides  had  more  merit  because  of 
his  services.  At  last,  however,  he  agreed  to  the  installation,  and 
promised  to  act  till  the  coming  of  Kushala,  but  he  declared  that  he 
would  yield  up  the  throne  on  his  arrival. 

The  Empire  once  established,  Yang  Timur  marched  toward 
Liao  tung  to  meet  an  army  moving  in  the  interest  of  Asukeba, 
but  learning  that  Wan  tsin  had  seized  a  fortress  on  the  way  from 
Shang  tu  to  the  capital,  he  wheeled  about  quickly,  fell  on  Wan  tsin, 
and  forced  him  to  retreat  toward  Mongolia.  Other  generals  in 
the  interior  declared  for  Asukeba.  Temuku  advanced  from  the 
south  on  Honan  with  considerable  forces,  while  Prince  Kokohoa, 
leading  troops  from  Shen  si,  took  possession  of  Tung  Kwan,  the 
great  fortress.  Yessen  Timur  proclaimed  Asukeba  in  that  same 
province,  and  advanced  on  the  capital.  Yang  Timur  faced  all 
these  enemies  and  conquered.  He  met  Yessen  Timur  when  four 
leagues  from  Ta  tu  and  vanquished  his  army  completely. 

Buka  Timur,  uncle  of  Yang  Timur  and  commander-in-chief 
of  all  forces  at  the  Liao  tung  border,  on  hearing  of  Tob  Timur's 
accession  invited  Prince  Yuelu  Timur  to  join  forces  and  march  on 
Shang  tu  with  him.  Tao  la  chu,  who  commanded  at  the  summer 
palace,  sallied  forth  repeatedly  with  partisans  of  Asukeba,  to  battle 


390 


The  Mongols 


with  besiegers,  but  reduced  finally,  he  yielded.  He  surrendered 
the  seal  of  the  Empire  and  gave  up  also  the  rich  jewels  belonging 
to  Asukeba.  The  young  Emperor  died  shortly  after,  no  one  knows 
in  what  manner.  Temuku,  the  Liao  tung  governor,  was  killed 
during  battle,  weapons  in  hand.  Yuelu  Timur,  now  master  of 
Shang  tu,  and  possessing  the  seal  of  dominion,  conducted  the 
Empress  mother  to  the  capital.  The  minister  Tao  la  chu  traveled 
with  her.  Yessen  Timur  and  many  other  titled  prisoners  went  also. 
The  Empress  was  exiled  to  a  place  in  Pe  che  li,  and  Tao  la  chu, 
Wan  tsin,  Yessen  Timur  and  other  lords  of  their  party  suffered 
death  at  the  capital. 

News  of  this  tragedy  at  Shang  tu  spread  soon  throughout  China, 
and  caused  the  partisans  of  Asukeba  to  cease  all  resistance. 

Tob  Timur  sent  officers  now  to  Kushala  beyond  the  Gobi 
desert,  to  declare  what  had  happened  and  urge  him  to  hasten. 
Kushala,  as  if  distrusting  his  brother,  and  feeling  that  danger  was 
before  him,  advanced  very  slowly,  but  when  near  the  Mongol 
capital  he  proclaimed  himself  sovereign.  Tob  Timur  sent  his 
first  minister  to  Kara  Kurum  to  Kushala  with  the  great  seal  of 
State,  as  well  as  the  robes  and  regalia  of  Empire.  Kushala  was 
courteous  and  genial  in  meeting  his  brother's  first  minister,  and 
charged  him  at  parting  to  tell  Tob  Timur  that  he  would  confirm 
his  appointments.  At  the  same  time  the  new  Emperor  named 
his  own  ministers,  and  sent  one  of  them  to  inform  Tob  Timur 
that  the  throne  was  made  his  in  succession. 

Tob  Timur  and  his  first  minister  set  out  for  Shang  tu  now  with- 
out loitering,  and  met  the  new  sovereign  a  little  north  of  the  city. 
That  same  evening,  while  at  a  feast,  Kushala  became  ill  on  a  sud- 
den and  died  some  days  later  (1329).  A  report  went  abroad  that 
he  had  been  poisoned ;  suspicion  touched  Yang  Timur,  the  first 
minister.  Kushala  was  thirty  years  old  when  he  died,  and  was 
entitled  Ming  tsong  in  Chinese. 

Eight  days  after  the  death  of  Kushala,  Tob  Timur  was  made 
Emperor  the  second  time. 

Tob  Timur's  reign,  however,  was  brief,  and  during  his  day 
nothing  happened  of  importance,  except  the  personal  plotting  and 
treason  of  Tukien,  a  prince  of  the  blood,  and  governor  in  the  Yun 
nan  province,  who  in  1330  took  the  title  of  King  of  Yun  nan, 
and  revolted.    He  was  put  down  by  force  the  year  following  this 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  391 


action,  1331.  Like  Yissun  Timur  and  Kuluk,  who  preceded  him, 
Tob  Timur  favored  Buddhism  greatly.  He  appointed  large  sums 
to  build  temples,  and  brought  from  Uigur  regions  a  renowned 
Lama,  Nien  chin  kilas,  whom  he  called  "  Instructor  of  the  Em- 
peror." Tob  Timur  commanded  the  highest  personages  to  ad- 
vance to  meet  this  great  Lama.  All  persons  whom  he  addressed 
bent  the  knee  to  him,  by  order,  and  served  wine  to  the  Lama, 
who  received  it  without  any  answering  civility.  Shocked  at  his 
haughtiness,  the  chief  of  the  great  Chinese  college  in  presenting 
wine  spoke  thus  to  him :  "  You  are  a  follower  of  Buddha  and 
chief  of  all  the  Ho  Chang.  I  am  a  follower  of  Confucius,  and 
chief  of  all  scholars.  Confucius  is  not  less  illustrious  than  Buddha, 
and  there  is  no  need  of  this  ceremony  between  us."  The  Lama 
smiled,  rose  and  received  as  he  stood  there  the  cup  which  the  chief 
held  before  him.  Notwithstanding  these  marks  of  the  Emperor's 
favor  Lamas  and  Uigurs  conspired  with  powerful  Mongols  to  put 
on  the  throne  Yuelu  Timur,  a  son  of  Ananda.  The  plot  was 
discovered  and  the  conspirators  died  for  their  treason.  Yuelu 
Timur  died  with  the  others. 

The  Emperor  was  anxious  to  please  learned  men  and  thus  win 
the  Chinese;  hence  he  decreed  new  honors  to  the  father  and 
mother  of  Confucius,  as  well  as  to  some  of  his  disciples.  Having 
ordered  the  college  of  Han  lin,  in  which  were  found  tne  best 
scholars  of  the  Empire,  to  describe  Mongol  history  and  manners, 
he  visited  that  body  one  day,  and  conferred  long  on  history;  he 
commanded  to  bring  then  the  memoirs  of  his  own  reign.  The 
officers  of  his  suite  went  to  bring  them.  No  opposition  was  offered 
till  Liu  sse  ching,  a  subaltern  in  the  college,  fell  at  Tob  Timur's 
feet  and  explained  that  that  tribunal  was  bound  in  all  sacredness 
to  write  down  exactly  the  good  and  bad  deeds  of  Emperors,  princes 
and  great  men,  and  write  them  down  without  favor,  that  these 
records  were  not  to  be  seen  by  any  one  save  high  officials  of  the 
College  of  Historians  until  after  the  death  of  the  Emperor.  Dur- 
ing time  immemorial  no  sovereign  had  violated  the  annals  of  his 
dynasty,  much  less  those  of  his  own  reign,  and  he  hoped  that  the 
Emperor  would  not  be  the  first  to  infringe  on  this  sacred  and  long 
honored  usage.  Tob  Timur  yielded,  and  even  praised  the  official 
for  his  courage  and  honesty. 

Occupied  with  his  own  pleasures  mainly,  and  leaving  State  cares 


392 


The  Mongols 


to  his  minister,  Tob  Timur  became  a  nonentity.  He  died 
in  1332  at  Shang  tu,  being  twenty-nine  years  of  age  when  his  life 
ended. 

Though  the  throne  had  been  appointed  to  a  son  of  Kushala, 
Yang  Timur  proposed  to  the  Empress  Putacheli  to  inaugurate 
a  son  of  the  late  Emperor.  Tob  Timur  had  so  loved  the  first 
minister  that  he  gave  him  his  one  son  to  educate,  bestowing  on  the 
youth  the  new  name  Yang  Tekus,  and  took  Targai,  the  minister's 
son,  to  be  reared  in  the  palace.  The  Empress  wished  to  enthrone  a 
boy  of  seven  years,  Ylechebe,  second  son  of  Kushala,  who  had 
been  named  heir  by  the  late  sovereign.  She  had  this  boy  pro- 
claimed, and  then  became  regent,  but  the  health  of  Ylechebe  was 
feeble,  and  he  died  some  months  afterward.  The  Chinese  name 
Ning  tsong  was  bestowed  on  him. 

Yang  Timur  now  made  fresh  efforts  in  favor  of  Yang  Tekus, 
but  the  Empress  objected  that  this  prince  was  too  young;  Tob 
Timur,  she  declared,  had  promised  Kushala  to  leave  the  throne  to 
a  son  of  his,  and  she  informed  the  ex-minister  that  she  had  sent  an 
officer  to  visit  Kuang  si  and  bring  Togan  Timur,  Kushala's  eldest 
son,  to  Ta  tu  at  the  earliest. 

The  prince  was  thirteen  years  of  age  at  that  period.  At  the 
beginning  of  Tob  Timur 's  reign,  Putacheli  had  put  to  death  the 
Empress  Papucha,  wife  of  Kushala,  and  sent  her  son,  Togan 
Timur,  to  an  island  off  the  coast  of  Corea  with  the  command  to 
let  no  man  whatever  approach  him.  When  a  year  had  passed  the 
report  ran  that  Togan  Timur  had  been  exiled  because  he  was  the 
true  and  rightful  heir  to  the  Empire.  Tob  Timur  declared  in 
reply,  that  Kushala  had  had  no  children  in  Mongolia,  hence  Togan 
Timur  was  no  son  of  his.  But  he  brought  the  boy  back  and  sent 
him  to  live  at  Kuang  si  in  South  China 

When  Togan  Timur  was  some  leagues  from  the  capital,  Yang 
Timur,  with  princes  and  persons  of  distinction,  set  out  to  meet 
him.  But,  little  satisfied  with  the  reception  given  him  by  Togan 
and  the  persons  accompanying  him,  Yang  Timur  delayed  the 
enthronement.  The  coming  Emperor  saw  his  fault,  and  tried  to 
repair  it  by  marrying  Peyao,  Yang  Timur's  daughter.  While 
discussing  this  matter,  and  settling  its  details,  death  struck  the 
minister.  Since  Tob  Timur's  advent  to  authority  this  minister 
had  been  all-powerful ;  no  person  or  combination  of  persons  how- 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  393 


ever  mighty  had  been  able  to  successfully  oppose  him ;  he  had  done 
what  he  wished  in  all  cases;  he  had  forced  the  widow  of  Yissun 
Timur,  an  Empress,  to  marry  him,  and  had  dared  to  take  forty 
princesses  descended  from  Jinghis,  the  great  Vonqueror,  and 
make  them  his  concubines ;  some  of  them  he  retained  for  three 
days  only.  His  death,  hastened  by  incontinence  and  drink,  assured 
the  throne  to  the  son  of  Kushala.  The  Empress  published  the 
last  will  of  the  late  Emperor,  and  Togan  Timur  was  made  sovereign 
immediately,  with  the  promise  to  demand  of  the  Empress  that 
Yang  Tekus,  her  son,  would  succeed  him. 

The  new  Emperor's  bent  was  toward  luxury  and  pleasure,  and 
he  did  nothing  of  service  to  any  one.  Peyen  became  minister,  and 
Satun  chief  commander  of  the  army.  Satun,  Yang  Timur's  eldest 
brother,  died  soon  after  he  had  entered  on  his  office,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Tang  Kichi,  the  eldest  son  of  that  renowned  minister, 
and  therefore  brother  of  Peyao,  the  young  Empress.  Togan 
Timur,  wishing  now  to  win  Yang  Timur's  powerful  family,  had 
raised  Peyao  to  the  highest  rank  possible  to  a  woman.  Tang 
Kichi,  fiery  and  envious  by  nature,  was  enraged  at  seeing  Peyen 
decide  by  himself  the  highest  questions,  hence  he  formed  a  plot  to 
raise  to  the  throne  Hoan  ho  Timur,  a  grandson  of  Mangu  the 
Emperor  and  a  son  of  Shireki. 

The  conspirators,  among  whom  with  Tang  Kichi  were  Targai,  his 
brother,  and  Talientali,  Tang  Kichi 's  uncle,  planned  to  secrete  troops 
and  seize  the  Shang  tu  summer  palace.  Peyen,  informed  of  this  plot 
by  a  prince  of  the  blood,  gave  command  to  arrest  Tang  Kichi  and 
Targai  in  the  palace.  Tang  Kichi,  who  strove  to  defend  himself, 
was  cut  down  and  killed  where  they  found  him.  Targai  fled  to 
the  apartment  ot  his  sister,  the  Empress,  who  tried  to  conceal  him 
with  her  garments ;  but  she  failed  for  the  men  hunting  Targai  cared 
not  for  her  modesty,  hence  he  was  discovered  and  sabred  to  death 
in  her  presence.  Peyao  herself  fared  no  better,  for  Peyen  obtained 
from  the  Emperor  an  order  to  kill  her,  and  charged  himself  with 
the  office  of  headsman. 

When  Peyao  saw  him  enter  her  apartments  she  divined  what  he 
wanted,  and  rushing  to  the  Emperor's  chamber,  begged  life  of 
him.  Little  touched  by  the  tears  of  his  consort,  Togan  Timur 
replied  very  coolly  that  her  uncle  and  her  brothers  had  plotted 
against  him,  and  he  would  do  nothing  to  save  her.  She  was  taken 


394 


The  Mongols 


from  the  palace  to  some  house  where  Peyen  himself  killed  her. 
Talientali  defended  his  life  arms  in  hand  till  he  fled  to  Hoan  ho 
Timur's  mansion,  where  the  blood  hunters  slew  him.  Hoan  ho  was 
forced  to  raise  hands  on  himself,  and  be  his  own  executioner. 
Thus  the  great  family  of  Yang  Timur,  the  late  minister,  was 
extinguished. 

Emperors  of  a  day,  palace  tragedies,  murders,  civil  war,  and 
weakness  roused  up  the  Chinese  at  last,  and  they  began  to  cast  off 
the  Mongol  yoke.  Revolts  broke  out  in  Honan,  Su  chuan,  and 
Kuang  tung  simultaneously ;  they  were  stifled  at  the  very  inception. 
The  Mongol  court  became  thoroughly  suspicious  of  the  Chinese  „ 
In  1336  it  prohibited  them  from  having  horses  and  arms  and  for- 
bade them  to  use  the  language  of  the  Mongols,  their  masters. 

Peyen,  the  all-powerful  minister,  had  reached  now  the  acme  of 
his  influence,  and  was  approaching  his  ruin  and  his  doom.  This 
man  had  the  boldness  to  put  to  death  without  the  Emperor's 
knowledge  a  prince  of  the  blood  of  Jinghis,  and  to  exile  two  others. 
Ambitious  and  merciless,  greedy  and  insolent  to  the  utmost,  he  had 
drawn  to  his  person  the  hatred  of  all  save  the  Emperor  and  his 
own  tools  and  creatures.  Togan  Timur  knew  nothing  whatever  of 
Peyen 's  activity,  being  guarded  most  strictly  by  that  minister's 
servants,  who  owed  all  they  had  to  their  master.  The  blow  came 
in  1340  from  Peyen 's  own  nephew,  Toktagha.  This  man,  a  mere 
officer  of  the  guards,  undertook  to  explain  to  the  Emperor  the 
real  condition  of  the  country  and  succeeded.  Measures  taken  in 
secret  secured  Peyen's  downfall.  The  moment  was  chosen  when 
the  minister  was  absent  on  a  hunting  trip;  when  he  returned  he 
was  not  permitted  to  reenter  the  capital.  He  was  driven  to  an 
exile  in  South  China,  and  died,  as  exiles  usually  died,  while  on 
the  way.    His  brother,  Machartai,  took  his  place  as  first  minister. 

This  same  year,  1340,  the  Emperor  removed  from  the  hall  of 
Imperial  ancestors  Tob  Timur's  tablet,  and  excluded  from  his 
court  the  Empress  widow.  He  exiled  also,  to  Corea,  Yang  Tekus, 
treated  as  heir  up  to  that  time.  This  action  was  explained  by  an 
edict  which  was  worded  thuswise  in  substance :  "At  the  death 
of  Kuluk  Khan  the  Empress,  yielding  to  intrigues,  excluded  from 
court  Kushala  Khan,  my  own  father,  and  made  him  prince  of 
Yun  nan  to  be  rid  of  him.  When  Shudi  Bala  (Gheghen  Khan) 
was  slain,  the  throne  was  given  to  Kushala,  who  for  safety  had 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  395 


withdrawn  beyond  the  Gobi  desert.  While  my  father  was  return- 
ing rule  was  tendered  Tob  Timur,  who  accepted  on  condition  of 
yielding  to  Kushala  on  the  latter 's  arrival.  Meanwhile  he  sent  the 
seal  of  Empire  to  the  coming  Emperor,  who  was  journeying  toward 
his  capital.  My  father,  to  reward  his  brother's  apparent  zeal, 
appointed  him  successor.  In  pay  for  this  Tob  Timur  and  his 
adherents  went  to  meet  the  Emperor,  and  caused  his  death,  while 
showing  him  great  marks  of  kindness.  Then  my  uncle  took  the 
throne  a  second  time.  False  to  the  word  which  he  had  given  my 
father,  he  appointed  his  own  son  successor.  He  put  to  death  the 
Empress  Papucha,  and  sent  me  as  an  exile  to  distant  regions.  He 
even  tried  to  prove  that  I  was  not  Kushala's  son.  Heaven  punished 
well  this  man  for  so  many  offenses  by  taking  his  life  from  him. 
Putacheli,  through  abuse  of  authority,  placed  on  the  throne  to 
my  prejudice  a  child  of  seven  years,  my  own  brother.  When  he 
died  the  great  men  and  princes  gave  me  that  dominion  which  was 
due  me  as  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor  Kushala.  My  first  care  has 
been  to  purge  the  court  of  those  intriguers,  who  breathe  only  murder 
and  dissensions.  Filled  with  gratitude  for  Heaven's  favor  I  cannot 
uphold  those  whom  its  justice  has  abandoned.  Let  the  right 
tribunal  repair  to  the  hall  of  Imperial  ancestors  and  remove  thence 
Tob  Timur 's  tablet;  let  Putacheli  be  deprived  of  her  title  and 
appanage  of  an  Empress,  and  be  conveyed  to  Tong  ngan  chiu; 
let  Yang  Tekus  go  to  Corea  as  an  exile ;  let  all  others  who  have 
shared  this  mystery  of  crime  and  are  still  living  get  the  punishment 
befitting  their  offenses." 

Yang  Tekus  was  sent  to  Corea  under  Yue  Kusar,  a  mandarin, 
who  took  his  life  on  the  journey.  Putacheli  was  sent  to  the  exile 
appointed,  and  died  there  soon  after.  Fearing  lest  people  might 
impute  these  cruel  acts  to  his  counsels,  Machartai  the  minister, 
who  disapproved  them,  resigned,  and  his  place  was  taken  by 
Toktagha,  his  son,  and  by  Timur  Buga. 

At  this  time  were  completed  annals  of  the  Liao,  the  Kin,  and 
the  Sung  dynasties.  Kubilai  at  beginning  his  reign  had  com- 
manded to  write  memoirs  of  the  first  and  second  of  these  dynasties, 
the  memoirs  being  officially  established,  and  after  its  fall  memoirs 
of  the  Sung  dynasty  also.  He  wished  too  that  the  data  on  which 
they  were  founded  should  form  a  part  of  those  annals.  These  labors, 
neglected,  notwithstanding  his  orders  and  those  of  his  immediate 


396 


The  Mongols 


successors,  were  but  slightly  advanced  when  Togan  Timur  became 
Emperor.  To  finish  them  he  established,  under  Toktagha,  a  com- 
mission of  the  most  eminent  scholars  in  the  Empire.  These  men 
produced  annals  of  those  three  dynasties.  Besides  there  were  in 
these  works  calendars ;  methods  of  astronomical  research ;  lists  of 
great  men  and  their  biographies;  lists  of  books  published  by 
scholars ;  and  in  the  Sung  history  a  library  of  books  on  all  subjects. 
There  were  also  statistics  touching  several  foreign  countries,  and 
detailed  description  of  States  paying  tribute  to  the  dynasties. 

At  the  end  of  three  years  Toktagha,  disgusted  with  court  life, 
retired  from  office.  When  consulted  about  a  successor  he  recom- 
mended Alutu,  a  descendant  in  the  fourth  generation  from  Boorchu, 
the  first  man  of  Jinghis  Khan's  comrades  and  one  of  his  four 
bravest  warriors.  Alutu  when  in  office  exiled  Machartai  and 
Toktagha.  In  1347  his  place  was  taken  by  Pierkie  Buga,  son  of 
the  minister  Agutai,  who  had  been  put  to  death  by  Kuluk  Khan's 
order.  This  last  man  held  the  place  only  a  few  months.  Turchi, 
his  successor,  demanded  as  colleague  Tai  ping  who  obtained  the 
recall  of  Toktagha,  whose  father,  Machartai,  had  died  while  in 
exile.  Toktagha  was  not  slow  in  regaining  the  Emperor's  favor, 
which  he  made  use  of  to  send  Tai  ping  of  whom  he  was  jealous 
into  exile. 

All  this  time  the  insurrection  was  spreading  rapidly  in  Southern 
China.  In  1341  two  private  persons  had  raised  troops  in  Hu  kuang, 
and  seized  many  cities.  Discontent  had  grown  rife  in  Shan  tung, 
while  robber  bands  ravaged  other  regions.  A  pirate  chief,  Fang 
kwe  chin,  harried  the  coasts  of  Che  kiang  and  Kiang  nan.  This 
man  sailed  up  southern  rivers,  plundered  cities,  and  ruined  com- 
merce, turning  specially  to  vessels  filled  with  grain,  rice  and  various 
provisions  intended  for  the  capital.  The  Mongols  seemed  to 
disregard  these  the  earliest  attacks,  and  disorders  increased  very 
rapidly.  Those  who  raised  them  made  use  of  the  great  public 
works  undertaken  in  1351  by  the  government. 

The  damage  wrought  by  Hoang  Ho  floods  caused  the  plan  of 
opening  a  new  bed  for  a  part  of  the  river.  An  embankment 
eighty  leagues  long  was  undertaken.  More  than  seventy  thousand 
men  were  employed  at  this  labor,  either  warriors,  or  men  who 
lived  on  both  banks  of  the  river,  or  near  them.  The  insurgents 
enrolled  some  impressed  laborers,  as  well  as  men  whose  lands  had 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  397 


been  taken  for  the  new  river  bed,  and  who  were  to  find  land  in 
other  places.  Fresh  taxes  imposed  to  carry  out  those  works  in- 
creased dissatisfaction. 

Han  chan  tong,  an  obscure  private  person,  seeing  the  ferment  of 
minds,  raised  the  report  that  Fohi  (Buddha)  had  now  appeared  to 
deliver  the  Chinese  from  Mongol  oppression.  He  roused  rebellion 
in  Honan,  Kiang  nan,  and  Shan  tung,  but  the  chief  leaders,  know- 
ing that  this  story  would  not  be  accepted  unless  strengthened,  gave 
out  to  the  world  that  Han  chan  tong  was  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  and 
eighth  in  descent  from  Hwei  tsung.  They  took  an  oath  to  him,  sac- 
rificing a  black  bull,  and  a  white  stallion.  They  chose  then  a  red 
cap  as  ensign.  This  pretender  to  Sung  blood  had  very  poor  for- 
tune, however.  Attacked  by  the  Mongols,  he  was  captured  and 
killed  by  them,  but  his  wife,  and  his  son,  Han  lin  ulh,  fled  and  con- 
tinued the  struggle. 

The  first  reverse  did  not  cast  down  those  rebels.  Their  principal 
chief,  Liau  fu  tong,  captured  cities  in  Kiang  nan  and  passed  over 
then  to  Honan  with  a  numerous  army.  Other  chiefs  enrolled 
malcontents  in  Kiang  nan  and  Hu  kuang  and  gave  them  the  red 
cap  as  ensign.  One  rebel  chief,  Siu  chiu  hwei,  was  proclaimed 
Emperor  at  Ki  chiu,  a  city  in  Hu  kuang,  and  he  gave  the  title 
Tien  wan  to  the  dynasty  which  he  was  seeking  to  establish. 

After  a  feeble  resistance  the  Mongols  abandoned  the  whole 
Yang  tse  region.  A  comet  appeared  now,  and  a  report  was  spread 
widely  by  the  rebels  that  this  heralded  Togan  Timur's  early  down- 
fall. The  Mongol  Government  to  conciliate  men  who  had  the 
most  influence  over  people  admitted  to  offices  of  all  kinds  those 
Chinese  scholars  in  the  south,  who  till  then  had  been  able  to  act 
only  in  matters  touching  literature  and  commerce,  and  were 
wholly  unfitted  for  military  command. 

The  government  despatched  to  Honan  an  army  commanded  by 
YessenTimur,  a  brother  of  Toktagha,  the  prime  minister,  and 
exiled  to  the  distant  north  Yng  kwe,  a  true  descendant  of  the  Sung 
family,  with  an  order  not  to  let  him  communicate  with  any  man. 
This  was  done  since  most  rebel  chiefs  hid  their  plans  of  ambi- 
tion under  pretext  of  putting  the  prince  on  the  throne  of  his  fathers. 

Siu  chiu  hwei  continued  his  triumphs,  and  to  attach  men  to  his 
fortunes  more  surely,  he  let  them  pillage  all  cities  which  he  cap- 
tured.   He  took  Han  yang,  and  Wu  chang  in  Hu  kuang,  as  well  as 


398 


The  Mongols 


Kiu  kiang  in  the  north  of  Kiang  si.  He  defeated  Fan  chi  king  and 
mastered  Hang  chau,  which  the  Sung  dynasty  had  once  made  its 
capital,  but  the  Mongol  general,  Tong  pu  siao,  crossed  the  Yang 
tse,  and  laying  siege  to  Hang  chau,  regained  it  after  desperate  car- 
nage. Yessen  Timur,  who  had  been  sent  to  put  down  rebellion 
in  Honan,  defeated  by  Li  fu  tong,  retired  to  Kai  fong  fu,  and  thus 
left  the  field  to  the  rebels.  This  incompetent  general  was  rep- 
rimanded and  soon  after  the  increase  of  the  uprising  caused  the 
Emperor  to  replace  him  by  his  brother  Toktagha.  Toktagha,  lead- 
ing Honan  forces,  defeated  the  insurgents  near  Pe  sui  chiu,  but 
Sing  ki,  who  commanded  all  Imperial  troops  in  Yang  tse  regions, 
was  defeated  and  lost  his  life  in  a  battle  against  a  new  rebel  army. 

Fang  kwe  chin,  the  pirate  chieftain,  was  very  active.  He  con- 
tinued to  capture  ships  sailing  northward,  and  thus  deprived  Ta  tu 
of  supplies  from  South  China,  and  also  of  tribute.  Besides  this,  he 
killed  most  perfidiously  Tai  Buga,  a  general.  Hence  the  govern- 
ment, greatly  anxious  to  win  the  bold,  active  pirate,  charged  Tie 
li  Timur  to  confer  with  him.  The  pirate  gave  assurance  that  he 
would  submit  and  disband  his  forces  if  he,  with  his  brothers,  two 
in  number,  were  made  mandarins  of  the  fifth  class.  Tie  li  Timur, 
delighted  at  this  offer,  gave  the  three  brothers  Hiu  chin,  Kuang  te, 
and  Siu  chiu  in  the  Che  kiang  province.  The  pirate,  however,  for 
reasons  which  he  alone  knew,  refused  the  places  when  the  time 
came  to  take  them,  raised  sail,  and  disappeared  with  his  ship  and 
his  cutthroats. 

In  1354,  Chang  se  ching,  a  new  rebel,  appeared  in  Kiang  nan  and 
though  his  troops  were  all  levies  he  routed  Tachi  Timur,  who  had 
been  sent  out  to  crush  him.  At  this  juncture,  the  first  minister, 
Toktagha,  fell  on  Chang  se  ching,  beat  him  thoroughly,  and  retook 
the  cities  which  he  had  captured.  But  while  Toktagha  was 
retrieving  the  losses  of  his  sovereign,  his  own  colleague  at  the  capital 
was  working  his  ruin.  Hama  and  Sue  sue,  two  brothers,  notorious 
for  dissolute  conduct,  had  become  mighty  in  the  Emperor's  coun- 
cils. They  were  Kankali  Turks,  adventurers  in  the  worst  sense, 
hardened  profligates,  and  thoroughly  perfidious.  When  he  had 
reached  power  Toktagha  gave  Hama  occupation,  and  then  ap- 
pointed him  minister.  Very  soon  this  new  minister  made  himself 
independent  of  Toktagha  and  rose  every  Hay  to  greater  influence. 
In  due  time  he  found  support  in  Ki,  the  Empress,  a  Corean  princess 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  399 


by  origin.  She  was  Togan  Timur's  favorite  wife,  and  mother  of 
the  heir  apparent.  Hama  applied  himself  quickly  also  to  serv- 
ing the  worst  inclinations  of  his  sovereign,  and  peopled  the 
palace  with  his  creatures,  youthful  debauchees  given  to  every 
disorder,  and  Tibetan  Lamas,  who  practised  all  sorts  of 
magic,  and  held  immensely  grotesque  superstitions.  At  this 
man's  instigation  the  censors  of  the  Empire  accused  Toktagha  of 
taking  for  his  own  use,  or  giving  to  his  favorites,  funds  intended 
for  war  and  public  service.  Toktagha,  the  victor,  so  greatly 
needed  at  this  crisis,  was  stripped  of  his  dignities  and  ordered 
to  Hoai  nan  into  exile,  and  before  going  was  forced  to  yield  his 
command  to  the  generals  Yue  yue  and  Yue  Kutchar. 

Meanwhile  Siu  chiu  hwei,  who  called  himself  Emperor,  was 
master  of  Wu  chang,  the  chief  city  of  the  great  Hu  kwang  province. 
Wishing  also  to  capture  Mien  yang,  he  charged  with  this  service 
Ni  wen  tsiun,  one  of  his  best  leaders.  The  prince  of  Wei  chun, 
who  commanded  that  region,  sent  his  son,  Poan  nu,  to  oppose  that 
rebel  chieftain,  but  Poan  nu's  barks  being  weighty  were  stranded 
in  the  Han  chuen  shallows,  where  the  rebels  burned  the  flotilla 
with  fire  bearing  arrows.  Poan  nu  perished  with  a  number  of  his 
warriors  —  and  Mien  yang  was  lost  to  the  Mongols. 

The  year  following  (1356),  Ni  wen  tsiun  took  Siang  yang  and 
conquered  the  region  of  Tchong  ling,  after  he  had  beaten  Tur 
chi  pan,  a  Mongol  general. 

Because  of  great  distance  these  reverses  in  the  South  roused  at 
first  slight  attention  in  Ta  tu,  or  any  other  place,  but  when  Honan 
rebels  raided  regions  north  of  the  Hoang  Ho  there  was  lively  dread 
at  the  capital.  Troops  were  sent  to  Honan,  Shen  si  and  Shan 
tung  at  the  earliest.  Liau  fu  tong,  chief  of  Honan  red  caps,  thought 
that  he  was  increasing  his  partisans  by  proclaiming  Han  lin  ulh, 
son  of  Han  chan  tong,  the  first  pretender,  as  the  legal  Sung  Emperor. 
This  prince  took  the  designation  Ming  wang,  and  established  his 
court  at  Po  chiu  in  Honan. 

The  Mongol  court,  fearing  lest  the  name  Sung,  so  dear  to  the 
Chinese,  might  rouse  them,  hurried  off  an  army  under  Tache 
Bahadur,  against  the  pretender.  This  general  met  Liau  fu  tong 
and  was  defeated.  Liu  hala  Buga,  who  had  been  sent  with  a  second 
corps  to  support  the  defeated  man,  attacked  the  rebel  leader  and 
vanquished  him.    He  received  chief  command  now  because  of 


400 


The  Mongols 


his  victory,  and  marching  directly  toward  Po  chiu,  he  overtook 
and  again  defeated  Liau  fu  tong,  who  fled  for  relief  toward  Ngan 
fong  and  took  his  Emperor  with  him. 

After  Toktagha's  disgrace  Hama  was  created  first  minister  and 
Sue  sue,  his  brother,  chief  censor  of  the  Empire.  All  power  now 
was  in  those  two  brothers.  Since  Hama  had  nothing  to  fear,  as 
he  thought,  save  the  return  of  Toktagha,  he  had  the  late  minister 
killed  at  the  place  of  his  banishment.  But  noting  soon  that  the 
Empire  was  decaying  very  swiftly,  and  the  sovereign  was  depraved 
beyond  repentance,  a  result  to  which  Hama  himself  had  contributed 
immensely,  he  thought  of  means  to  cure  the  evils  around  him,  and 
decided  to  raise  to  the  throne  the  heir  apparent,  a  person  of  some 
wit  and  a  self  seeker.  This  design  was  discovered  and  Hama  was 
sentenced  to  exile  and  in  1356  his  enemies  had  him  strangled. 

In  1355  appeared  the  man  destined  to  destroy  Mongol  rule  in 
China  and  found  the  Ming  dynasty. — Chu  yuan  chang,  a  Buddhist, 
and  also  a  priest  who  cast  off  his  habit  in  Kiang  nan  to  become  a 
simple  warrior  under  Ko  tse  ling,  a  rebel  chieftain.  This  Chu  was 
not  slow  in  creating  a  party.  Continual  success,  with  moderation, 
brought  him  many  supporters,  and  his  renown  increased  daily. 
Advancing  to  the  river  Yang  tse  he  was  met  by  the  people  in  Tai 
ping  as  their  saviour.  After  he  had  captured  Nan  king,  Yang  chiu 
and  Chin  kiang  he  laid  siege  to  Chang  chiu  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  This  city  was  held  by  the  troops  of  Chang  se  ching,  who 
himself  was  not  present.  This  rebel  leader,  though  defeated  by 
Toktagha,  had  recovered  through  Mongol  remissness,  and  made 
himself  master  of  many  cities.  Chang  se  ching  sent  his  brother 
Chang  se  te  to  succor  Chang  chiu,  but  this  brother  was  defeated 
and  captured. 

Chang  se  ching  wrote  now  to  the  future  Emperor  of  China  and 
entreated  him  to  cease  his  siege  labor  and  liberate  Chang  se  te, 
promising  in  return  to  become  his  vassal  and  pay  a  large  yearly  trib- 
ute in  grain,  gold  and  silver.  Chu,  convinced  of  Chang  se  ching's 
thorough  perfidy,  held  firmly  to  his  prisoner  and  captured  the  city. 

In  the  North  the  adherents  of  Ming  wang,  the  pseudo  Sung 
Emperor  who  desolated  Shen  si  and  Honan,  were  beaten  in  Shen  si 
by  Chagan  Timur,  the  Mongol  general.  Liau  fu  tong,  Ming 
wang's  first  minister,  had  mastered  Honan  for  the  greater  part, 
and  now  wished  to  capture  Kai  fong  fu,  the  capital  of  Honan,  and 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  401 


establish  in  that  place  the  court  of  his  sovereign.  Two  army 
corps  which  he  had  sent  to  Shan  tung  committed  great  ravages. 
Pe  pu  sin,  chief  of  one  corps  of  these  warriors,  entered  Shen  si 
somewhat  later,  captured  Tsin  long  with  Kong  chang,  and  laid 
siege  to  Fong  tsiang.  Chagan  Timur,  who  hastened  to  rescue  this 
city,  surprised  Pe  pu  sin  and  captured  his  baggage.  Pe  pu  sin  fled 
to  Su  chuan  and  thus  saved  himself.  The  rebel  force  which  had 
burst  into  Shan  tung  and  taken  many  cities  defeated  Talima  che  li 
and  laid  siege  to  Tsi  nan,  the  chief  city  of  Shan  tung  and  its  capital. 

When  Tong  toan  siao  arrived  from  Honan  with  a  Mongol  divi- 
sion he  defeated  the  rebels  at  the  walls  of  Tsi  nan  and  then  left  the 
place ;  but  barely  had  he  gone  when  Mao  kwe,  who  commanded  the 
pseudo  Sung  forces,  attacked  this  central  city  of  Shan  tung  and  cap- 
tured it.  Then  he  pursued  Tong  toan  siao,  closed  with  his  forces, 
and  killed  him  in  battle.  After  this  victory  in  1357  Mao  kwe  seized 
the  city  of  Ho  kien  and  made  raids  to  the  very  edge  of  Ta  tu,  the 
capital  of  the  Mongol  Empire.  It  was  thought  by  some  mem- 
bers of  the  council,  that  the  Emperor  should  immediately 
withdraw  from  Ta  tu,  but  the  minister,  Tai  ping,  opposed  this, 
and  summoned  Liu  kara  Buga,  a  good  general,  who  defeated 
Maok  we,  and  forced  him  back  on  Tsi  nan,  which  he  had 
taken.  While  one  of  his  detachments  was  threatening  the 
capital  in  this  way  Liau  fu  tong  seized  Kai  fong  fu,  from 
which  the  governor  had  withdrawn  on  a  sudden.  Liau  fu 
tong  then  established  his  Emperor  in  that  city,  which  had  been  a 
residence  of  the  Kin  dynasty  just  previous  to  its  downfall.  Then 
he  sent  north  of  the  Hoang  Ho  two  divisions  of  warriors  under 
Kwan  sien  seng  and  Po  te  u  pan,  who  had  ravaged  Shan  si  for  the 
greater  part.  The  first  of  these  leaders  took  a  long  turn  northward 
to  Liao  tung,  whose  capital,  Liao  yang,  he  plundered,  and  even 
touched  the  border  of  Corea  while  ravaging.  Doubling  back,  he 
made  the  long  march  to  the  Emperor's  great  summer  residence, 
Shang  tu,  which  he  captured  and  pillaged ;  and  his  warriors  burned 
Kubilai  Khan's  splendid  palace  in  that  city. 

In  the  South  Siu  chiu  hwei  had  made  himself  master  of  most 
of  Hu  kwang  and  a  part  of  Kiang  si.  Chu  yuan  chang,  the  coming 
Emperor,  strengthened  his  position  in  Kiang  nan,  and  set  about 
conquering  Che  kiang  in  its  Eastern  division.  He  received  the  sub- 
mission of  the  pirate,  Fang  kwe  chin,  who,  threatened  in  the  West  by 


402 


The  Mongols 


Chang  se  ching  and  in  the  south  by  Chin  yiu  ting,  master  in  Fu 
kien,  preferred  to  be  vassal  of  a  man  whom  he  trusted.  The  pi- 
rate agreed  to  surrender  Wen  chau,  Tai  chu,  and  King  yuen  in 
southern  Che  kiang  when  they  came  to  him ;  he  sent  also  his  son 
Fang  kwan  as  a  hostage.  Chu,  believing  the  word  of  this  pirate, 
sent  his  son  back  to  him,  and  on  receiving  the  above  mentioned 
districts  he  returned  to  Nan  king,  where  he  formed  a  strong  council 
to  govern  those  newly  won  places. 

While  Chu  yuan  chang  was  thus  increasing  and  strengthening  his 
power,  division  was  rapidly  weakening  the  other  two  parties.  The 
life  of  Mao  kwe,  the  Sung  general,  was  taken  by  his  colleague,  Chao 
kiun  yong.  To  avenge  Mao  kwe,  Siu  ki  tsu  set  out  at  once  from 
Liao  yang  and  overtook  Chao  kiun  yong  at  Y  tu,  where  he  struck 
him  down  straightway  and  killed  him.  Dissensions  were  still  more 
rife  among  Siu  chiu  hwei's  partisans.  Chin  yiu  liang,  a  general 
of  this  founder  of  the  Tien  wan  would-be  dynasty,  had  just  captured 
Sin  chiu  (Kuang  sin)  on  the  eastern  border  of  Kiang  si  after  a 
siege  which  was  famous  for  desperate  resistance  (1358).  The 
defenders  were  led  by  Ta  chin  nu  of  the  blood  of  Jinghis,  and  by 
Bey  en  Buga,  a  descendant  of  the  Idikut  of  the  Uigurs.  Both  these 
men  perished  in  the  deadly  encounter.  The  provisions  in  the  gar- 
rison became  so  reduced  that  the  warriors  ate  the  flesh  of  those  of 
their  comrades  who  had  perished.  At  last  they  killed  all  of  the 
inhabitants  who  through  age  or  weakness  could  not  aid  in  the 
defence  and  used  them  for  food.  The  place  was  finally  captured 
by  means  of  an  underground  passage.  At  this  juncture  Siu  chiu 
hwei  wished  to  transfer  his  capital  from  Han  yang  to  Nan  chang  f u, 
a  recent  conquest,  though  the  general  who  was  with  him  opposed 
it  lest  his  influence  might  be  lessened. 

The  pretender  went  by  way  of  Kiu  kiang.  Chin  yiu  liang  went 
out  to  meet  him  under  pretext  of  showing  great  honor,  but  when 
Siu  chiu  hwei  had  entered  Kiu  kiang,  the  gates  were  closed  quickly 
behind  him,  and  troops,  waiting  silently  in  ambush,  cut  down 
his  attendants.  Chin,  master  now  of  the  Emperor's  person, 
spared  his  life  and  his  title,  but  he  confined  him,  and  called  himself 
Prince  of  Han.  Somewhat  later  he  marched  on  Tai  ping,  with  his 
prisoner,  and  when  he  had  captured  that  city  he  beat  the  Sin  chiu 
to  death  in  his  barge,  with  a  crowbar. 

Chin  now  proclaimed  himself  Emperor,  named  his  dynasty  the 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  403 


Han,  and  returned  to  Kiu  kiang,  whence  he  had  set  out  on  his 
enterprise. 

Chagan  Timur,  the  Mongol  general,  seeing  the  Sung  party 
divided,  planned  now  to  capture  Nan  king  with  Liau  fu  tong  and 
his  Emperor.  He  so  arranged  the  march  of  his  three  army  divisions 
that  they  arrived  over  different  roads  simultaneously.  Nan  king 
thus  found  itself  invested  on  a  sudden.  He  cut  off  all  provisions, 
intending  to  weaken  the  city,  or  perhaps  take  it  by  famine.  When 
he  saw  that  provisions  in  Nan  king  were  exhausted,  he  delivered  a 
general  assault  in  the  night  time,  scaled  the  walls,  and  took  the 
place.  Liau  fu  tong  escaped  to  Ngan  fong  with  his  Emperor. 

In  1353  Togan  Timur  had  made  Aiyuchelitala  his  heir,  and 
published  a  general  amnesty.  Seven  years  later  the  heir  in  accord 
with  Ki,  the  Empress,  his  mother,  wished  that  Tai  ping,  the  first 
minister,  should  prevail  on  Togan  to  resign  and  leave  him  dominion. 
The  minister  would  not  try  this  experiment,  hence  they  strove  to 
destroy  him.  The  heir  had  poisoned  a  number  of  the  minister's 
partisans  to  weaken  him.  Tai  ping,  exposed  then  to  every  blow 
and  attack  of  a  daring  conspiracy,  retired  from  his  office.  Power 
passed  after  that  to  a  eunuch,  Pa  pu  hwa,  and  to  Cho  se  kien,  two 
infamous  men  who  had  no  thought  except  to  increase  their  own 
wealth  and  authority,  and  who  kept  the  weak  and  debauched 
Emperor  in  complete  ignorance  of  all  things  around  him. 

A  quarrel  between  two  Mongol  military  chiefs  at  this  critical  mo- 
ment is  of  interest :  Chagan  Timur,  acting  in  Shan  si,  had  retaken 
Tsin  ki  from  the  rebels.  Polo  Timur,  the  Tai  tung  fu  governor, 
declared  that  this  district  belonged  to  his  province,  and  should  not 
be  detached  from  it.  He  advanced  with  troops  therefore  to  take  the 
place.  Chagan  protested.  The  Emperor  settled  the  boundaries 
and  the  generals  withdrew,  each  man  to  the  region  assigned  him. 
Hardly  had  they  obeyed  when  the  Emperor  commanded  Chagan 
to  yield  up  Ki  ning  to  his  rival,  but  Chagan  replied  that  Ki  ning  was 
needed  to  defend  Kai  fong  fu,  and  reassembling  his  warriors  he 
moved  now  against  Polo.  Again  orders  came  from  the  Emperor; 
the  movement  was  stopped,  and  the  governors  laid  down  their 
weapons,  though  unwillingly. 

This  same  year  (1360)  a  storm  rose  in  the  North,  which  at  first 
seemed  more  dangerous  by  far  than  the  rebellion  in  China.  More 
than  once  had  the  Emperor  ordered  princes  of  his  family  to  aid 


404 


The  Mongols 


him  with  troops  in  defending  his  dominions ;  but  now  one  of  these 
princes,  Ali  hwei  Timur,  seventh  in  descent  from  Ogotai,  tried  to 
seize  the  throne  for  his  own  use,  instead  of  helping  its  occupant. 
This  prince  was  advancing  with  aid,  but  when  some  days  march 
from  the  Great  Wall  of  China,  he  declared  that  Togan  Timur  the 
Emperor  was  powerless  to  preserve  that  which  he  had  received  from 
his  ancestors ;  that  he  had  lost  more  than  half  of  it  already.  Ali 
hwei  then  invited  the  Emperor  to  yield  what  remained  of  the  in- 
heritance. Tukien  Timur,  whom  the  Emperor  sent  to  crush  this 
bold  rebel,  was  beaten  and  withdrew  on  Shang  tu  to  find  refuge. 
The  Mongol  court  was  in  terror  and  hurried  on  forces,  but  at  this 
juncture  the  rebel  prince  was  betrayed  by  his  own  men,  and  de- 
livered to  the  Emperor's  general  who  commanded  him  to  be  put 
to  death  immediately. 

Chagan  Timur,  having  won  back  Honan,  put  garrisons  in  the 
principal  cities  and  passed  over  then  to  Shan  tung  to  restore  it  to 
the  Mongols.  On  reaching  this  province  he  received  the  sub- 
mission of  Tien  fong  and  Wang  se  ching,  two  chiefs  of  the  rebels. 
He  divided  his  army  into  several  corps  and  sent  these  into  action 
on  all  sides.  He  himself  went  to  Tsi  nan,  the  chief  city,  or  capital, 
to  besiege  it,  and  took  the  place  after  three  months'  investment. 
After  that  he  attacked  Y  tu,  the  only  place  left  those  insurgents  at 
that  time,  1362.  Tien  fong  and  Wang  se  ching  repented  now  of 
having  aided  this  shrewd  leader  of  the  Mongols,  so  they  plotted 
death  to  him.  Tien  fong  invited  the  general  to  a  review  of  his  army, 
and  Chagan  Timur,  who  accounted  Tien  fong  as  the  best  among  all 
of  his  intimates,  took  with  him  only  a  dozen  attendants.  Barely 
had  he  entered  the  tent  of  his  host  when  Wang  se  ching  gave  him  a 
death  blow.  The  two  friends  hurried  then  with  their  forces  and 
entered  Y  tu  as  had  been  agreed  with  the  governor.  Kuku  Timur, 
the  murdered  man's  son  by  adoption,  inherited  his  dignities  and 
title,  and  continued  the  siege  of  Y  tu  in  obedience  to  the  Emperor. 
He  attacked  the  place  eagerly,  and  finding  resistance  as  brave  as 
the  onset,  he  turned  to  dig  tunnels,  and  dug  till  he  worked  himself 
into  that  city  and  took  it.  The  chief  of  the  rebels  he  sent  to  the 
Emperor,  but  Tien  fong  and  Wang  se  chin  he  reserved  for  his 
personal  and  exquisite  vengeance.  He  brought  them  bound  and 
alive  to  the  coffin  of  Chagan  Timur,  and  there  tore  their  hearts 
out,  those  hearts  he  then  offered  to  the  spirit  of  his  father.  All 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  405 


the  troops  of  these  men  who  had  followed  them  into  the  city  were 
put  to  the  sword  without  exception. 

A  new  Emperor  appeared  now  in  Su  chuan,  an  officer  named 
Ming  yu  chin,  who  had  been  sent  to  conquer  this  province  by 
Siu  chiu  hwei  just  before  he  was  beaten  to  death  with  a  crowbar. 
Ming  yu  chin,  having  learned  of  the  murder  of  his  master,  made 
conquests  for  himself  and  finished  by  capturing  the  Su  chuan 
capital,  where  he  proclaimed  himself  Emperor  and  called  his 
dynasty  the  Hia. 

Now  began  war  between  Chuyuanchang,the  coming  Emperor  of 
China,  and  Chin  yiu  liang,  that  seeker  for  Empire  who,  when  a 
general,  had  beaten  to  death  with  a  crowbar  his  own  would-be 
Emperor,  Siu  chiu  hwei.  Chin  had  taken  Tai  ping  and  advanced 
to  the  lands  of  Nan  king.  Chu  yuan  marched  against  him,  and 
when  he  had  taken  Nan  king  he  found  Chin  near  Kiu  kiang  and 
cut  his  army  to  pieces.  Chin  fled  to  Wu  chang.  Chu  yuan  cap- 
tured Kiu  kiang,  and  then  Nan  chang  fu.  Master  of  this  capital, 
he  received  submission  from  the  principal  cities  of  Kiang  si. 
Chin,  wishing  to  win  back  Nan  chang  fu  at  all  hazards,  equipped 
a  vast  number  of  vessels  and  laid  siege  to  the  city,  which  he  pressed 
cruelly,  hoping  to  take  the  place  before  Chu  yuan  chang  could 
appear  with  relief  for  it ;  but  those  in  command  made  a  gallant 
defence  and  were  able  to  notify  Chu  yuan  of  their  peril.  Chu  yuan 
sailed  away  from  Nan  king  to  assist  them  with  his  flotilla,  bearing 
on  it  a  numerous  army.  To  cut  off  retreat  from  his  enemy  he 
ranged  all  his  craft  near  Hu  kiu,  where  Lake  Poyang  joins  the 
Kiang  si  through  a  channel.  Chin,  who  had  besieged  Nan  chang 
eighty-five  days  in  succession,  raised  the  siege  straightway,  and 
entered  the  lake,  where  he  met  Chu's  flotilla.  The  battle  raged 
for  three  days,  when  Chin,  who  had  lost  most  of  his  vessels,  was 
killed  by  an  arrow.  Chin  chan  ulh,  his  eldest  son,  named  by  him 
successor,  was  captured,  and  his  principal  officers  yielded  to  the 
victor.  Chin  li,  the  second  son,  fled  to  Wu  chang  and  proclaimed 
himself  Emperor;  but  besieged,  and  seeing  his  cause  in  utter 
chaos,  he  yielded  without  asking  conditions.  The  surrender  of 
this  capital  of  Hu  kuang  was  followed  by  that  of  the  province. 
Conquest  was  made  easy  now  by  Chu  yuan  chang's  reputation 
for  leniency,  and  the  discipline  of  his  army. 

Before  this  campaign  which  destroyed  the  would-be  new  dynasty 


406 


The  Mongols 


of  Han,  Chu  yuan,  learning  that  Chang  se  ching  and  Liu  chin  had 
captured  Ngan  fong,  where  the  Sung  Emperor  was  living,  and 
that  they  had  slain  Liau  fu  tong,  his  commander  in  that  city, 
advanced  toward  it  and  defeated  Liu  chin.  Giving  up  command 
of  his  army  then  to  his  general,  Su  ta,  Chu  charged  him  in  1366 
with  the  investing  of  Hiu  chiu.  The  Mongols  recaptured  Ngan 
fong  after  Chu  yuan  chang  had  departed. 

Now  new  troubles  burst  forth  among  the  Mongols,  and  first 
that  which  seemed  most  serious:  After  the  murder  of  Chagan 
Timur,  the  one  man  who  might  have  restored  Mongol  authority 
in  China,  Polo  Timur,  his  opponent,  strove  to  capture  Tsin 
ki,  and,  in  spite  of  repeated  commands  from  the  Emperor, 
he  sent  troops  to  take  the  place.  These  troops  were  defeated  by 
Kuku  Timur,  son  of  Chagan.  Polo  Timur  then  desisted,  but 
another  event  armed  him  soon  against  even  the  Emperor.  The 
weakness  of  the  sovereign  favored  factions,  and  the  heir,  who 
was  unprincipled  and  ambitious,  took  active  part  in  the  struggles 
of  rivals.  Cho  se  kien,  the  first  minister,  persuaded  the  heir  that 
many  great  persons,  whom  he  named,  were  ready  to  rise  in 
rebellion;  he  then  induced  him  to  ruin  them.  The  prince 
accused  these  men  to  his  father,  and  through  his  power  of  in- 
sistence brought  death  to  two  leading  persons. 

Cho  se  kien  and  the  eunuch,  Pa  pu  hwa,  bound  to  each  other 
by  criminal  plotting,  now  feared  lest  Tukien  Timur,  a  friend  of  the 
two  men  just  done  to  death  without  reason,  might  avenge  them, 
hence  they  decided  to  destroy  Tukien  also.  They  brought  a 
criminal  action  against  him.  Polo  Timur  roused  a  defender  to 
act  for  him.  The  heir,  enraged  by  this  daring,  accused  Polo  him- 
self of  complicity  with  Tukien  and  had  him  stripped  of  his  office. 
Polo  refused  to  yield  up  command  and  his  enemy  Kuku  Timur 
was  sent  to  constrain  him.  Polo  knew  that  this  order  had  been 
given  without  the  Emperor's  knowledge,  and  induced  Tukien  to 
make  a  feint  on  the  capital,  hence  he  seized  the  Kiu  yong  kwan 
fortress.  They  wished  to  bring  the  Emperor  to  banish  the  man 
who  had  taken  possession  of  him.  Ye  su,  who  commanded  the 
place  next  that  fortress,  attacked  Tukien  Timur,  but  his  forces 
were  utterly  broken.  Thereupon  the  heir,  not  feeling  secure  in 
the  capital,  fled  northward  for  safety.  Tukien  now  advanced 
to  the  river  Tsing  ho,  where  he  halted  to  wait  for  the  Emperor's 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  407 


decision.  He  declared  that  Polo  Timur,  by  whose  orders  he  was 
acting,  had  no  dream  of  failing  in  duty  to  the  Emperor,  he  merely 
desired  to  deliver  his  sovereign  from  Cho  se  kien  and  Pa  pu  hwa 
the  two  traitors;  he  would  retire  the  moment  these  direst 
foes  of  the  Emperor  were  given  to  him.  They  meditated  long 
at  the  court  over  this  proposition,  counter  proposals  were  made, 
but  Tukien  remained  firm  and  retired  only  when  the  two  min- 
isters were  put  in  his  possession  and  Polo  Timur  was  reinstated  in 
office. 

Mongol  dominion  had  fallen  in  China  and  civil  war  was 
raging  around  Shang  tu.  The  heir,  a  rebel  also,  was  or- 
dered back  to  Ta  tu  by  the  Emperor.  He  obeyed,  but  if  he 
did  it  was  simply  to  assemble  an  army  and  send  it  under  Kuku 
Timur  to  fall  upon  Polo  at  Tai  tung  fu,  his  headquarters.  Polo, 
leaving  men  to  defend  the  place,  hastened  on  to  Ta  tu  with  the 
bulk  of  his  army.  The  heir  advanced  to  the  river  Tsing  ho,  but 
at  sight  of  Polo's  large  army  his  forces  fled  to  Ta  tu,  and  not  feeling 
safe  even  in  that  place,  went  out  through  the  western  gate  to  join 
Kuku  Timur,  then  near  Tai  yuen  fu,  the  Shan  si  capital.  The  heir 
followed  them.  When  they  had  gone  Polo  entered  Ta  tu,  and 
going  with  a  party  of  his  generals  to  the  palace  fell  at  the  feet  of 
the  Emperor  and  received  pardon  for  those  acts  to  which,  as  he 
said,  he  had  been  driven. 

Togan  Timur  made  him  commander-in-chief  and  first  minister. 
Polo  now,  1364,  put  to  death  Tolo  Timur,  the  Emperor's  favorite 
and  companion  in  debauchery ;  he  drove  from  the  palace  a  legion 
of  parasites,  among  others  a  real  cohort  of  eunuchs  and  the  whole 
throng  of  Lamas.  At  his  request  the  Emperor  sent  courier  after 
courier  to  the  heir  demanding  his  return  to  the  palace.  The  heir, 
far  from  obeying,  resolved  to  try  arms  against  Polo,  his  now  all- 
powerful  opponent.  The  recent  example  of  Tukien  Timur  was 
in  this  case  most  apposite. 

When  Polo  learned  that  the  heir  was  advancing  he  arrested 
Ki,  the  Empress,  and  forced  her  to  send  in  her  own  hand  an  order 
by  which  she  recalled  her  son  to  the  capital.  This  done  he  sent 
Tukien  toward  Shang  tu  to  oppose  the  heir's  Mongol  partisans  on 
that  side.  He  sent  Ye  su,  a  general,  to  attack  Kuku  Timur  and 
the  heir,  who  was  with  him.  Ye  su  had  not  marched  seven  leagues 
to  the  south  beyond  Ta  tu  when  he  saw  that  the  officers  in  his 


408 


The  Mongols 


army  were  dissatisfied  with  Polo,  so  he  assembled  the  chief  ones, 
and  in  counsel  it  was  resolved  to  obey  that  first  minister  no  longer. 
They  therefore  turned  back  toward  Yong  ping  a  short  distance, 
from  which  point  Ye  su  informed  Kuku  Timur  and  the  princes 
in  Mongolia  of  the  resolve  they  had  taken. 

Polo  Timur  in  despair  at  this  defection  sent  against  Ye  su 
Yao  pe  yen  Buga,  his  best  general.  Ye  su  surprised  this  man, 
cut  his  army  to  pieces,  took  him  prisoner,  and  killed  him.  Polo 
Timur  took  the  field  now  himself,  but  a  rain  storm  which  lasted 
three  days  and  nights  prevented  all  immediate  action,  and  he 
returned  to  the  capital.  The  opposition  which  he  met  rendered 
him  so  distrustful  that  he  put  several  officers  to  death  on  suspicion. 
Seeking  to  drown  in  wine  his  sad  humor,  and  the  grief  which  had 
seized  him,  he  grew  both  ferocious  and  pitiless.  More  than  once, 
while  in  those  moods  he  killed  men  with  his  own  hand,  and  he 
soon  became  odious  to  every  one. 

Ho  chang,  son  of  the  Prince  of  Wei  chun,  got  a  secret  order 
from  the  Emperor  to  put  an  end  to  Polo  and  his  partisans,  and 
soon  he  found  the  occasion  to  do  so. 

Polo  receiving  news  of  the  capture  of  Shang  tu,  a  victory  over 
Mongol  adherents  of  the  heir,  hurried  on  to  inform  the  Emperor, 
but  just  as  he  was  entering  the  palace  he  was  stopped  by  Ho 
chang' s  men  who  opened  his  skull  with  a  sabre  stroke.  When  news 
of  this  death  reached  Tukien's  army  the  officers  deserted  their 
general.  Tukien  was  arrested,  and  put  to  death  straightway. 
The  Emperor  sent  Polo's  head  to  the  heir  at  Ki  ning  and  an  order 
for  him  to  appear  at  the  palace.  The  prince  returned  now  with 
Kuku  Timur,  who  became  commander-in-chief  and  first  minister. 
The  heir  strove  to  force  Kuku  Timur  to  persuade  the  Emperor  to 
resign  in  his  favor,  and  not  finding  the  minister  compliant  grew 
enraged  at  him.  The  Emperor  was  unwilling  to  abdicate,  but  he 
gave  his  son  power  almost  equal  to  that  which  he  himself  had, 
making  him  lieutenant  in  the  Empire.  Kuku  Timur  tried  to 
prevent  this,  but  failed,  and  was  stripped  of  his  dignities.  There- 
upon, he  retired  to  Shang  si,  where  he  lived  in  a  stronghold. 

While  the  Mongol  court  was  thus  torn  asunder  by  dissension  Chu 
yuan  chang  was  extending  his  Empire  continually.  He  lived  at 
Nan  king,  working  always  to  establish  a  government  on  justice  and 
order,  as  recommended  by  ancient  philosophers  of  China.  Mean- 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  409 


while  his  generals  Su  ta  and  Chang  yu  chun  attacked  Chang  si 
ching,  who  was  master  yet  of  a  part  of  Che  kiang  and  Kiang  nan. 
In  1366  these  two  distinguished  chiefs  won  a  great  victory  over 
Chang  si  ching,  took  Hiu  chiu,  one  of  the  wealthiest  cities  in  Che 
kiang,  and  also  Hang  chau,  the  capital  of  that  province.  The  next 
year  they  captured  Chang  si  ching  in  Ping  liang,  and  took  him 
to  Nan  king  directly.  Chu  yuan  gave  the  man  liberty  in  return 
for  bis  word  that  he  would  not  go  from  the  city  in  any  case. 
Chang  gave  his  word  to  remain  in  it,  and  then  hanged  himself. 

Ming  yu  chin,  who  had  declared  himself  Emperor  of  the  Hia 
dynasty,  died  in  1366.  Min  ching,  his  son,  who  was  ten  years  of 
age,  succeeded,  with  his  mother  as  regent.  This  same  year  Han 
lin  ulh,  who  claimed  to  be  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  vanished,  and  with 
him  went  his  adherents. 

Fang  kwe  chin  submitted  at  last.  This  faith-breaking  pirate 
had  refused  not  only  to  appear  before  Chu  yuan  chang,  and  send 
tribute,  but  he  had  acted  against  him  in  the  North  in  alliance  with 
Kuku  Timur,  and  in  the  South  with  Chin  yiu  ting,  who  held  a  part 
of  the  Fu  kien  province.  Chu  then  sent  his  general,  Tang  ho,  to 
take  the  cities  Wen  chau,Tai  chu  and  King  yuen.  At  the  approach 
of  his  forces  the  pirate  retired  to  an  island  in  the  sea.  When  all 
those  cities  soon  after  opened  their  gates  to  Tang  ho  the  pirate 
sent  his  son  with  submission,  and  put  himself  also  at  command 
of  the  general,  who  sent  him  off  to  Nan  king  under  escort. 

Chu  yuan  chang  undertook  now  the  liberation  of  all  China.  Su 
ta,  his  great  general,  and  Chang  yu  chun  marched  northward  with 
an  army  which  numbered  one  fourth  of  a  million.  While  Hu 
ting  shui,  a  third  general,  reduced  Fu  kien  and  Kuang  tung,  Yang 
king  took  Kwang  si  and  held  it.  These  southern  provinces,  tired 
of  oppression  from  strangers,  made  no  resistance  whatever.  First 
of  all  Su  ta  and  his  colleague  took  the  country  between  the  Hoai 
and  Hoang  Ho,  then  they  crossed  the  latter  river  and  entered  Shan 
tung,  proclaiming  that  barbarians,  like  the  Mongols,were  unfitted  to 
rule  a  polished  people  from  whom  they  themselves  should  receive 
law  and  order ;  that  the  Mongols  had  conquered  the  Empire,  not  by 
their  merit,  but  through  Heaven's  aid  given  purposely  to  punish  the 
Chinese.  Heaven,  roused  now  by  the  crimes  of  the  Mongols,  had 
taken  power  from  them  to  give  it  to  a  warrior  filled  with  virtue  and 
greatness,  a  warrior  loved  and  respected  by  all  men  who  knew  him. 


410 


The  Mongols 


The  generals  met  no  resistance  in  any  place.  When  all  Shan 
tung  had  submitted  they  passed  to  Honan,  where  they  had  success 
of  the  same  kind  —  the  gates  of  every  city  were  opened  to  their 
standards. 

Togan  Timur,  who  was  terrified  at  the  swiftness  of  these  con- 
quests, sent  courier  after  courier  for  Kuku  Timur,  but  that  general 
did  nothing  to  rescue  the  capital ;  he  held  aloof  and  marched  away 
toward  Tai  yuen. 

Master  of  China,  Chu  yuan  chang  proclaimed  himself  Emperor  at 
Nan  king  on  the  first  day  of  the  Chinese  year,  February,  1368.  He 
gave  the  name  Ming  to  his  dynasty,  which  means  light,  and  to  the 
years  of  his  reign  Hung  wu  (lucky  war),  a  term  applied  also  to  this 
emperor  himself,  who  after  his  death  received  the  title  Tai  tsu, 
founder  or  great  ancestor,  which  in  China  is  usually  given  to  the 
founder  of  a  dynasty. 

Chu  yuan  chang,  thenew  Emperor,  left  Nan  king  in  August,  1368, 
crossed  the  Hoang  Ho  at  Ping  lien,  and  marched  on  the  capital ; 
all  cities  submitted  to  him  willingly.  At  the  same  time  his  two 
generals  entered  Pe  che  li  from  Shan  tung.  At  this  juncture  Che 
li  nien,  one  of  Togan  Timur 's  ministers,  took  from  the  temple  of  an- 
cestors all  tablets  of  the  Mongol  Emperors  and  fled  to  the  north,  the 
heir  fleeing  with  him.  Togan  Timur  decided  to  follow  immediately, 
and  naming  Timur  Buga  his  lieutenant,  he  appointed  King  tong 
as  defender  of  the  capital.  Then,  assembling  the  princes,  princesses 
and  high  officials,  he  declared  his  resolve  to  retire  to  Mongolia. 
He  set  out  that  same  night  for  Shang  tu  with  his  family.  The 
new  Emperor  of  China  was  soon  at  the  gates  of  Ta  tu,  which  he 
entered  after  a  very  slight  struggle.  Mongol  dominion  in  China 
was  ended. 

Nearly  all  China  now  received  the  Ming  Emperor,  and  he  set 
about  winning  what  was  still  under  control  of  the  Mongols.  That 
done  he  intended  to  follow  them  to  their  birthland  and  take  it.  The 
fleeing  Mongol  Emperor,  Togan  Timur,  did  not  think  himself 
safe  in  Shang  tu,  hence  he  hurried  northward  to  Ing  chang  on 
the  bank  of  Lake  Tai,  where  in  1370  his  life  came  to  its  end.  He 
had  reigned  thirty-five  years,  and  was  fifty-one  years  of  age. 

The  Ming  forces  seized  Ing  chang  and  captured  Maitilipala, 
Togan  Timur's  grandson,  as  well  as  many  princes  and  prin- 
cesses and  distinguished  persons  who  were  all  taken  back  to 


Expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from  China  411 


China.  The  heir  escaped  safely  to  Kara  Kurum,  which  now 
became  the  one  capital  of  the  Mongols.  On  learning  that  this 
prince  had  mustered  troops  in  his  homeland  and  was  about  to 
invade  China  the  Ming  Emperor  in  1372  sent  a  strong  force, 
under  Su  ta,  to  stop  him.  Su  ta  marched  to  the  Kerulon  River 
and  the  Tula,  but  gained  no  decided  advantage.  Kuku  Timur, 
the  great  Mongol  general,  died  in  1375. 

The  Mongol  heir  who  died  in  1378  had  taken  the  title  of  Kha 
kan,  White  khan,  that  is  Grand  Khan.  He  was  followed  by  his 
son  Tukus  Timur,  who  was  complimented  by  the  Ming  Emperors 
on  his  accession  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Mongols  now  driven  back 
to  their  original  home.  In  succeeding  years  the  troops  of  this 
Khan  advanced  frequently  to  violate  Chinese  borders,  but  in  1388 
the  new  Emperor  sent  an  army  against  Tukus  Timur  which  de- 
feated him  at  Buyur  lake  very  thoroughly.  His  wives,  his  second 
son  and  more  than  three  thousand  officers  were  captured.  Tukus 
Timur  was  assassinated  near  the  Tula  while  seeking  safety  in 
flight.  Yissudar,  who  did  the  deed,  was  a  prince  of  the  Emperor's 
family,  and  seized  the  throne  left  by  him.  The  ambition  of  others 
roused  civil  war  which  seemed  permanent.  After  long  quarrels, 
and  short  reigns  a  prince  named  Goltsi  gained  supreme  power  in 
1403.  His  reign  was  brief  also,  for  he  fell  by  an  assassin  and  Buin 
Shara  was  made  Khan  to  succeed  him. 

When  in  1408  the  Emperor  of  China  invited  Buin  Shara  to 
declare  himself  a  vassal,  he  refused.  A  Chinese  army  now  invaded 
Mongolia,  but  was  defeated  near  the  Tula.  Yung  lo,  the  third 
Emperor  of  the  Ming  dynasty,  advanced  with  a  large  army  in  1410 
to  the  Kerulon  River.  Prince  Olotai,  Buin  Shara's  lieutenant, 
deserted  him  through  ambition,  retiring  eastward  to  the  Hailar 
River.  Yung  lo  defeated  both  the  prince  and  his  lieutenant,  the 
first  on  the  Onon,the  second  on  the  eastern  boundary  of  Mongolia. 

Buin  Shara  was  killed  in  1412  by  Mahmud,  prince  of  the  Uriats, 
who  put  Dalbek  on  the  throne  of  the  Mongols. 

During  two  centuries  Mongol  princes  strove  unceasingly  to  re- 
gain lost  dominion;  yielding  to  China  when  sufficient  force  was 
sent  against  them,  or  attacking  border  provinces  of  the  Empire 
when  those  provinces  were  left  unguarded. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the  Ming 
dynasty  was  nearing  its  downfall,  the  Mongols  were  divided  into 


412 


The  Mongols 


groups  under  various  small  chieftains,  each  of  whom  bore  the  title 
Khan. 

The  Kalkas  were  in  the  North  in  the  birthland  of  the  Mongols. 
West  of  them  the  lands  of  the  former  Naimans  and  the  Uigurs  were 
occupied  by  the  Eleuts ;  the  Chakars,  and  the  Ordos  lived  in  the 
country  between  the  Great  Wall  and  the  Gobi  desert.  The 
Manchu  dynasty  which  during  1644  won  dominion  in  China  took 
under  its  protection  first  the  easternmost  Mongols  and  the  Kalkas. 
Strengthened  by  them,  it  conquered  the  Chakars,  and  later  the 
Ordos.  The  Kalkas  had  preserved  thus  far  independence,  but 
attacked  by  the  Eleuts  they  found  themselves  forced  to  seek  aid 
from  the  Manchu  sovereign  of  China.  In  1691  the  Emperor 
Kang  hi  received  homage  from  the  three  Kalka  Khans  forty  leagues 
north  of  the  Great  Wall.  At  last  toward  1760  the  Eleuts  themselves 
were  reduced,  so  that  most  of  the  Mongols  proper  are  to-day  subject 
to  China,  while  the  rest  are  under  the  control  of  Russia. 

Remarkable  as  has  been  the  part  played  by  the  Mongols  in 
history  the  part  to  be  played  by  them  yet  may  be  far  greater. 
How  great  and  how  varied  it  may  be  and  of  what  character  is 
the  secret  of  the  future. 


THE  END. 


INDEX 


Abaka,  Hulagu's  eldest  son  and  heir, 
294. 

Abbasid  Kalifs,  97, 199, 202, 206, 223; 
Rashid  kiUed,  224,  231,  238,  247, 
258. 

Abdallah,  son  of  Kaddah,  plans  to 
establish  ancient  faith  of  Persia, 
204. 

Abu  Abdallah,  sent  to  Africa;  an- 
nounces a  Mahdi;  assassinated  by 

Obedallah,  205. 
Abu  Ali  Mansur,  tenth  Kalif  of  the 

Fatimid  line,  assassinated,  223. 
Abu  Bekr,  the  first  Kalif,  197. 
Abul   Fettah,   nephew   of  Hassan 

Sabah,  215. 
Abul  Wefa,  an  Assassin  from  Persia, 

makes  a  treaty  with  the  King  of 

Jerusalem,  220. 
Abu  Mohammed,  Grand  Prior  of  the 

Assassins  of  Syria,  216. 
Adhad  the  Kalif,  asks  aid  of  Nur  ed 

din;  his  death,  231. 
Aguta,   subdues  the   Kitans;  his 

death,  80. 
Aike*  Charan,  reveals  a  plot  to  kill 

Temudjin,  52. 
Aiyaruk,  daughter  of  Kaidu,  380. 
Aiyuchelitala,  heir  of  Togan  Timur, 

403,  404. 

Alai  ed  din,  Kei  Kubad,  Sultan  of 

Rum,  makes   an    alliance  with 

Ashraf,  161,  162. 
Ala  Kush,  Ongut  envoy,  62;  makes 

invasion  easy,  83. 
Alamut,  Seljuk  fortress,  seized  by 

Hassan  Sabah,  210,  239,  240,  241, 

244. 

Alan  Goa,  daughter  of  Bargudai,  4; 
her  death,  6;  descendants,  7. 

Aleppo,  added  to  the  Fatimid  Em- 
pire, 264 ;  Saladin's  great-grandson 
rules  the  principality,  258;  be- 


413 


sieged  by  Hulagu,  264;  captured  by 

assault,  265. 
Algu,  deserts  Arik  Buga,  336. 
Alihaiya,    Mongol    officer,  attacks 

Kiangling;  city  surrenders,  348; 

favorite   of   Kubilai,   349;  lays 

siege  to  Chang  cha,  353 ;  captures 

the  city,  354;   ordered  to  Tung 

king,  364. 
Ali  hwei  Timur  tries  to  seize  power, 

404. 

Ali  Shir,  brother  of  Kwaresm  Shah, 
95. 

Ali  ul  Mulk,  acknowledged  as  Kalif  by 
Shah  Mohammed,  98. 

Aly,  son-in-law  of  Mohammed, 
elected;  rules  at  Kufa;  assassin- 
ated, 197,  198,  201,  202. 

Amalric,  King  of  Jerusalem,  raises 
the  siege  of  Alexandria,  229;  vio- 
lates his  promise,  230. 

Ambagai,  descendant  of  Taidjuts,  9; 
seized  by  Tartars,  12;  nailed  to 
wooden  ass,  13 ;  his  widows,  18. 

Amid,  Kubilai  Khan's  Minister  of 
Finance,  killed  by  Wang  chu,  371. 

Amid  ul  Mulk,  vizir,  favors  retreat 
of  Shah  Mohammed,  113. 

Ananda,  attempts  to  seize  power,  384; 
murdered,  385. 

Antchin,  sent  to  conclude  an  alliance 
with  Lyuko,  84. 

Argun,  sent  to  capture  Kurguz,  191 ; 
becomes  governor,  192;  visits 
Mangu's  court,  193. 

Arik  Buga,  brother  of  Hulagu,  wishes 
to  be  Grand  Khan,  283;  left  in 
command  by  Mangu,  328 ;  begins  a 
struggle  for  Empire,  332;  puts 
Apishga  in  prison ;  takes  sovereign 
title,  333;  defeated,  334;  sends 
message  to  Kubilai,  335 ;  defeated, 
336;    resolves  to  march  against 


414 


Index 


Algu;  returns  to  China,  337;  his 

death,  339. 

Arslan,  Khan  of  the  Karluks,  77; 
marries  Altun  Bighi,  daughter  of 
Jinghis,  78. 

Ashraf,  acts  against  Kwaresmians, 
153;  sends  a  commander  to  the 
West,  154;  sets  out  for  Harran; 
joins  Kei  Kubad,  163,  168;  sends 
message  to  Jelal;  makes  a  journey 
to  Egypt,  169. 

Assassins,  see  Hassan  Sabah,  Kia  Mo- 
hammed, Hassan  II,  etc. 

Assutai,  one  of  the  Arik  Buga's 
commanders,  passes  the  "  Iron 
Gate,"  337. 

Asukeba,  heir  of  Yissu  Timur,  388; 
proclaimed  at  Shang  tu,  389. 

Ata  ill  Mulk  Juveini,  vizir  and  histo- 
rian, 243,  244. 

At  chu,  Mongol  commander  of  fleet, 
captures  seven  hundred  boats,  349. 

Aziz,  grandson  of  Saladin,  258. 

Babek,  a.  d„  816,  defeated  and  cap- 
tured, 203 . 

Badai,  discovers  a  plot  to  kill  Temud- 
jin,  53;  rewarded  by  the  Grand 
Khan,  60. 

Baibuga,  Naiman  chief,  makes  Wang 
Khan's  skull  into  a  drinking-cup, 
61 ;  alarmed  at  Temudjin's  growing 
power,  62;  defeat  and  death,  63. 

Baidju,  succeeds  Chormagun  in  Persia, 
177;  demands  mother  of  Kei 
Korsu,  178;  trouble  with  Queen 
Rusudan,  179. 

Baiktar,  killed  by  Temudjin,  his  half- 
brother,  19,  2(X 

Baisutai  clan,  origin  of,  9. 

Baitulu,  chief  of  Tumats,  withdraws 
from  obedience,  88. 

Banias,  a  castle  in  Syria,  219. 

Barans,  defeated  by  Temudjin,  41. 

Bardjuk,  chief  of  the  Uigurs,  receives 
Jinghis  Khan's  envoy,  76;  about 
to  marry  the  daughter  of  Jinghis, 
323. 

Bartan,  grandfather  of  Temudjin,  10; 
his  death,  15. 

Batra,  grandson  of  Chingkin,  384; 
sets  out  for  Shang  tu,  385;  pro- 
claimed Emperor;  takes  the  title 
Byantu;  appoints  his  son;  his 
death,  386. 

Batu,  son  of  Juchi;  Khan  of  the 
Golden  Horde;  loiters,  316;  calls 
a  Kurultai,  317;  sends  troops  to 


escort  Mangu  to  the  Kurultai,  318; 
his  death,  282. 

Bar  Hebraeus,  a  historian,  273. 

Bayan,  receives  command,  345;  cap- 
tures Yang  lo,  346 ;  sends  Chang  yu 
to  make  peace;  demands  permis- 
sion to  continue  hostilities,  348; 
visits  the  Grand  Khan,  349;  cap- 
tures Chang  chau,  350;  sends  Em- 
press and  Emperor  to  Kubilai; 
summoned  to  move  on  Kaidu,  352; 
headquarters  at  Kara  Kurum,  369; 
declares  for  Timur;  his  death,  377. 

Bedr  ud  din  Lulu,  Prince  of  Mosul, 
arranges  for  Syria  to  pay  a  tax, 
179;  summoned  by  Hulagu;  his 
origin,  256. 

Bedr  ud  din  of  Otrar,  his  hatred  for 
Shah  Mohammed,  105. 

Beibars  Bundukdar,  minister  of 
Nassir  of  Damascus;  strikes  the 
vizir;  goes  to  Gaza;  sends  his 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  262;  declares  for  war,  268; 
commands  the  Egyptian  vanguard, 
269;  sent  to  pursue  the  Mongols, 
271;  asks  for  government  of 
Aleppo;  plots  to  assassinate 
Kutuz;  murders  the  Sultan;  is 
made  Sultan;  arrives  in  Cairo;  a 
Polovtsi  by  origin,  272;  gives  his 
former  owner  the  government  of 
Damascus,  273;  sends  for  Abul 
Ahmed,  274;  invested  with  sover- 
eignty; orders  the  provinces  to 
receive  Ahmed  as  Kalif ,  275 ;  sends 
troops  to  the  boundary  of  Persia, 
285;  sends  envoys  to  the  Khan 
of  the  Golden  Horde,  286,  287; 
hangs  Hulagu's  envoys,  288. 

Berkai,  son  of  Juchi;  Khan  of  the 
Golden  Horde;  converted  to  Is- 
lam, 282;  desires  the  election  of 
Arik  Buga,  283;  sends  an  army 
against  Hulagu,  284,  285,  287; 
begins  a  new  campaign;  dies 
while  marching  against  Abaka, 
Hulagu's  successor,  294. 

Ben  Amran,  a  traitor,  254-255. 

Belgutai,  half-brother  of  Temudjin, 
19;  goes  with  Temudjin  for  his 
bride,  25;  wounded  at  a  feast,  36; 
kills  Bura  Buga;  is  excluded  from 
council,  48;  made  master  of  horse 
training,  43. 

Beglu  Ali,  mother  of  Jelal  ud  din,  158. 

Boduanchar,  son  of  Alan  Goa,  5; 
leaves  home,  6;  finds  a  wife,  7. 


Index 


415 


Boorchu,  24;  becomes  Temudjin's 
comrade,  25,  27,  31,  32;  sends 
troops  against  the  Naimans;  saves 
Sengun,  42;  escapes  from  Keraits, 
55;  made  commander  of  ten 
thousand,  67,  68,  69;  saves  Chepe" 
Noyon,  92. 

Borak,  commander  in  Jelal  ud  din's 
army,  146;  gives  his  daughter  to 
Jelal;  master  of  Kerman;  nine 
of  his  family  keep  rule  for  eighty- 
six  years,  147;  revolts,  152;  mar- 
ries Beglu  Ali,  Ghiath's  mother; 
strangles  Ghiath,  158;  asks  the 
Kalif  for  title  of  Sultan;  takes 
the  name  Kutlug  Khan ;  his  death; 
succeeded  by  Rokn  ud  din,  195. 

Bortai,  chosen  by  Yessugai  as  bride 
for  Temudjin,  17;  captured  by 
Merkits,  25,  26,  27,  28;  birth  of 
Juchi,  29;  counsels  Temudjin, 
30,  73 ;  always  held  the  first  place, 
138;  Jinghis  speaks  of  her  when 
dying,  139. 

Boroul,  found  in  the  Churki  camp 
and  given  to  Hoelun,  39,  42,  53; 
saves  the  life  of  Ogotai,  55;  sent 
to  aid  Wang  Khan,  56;  released 
from  nine  death  sentences,  70,  71; 
his  death,  88,  307. 

Boshin,  great-great-grandfather  of 
Temudjin,  10. 

Bugundai,  fourth  son  of  Alan  Goa,  4. 

Buhadur  Yessugai,  father  of  Jinghis 
Khan,  15.    See  Yessugai. 

Buin  Shara,  succeeds  Goltsi  on  the 
Mongol  throne;  assassinated,  411. 

Bulagan,  partisan  of  Ananda,  strives 
to  put  him  on  the  throne,  384; 
killed,  385. 

Burma,  struggles  to  drive  back  the 
Mongols,  362;  defeated,  363,  377. 

Burshi,  first  victim  of  the  second 
Grand  Prior  of  the  Assassins,  223. 

Busi,  Prince  of  Damascus,  219,  220; 
slaughters  many  Assassins,  221; 
marked  for  destruction,  222. 

Chabar,  son  of  Timur,  381;  last 

real    sovereign    descended  from 

Ogotai,  382,  385. 
Changan  Timur,  Mongol  general,  312, 

400;    takes  Nan  king;  quarrels 

with    Polo    Timur;     wins  back 

Honan,  403,  404,  406, 
Chang  hong  fan,  made  commander 

by  Kubilai,   358;  attacks  Sung 

fleet,  359. 


Chang  se  ching,  a  Chinese  rebel,  398, 

400,  401,  405,  408,  409. 
Chang  se  te,  brother  of  Chang  se 

ching;  defeated  and  captured,  400. 
Chang  shi  kie,  349;  assembles  a  fleet, 

356;  makes  levies  in  Fu  kien,  357; 

builds  a  palace,  358,  359;  loses 

his  life  in  a  storm,  360. 
Chao    wun    ping,    a  distinguished 

scholar,  301. 
Charaha,  son  of  Kaidu,  9;  father  of 

Munlik,  stepfather  of  Temudjin, 

18,  35. 

Charchiutai,  gives  his  son  Chelmai  to 
Temudjin,  25,  26. 

Chelmai,  son  of  Charchiutai,  given 
to  Temudjin,  26,  27,  32;  saves 
the  life  of  Temudjin,  46,  53;  re- 
leased from  nine  death  sentences, 
70,  71. 

Cheng  ho  shang,  a  Kin  hero,  299. 

Chepe  Noyon,  aids  in  winning  the 
land  of  the  Kitans,  84,  85;  sent 
against  the  Kara  Kitan  usurper; 
Jinghis  warns  him  not  to  be  proud, 
91 ;  kills  Gutchluk ;  carries  Mongol 
arms  into  Armenia;  his  origin, 
92;  sent  to  capture  Shah  Mo- 
hammed, 114;  takes  Nishapur, 
115;  sacks  Rayi,  116;  plunders 
Persian  Irak,  132;  commanded 
to  conquer  Polovtsi,  133. 

Chepi,  a  Chinese  general,  sent  against 
Java;  wins  a  victory  for  Java; 
condemned ;  receives  seventy 
blows,  370. 

Chilaidu,  a  Merkit;  Yessugai  seizes 
his  wife  Hoelun,  16 ;  Merkits  attack 
Temudjin  to  take  vengeance,  28, 
29. 

Chiluku,  ruler  of  Kara  Kitai,  grand- 
son of  Yeliu  Tashi,  89,  90. 

Ching  ling,  made  Kin  Emperor,  308; 
slain,  309. 

Chin  ge  suan,  ruler  of  Tung  king, 
refuses  to  furnish  Togan  with  war 
supplies,  363,  364,  365. 

Chingkin,  Kubilai's  intended  suc- 
cessor; his  death,  364;  his 
exposure  of  Ahmed,  371,  372. 

Chin  Timur,  left  as  governor  of 
Kwaresm,  184;  attacks  Kankalis; 
deprived  of  power;  sends  Kelilat 
to  Grand  Khan,  185;  made  gover- 
nor by  Ogotai,  186;  his  death, 
187. 

Chin  yiu  Hang,  a  general  of  the, 
founder  of  the  would-be  Tien 


416  In 

dynasty,  captures  Sin  chiu;  beats 
the  Emperor  to  death  with  a  crow- 
bar, 402,  405. 

Chin  y,  commandant  of  Hoang  chiu, 
surrenders  the  city,  346. 

Chohaugur,  leader  of  the  Imperial 
troops,  succeeds  Tutuka;  defeats 
Kaidu,  378,  380;  his  son,  388. 

Chong  hei,  Emperor  of  China,  81,  82, 
83. 

Chormagun,  leader  of  army  sent  in 
pursuit  of  Jelal  ud  din,  164,  166, 
174,  175,  176,  177. 

Cho  se  kien,  minister  of  Togan  Timur, 
403,  406,  407. 

Churchadai,  leader  of  the  Uruts,  33, 
54;  offers  to  lead  the  vanguard, 
56,  59,  68;   rewarded,  69. 

Chu  yuan  chang,  a  Buddhist  priest 
destined  to  destroy  Mongol  rule, 
400,  401;  gains  power,  402,  405, 
406,  409;  proclaims  himself  Em- 
peror, names  his  dynasty  Ming, 
410. 

Crusaders,  220,  221,  230. 

Dair  Usun,  chief  of  Hoasi  Merkits,  28, 
63. 

Dargham,  a  commander  in  Egypt, 
228,  229. 

Desaichan,  father  of  Bortai,  17,  34. 
Dalbek  put  on  the  Mongol  throne, 
411. 

Doben,  ninth  in  descent  from  Ba- 
tachi,  4 ;  boy  received  in  exchange 
for  venison,  5;  descendants  of 
Doben  and  Alan  Goa,  7. 

Dokuz  Khatun,  granddaughter  of 
Wang  Khan  and  wife  of  Hulagu, 
255;  her  death,  256. 

Dua,  put  on  the  Jagatai  throne  by 
Kaidu,  366;  deserted  by  his 
troops,  379;  proposes  Chabar 
as  Timur's  successor;  proposes 
to  acknowledge  overlordship  of 
Timur,  Kubilai's  son;  his  death, 
381. 

Egypt,  scene  of  great  struggles  be- 
tween Kalifs  of  Bagdad  and 
Cairo,  223.  See  Saladin,  Nur  ed 
din,  Kutuz. 

Eibeg,  a  Mameluk  chief,  marries 
concubine  of  Sultan  Salih,  rules 
Egypt,  257;  restores  lands  be- 
longing to  Nassir  of  Syria,  258, 
259;  slain  by  his  wife,  262,  263. 

Euzbeg,  a  general,  watches  India  for 


Jelal  ud  din,  146;  his  neglect,  151, 
152. 

Eyub,  commandant  of  Tenkrit  castle, 
father  of  Saladin,  227,  228,  238. 

Fakhr  ud  din  Saki,  last  commandant 
of  Aleppo,  266,  267. 

Fang  kwe  chin,  a  pirate,  396;  shows 
great  activity,  398;  submits,  409. 

Faris  ud  din  Aktai,  a  celebrated 
Mameluk  chief,  258;  makes  Bei- 
bars  Sultan,  272. 

Fatimids,  first  Kalif,  Obeidallah, 
205;  their  territory;  declared 
spurious  by  Bagdad;  struggle  to 
supplant  the  Abbasids,  206 ;  trained 
in  the  House  of  Science,  211;  doc- 
trine, 212;  agents  in  Persia  and 
Syria,  214,  231,  233.  See  Assas- 
sins. 

Georgians,  make  a  league  against 
Jelal  ud  din,  159;  defeated  by 
Jelal,  160. 

Ghiath  ud  din,  son  of  Shah  Mo- 
hammed, retires  to  Karun ;  marches 
against  Ispahan,  145;  quarrels 
with  his  brother,  146,  148,  151; 
arrests  Jelal's  envoys;  betrays 
Jelal,  155;  retires  to  the  moun- 
tains; kills  Mohammed  at  a  feast; 
goes  to  the  Assassins,  157;  goes 
to  Kerman;  strangled  by  Borak, 
head  sent  to  Ogotai,  158,  194. 

Goltsi,  gains  power  in  Mongolia,  411. 

Gumushtegin,  a  eunuch,  guardian 
of  Salih,  son  of  Nur  ed  din,  237; 
hires  Assassins  to  kill  Saladin,  238. 

Gutchluk,  given  as  title  to  son-in- 
law  of  the  Kara  Kitai  ruler,  90; 
makes  war  on  his  father-in-law, 
91,  92. 

Gutchluk,  son  of  Baibuga  of  the 
Naimans,  103,  104. 

Hayton,  King  of  Cilicia,  178,  180; 

decides  to  visit  Mangu  the  Grand 

Khan,  183;  sets  out,  287;  aids  the 

Mongols,  288. 
Hakim,  276;  claims  to  be  fourth  in 

descent   from   Mostershed;  goes 

to  Egypt,  277;  is  Kalif,  285. 
Hama,  has  an  evil  influence  in  councils 

of  the  Emperor,  398,  399,  400. 
Han  lin  ulh,  son  of  Sung  pretender, 

396;  disappears,  409. 
Herat,  summoned  to  surrender,  125, 

128,  129,  131;  repeopled,  190,  194. 


Index 


417 


Hoan  ho  Timur,  grandson  of  Mangu, 
393,  394. 

Eoelun,  captured  by  Yessugai,  16; 
gives  birth  to  Temudjin,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  39;  warns  Temudjin  against 
Jamuka,  32;  saves  her  son  Kassar; 
her  death,  73. 

Horchi,  describes  a  vision,  30;  given 
thirty  beautiful  women,  68. 

Huildar,  leader  of  the  Manhuts; 
plants  Temudjin's  standard  on 
Gubtan,  54,  55;  his  death,  56. 

Hulagu  marches  into  Asia  Minor,  184, 
195;  advances  to  exterminate  the 
Assassins,  241;  sends  envoys  to 
Grand  Prior,  242,  243;  surrender 
of  Alamut,  244;  gives  a  great 
feast,  245;  kills  all  the  Ismailians; 
sets  out  to  destroy  the  Kalifat,  247 ; 
seduces  commandant  of  Daritang, 
249,  250,  251;  slaughters  the  in- 
habitants of  Bagdad,  252 ;  kills  the 
Kalif,  254;  warns  Nassir  of  Syria, 
259,  260,  261;  summons  Aleppo 
to  surrender,  264;  sacks  Aleppo; 
receives  keys  of  Damascus,  265; 
receives  news  of  Mangu's  death, 
266;  promises  to  reinstate  Nassir, 
267;  kills  Nassir,  273;  trouble 
with  Berkai,  son  of  Juchi,  282; 
defeated  near  Shemaki;  victori- 
ous at  Shirvan,  287;  builds  a 
palace  at  Alatag,  288;  extent  of 
rule,  289;  places  Uns  Khatun  on  the 
Far's  throne,  291;  quells  an  up- 
rising, 292;  his  death,  293. 

Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  son  of  Ali,  sent  to 
the  Nishapur  school,  206;  class- 
mate of  Omar  Khayyam,  207; 
gains  influence  over  Melik  Shah, 
208;  favors  the  second  son  of  the 
Sultan  of  Egypt;  gets  possession 
of  Alamut,  209;  wins  followers, 
secures  power,  210;  causes  the 
death  of  Nizam  ul  Mulk  and  of 
Melik  Shah,  211;  his  secret  doc- 
trines, 212;  selects  victims,  215; 
warns  Sindjar,  Sultan  of  the  Sel- 

I'uks,  217;  makes  Kia  Busurgomid 
lis  successor;  his  death,  218. 
Hassan,  son  of  Kia  Mohammed,  Grand 
Prior  of  the  Assassins,  spreads 
report  that  he  is  the  promised 
Iman,  226;  becomes  Grand  Prior; 
determines  to  expose  the  secrets 
of  the  Order,  231 ;  proclaims  him- 
self the  Iman ;  celebrates  the  17th 
Ramadan,  232;   driven  to  prove 


himself  a  descendant  of  Fatimid 
Kalifs,  233;  teaches  atheism  and 
immorality;  assassinated,  234. 

Hussein,  son  of  Aly,  198;  offers  of 
support  from  Kufa,  199;  leaves 
Mecca,  200;  attacked  by  the 
troops  of  the  governor  of  Kufa; 
his  death,  201,  202. 

Hussein  Kaini,  an  active  Dayis,  204, 
210. 

Ismailians,  154,  196,  211;  Ismailian 

doctrine,  225,  234,  236,  240,  245. 

See  Assassins. 
Ibn  al  Athir,  the  historian,  172,  173. 
Ibn  Yunus,  steals  a  letter  from  Salih 

of  Mosul,  278;   first  governor  of 

Mosul,  281. 

Jagatai,  marches  to  China  with  Jin- 
ghis,  his  father,  83;  receives  com- 
mand at  Otrar,  105,  119;  quarrels 
with  Juchi,  his  brother,  120;  re- 
turns to  Jinghis,  126,  138;  his 
dominion,  141,  314,  315;  his  son, 
333,  334,  336,  366,  380. 

Jamuka,  chief  of  the  Juriats;  de- 
scended from  Kabul  Khan,  27,  29, 
30;  forms  a  party,  31;  his  brother 
Taichar,  32;  allies  himself  with 
Temudjin's  enemies,  33,  34,  36; 
influences  Sengun,  43;  attacks 
Wang  Khan  and  Jamuka,  46;  his 
forces  scatter,  47;  fills  Sengun's 
heart  with  fear,  50,  51;  conspires 
to  kill  Temudjin,  52;  battle  with 
Temudjin,  53;  message  from  Te- 
mudjin, 57;  betrayed  and  sur- 
rendered to  Temudjin,  63;  words 
from  Temudjin,  66;  his  death,  67. 

Jambui  Khatun,  wife  of  Kubilai,  353, 
370,  376,  377. 

Jelairs,  a  clan;  origin,  7;  kill  Mona- 
lun,  8;  crushed  by  Nachin,  9; 
oath  taken  to  destroy  Temudjin 
and  Wang  Khan,  9,  44. 

Jelal  ud  din,  son  of  Shah  Mohammed, 
saves  his  father,  104;  joined  by 
Timur  Melik,  108;  opposes  re- 
treat, 113;  with  his  two  brothers 
he  reaches  Urgendj ;  attacked  by 
Kankali  Turks,  119;  defeats  the 
Mongols  at  Ghazni,  121;  defends 
himself  at  the  Indus,  127;  springs 
into  the  Indus,  128;  pursued  to 
India,  marries  the  daughter  of 
the  Sultan  of  Delhi,  146;  feigns 
ignorance   of   his  father-in-law's 


418 


Index 


treason,  147;  marries  daughter  of 
Sad  of  Fars,  148;  campaign 
against  Nassir  the  Kalif;  sends 
letter  to  Prince  of  Damascus,  149; 
marches  to  Azerbaidjan,  150;  cap- 
tures Tovin;  learns  of  plot  against 
him  in  Tebriz,  151;  abandons 
siege  of  Khalat;  sets  out  for  Ker- 
man,  152;  marches  against  the 
Assassins  of  Persia;  repulses  Mon- 
gols, 154;  betrayed  by  his  brother ; 
defeated  by  Mongols,  155;  learns 
that  Ghiath  has  gone  to  the  As- 
sassins, 157;  secures  the  district 
of  Gushtasfi,  158;  fines  his  vizir 
for  giving  advice,  159;  besieges 
Khalat  a  second  time;  commands 
Moslems  to  pray  for  Mostansir, 
160;  takes  Khalat,  162;  falls  ill; 
defeated,  163;  goes  to  Mugan  to 
obtain  warriors,  165;  surprised 
by  Mongols ;  discovers  the  treason 
of  his  vizir,  166;  sets  out  for  Jara- 
per,  167;  surrounded  by  Mongols, 
169 ;  captured  by  Kurds ;  is  killed ; 
appearance  as  described  by  Nessa, 
171. 

Jelal  ud  din  Hassan  of  Alamut,  son 
of  Mohammed  II,  239;  opposed 
to  the  doctrines  taught  at  Alamut ; 
poisoned,  240. 

Jinghis  Khan  (see  early  life  under 
Temudjin),  rewards  his  Empire 
builders,  68,  69;  jealous  of  his 
brother;  reproved  by  his  mother, 
73;  angry  at  Munlik,  75;  sends 
envoy  to  Idikut  of  the  Uigurs,  76; 
intrenched  in  Kara  Kitai,  78; 
seeks  co-operation  of  the  Kitans, 
81;  informed  of  the  succession 
of  Chong  hei,  81 ;  sends  message 
to  the  Chinese  Emperor,  82 ;  moves 
from  the  Kerulon  to  conquer 
China;  crosses  Gobi;  invests  Tai 
tong  fu,  84;  resumes  activity  in 
China,  85;  marries  a  daughter 
of  Utubu,  86;  marches  on  Tangut; 
receives  submission  of  Corea,  89; 
Kalif  requests  his  aid;  sends 
message  to  Shah  Mohammed,  100; 
resolves  to  extinguish  Gutchluk, 
101;  ends  Gutchluk  and  his  king- 
dom; marches  westward;  places 
his  sons  in  command,  105;  moves 
again  to  Bokhara,  106.  108;  enters 
mosque  on  horseback;  marches 
against  Samarkand ;  cuts  off  JelaFs 
retreat,  119;   camps  on  the  Nak- 


sheb  steppes;  besieges  Termend; 
destroys  Kerduan;  takes  Bamian; 
grandson  killed,  126;  attacks 
Jelal  at  the  Indus,  127;  cuts  down 
men  faithful  to  Jelal  ud  din,  129; 
passes  winter  near  the  Indus; 
resolves  to  return  to  China;  gives 
command  to  kill  prisoners;  leaves 
Samarkand;  back  in  homeland 
1225;  enters  Tangut,  137;  his 
death;  remains  taken  to  birth- 
place, 138;  funeral  chant,  139, 
140. 

Juchi,  son  of  Temudjin,  his  birth,  29, 
50,  52 ;  goes  to  China  with  Jinghis, 
83 ;  tries  to  save  Kultuk,  88 ;  sent 
to  act  against  cities  from  Jend  to 
Lake  Aral;  gives  orders  to  attack 
the  city  of  Jend,  106,  107,  108,  119; 
quarrels  with  Jagatai,  120;  goes 
north  of  Lake  Aral  and  establishes 
the  Golden  Horde,  126;  Juchi's- 
heirs  inherit  from  Jinghis,  141,  144; 
his  grandson,  367. 

Kabul,  son  of  Tumbinai,  visits  China; 
taken  prisoner,  11,  12,  15;  rivalry 
between  descendants  of  Kabul  and 
Ambagai,  16. 

Kaidan,  meets  Taidjut  in  single 
combat,  12,  13. 

Kaidu,  saved  by  his  nurse,  8;  from 
him  are  descended  the  greatest 
historical  men  of  the  Mongols,  9; 
grandfather  of  Tumbinai,  10,  16. 

Kaidu,  great-grandson  of  Jinghis 
Khan,  advances  to  attack  Algu, 
337,  339,  361;  makes  war  on 
Kubilai,  365;  gets  control  of  the 
Jagatai  country,  366 ;  forms  a  new 
league,  368;  held  in  check  by 
Bayan,  369,  376;  assumes  the 
title  of  Grand  Khan;  his  death, 
380,  381,  382. 

Kamala,  Kubilai's  grandson,  369; 
aspires  to  Empire,  376,  377,  387. 

Kamil,  Prince  of  Mayafarkin,  273, 
274. 

Kamil.  Sultan  of  Egypt,  163,  174. 

Kankalis,  101,  107;  expect  to  be 
treated  as  kinsmen,  111:  are 
slaughtered,  112;  dissatisfied  with 
Jelal  ud  din.  119;  move  westward; 
form  nucleus  of  Ottoman  Empire, 
126;  closely  connected  with  Kwar- 
esmian  rulers,  158. 

Kara  Buga,  Mongol  commander,  276, 
277. 


Index 


419 


Kara  Kitai,  its  extent,  75,  78;  its 
origin,  89,  90,  91,  93,  94,  100. 

Kara  Hulagu,  grandson  of  Jagatai; 
dies  on  the  way  to  his  possessions, 
323. 

Karmath,  agent   of  Abdallah,  204; 

captures    Mecca;     his  followers 

rage  for  a  century,  205. 
Kassar  (Juchi),  brother  of  Temudjin, 

17;  together  with  Temudjin  kills 

his  half-brother,  19,  20,  21,  27,  35; 

victory  over  the  Naimans,  44,  45; 

disobeys    Temudjin,    59;  saved 

by  his  mother,  72,  73,  74. 
Kassin  Aimed,  uncle  of  Mostassim, 

made  Kalif,  275;  lost  in  a  battle 

against  Kara  Buga,  277. 
Katchi     Kyuluk,     eldest    son  of 

Monalun,  7;  his  descendants,  8. 
Kei  Kosru,  ruler  of  Rum  in  1238,  177, 

178;    marries   the    daughter  of 

Queen  Rusudan,  179;  his  death, 

181. 

Kei  Kubad,  Sultan  of  Rum,  161,  162, 

163,  164,  165,  168,  169. 
Kentei  Khan  mountains,  have  two 

water  systems,  3 ;  body  of  Jinghis 

carried  to  the  Kentei  Khan  region, 

139. 

Khaishan,  son  of  Chingkin,  aspires 
to  power,  384;  saluted  as  sover- 
eign ;  takes  the  name  Kuluk  Khan, 
385;  his  death,  385. 

Ki,  wife  of  Togan  Timur,  398. 

Kia  Busurgomid,  second  Grand  Prior, 
218,  219,  225. 

Kia  Mohammed,  third  Grand  Prior 
of  the  Assassins,  225,  226. 

Kia  se  tao,  Chinese  official,  makes 
secret  treaty  proposals  to  Kubilai, 
332,  343,  344;  master  of  Sung 
Emperor,  346,  347;  exiled  and 
murdered,  349. 

Kitans,  succeeded  by  the  Golden 
Khans,  2;  a  part  of  the  Manchu 
stock,  78,  79;  Aguta  subdues  the 
Emnire,  80,  81;  insurrection,  84, 
85,  90. 

Kokochu,  a  shaman,  son  of  Munlik, 
Jinghis  Khan's  stepfather,  72; 
called  also  Taibtenseri,  gathers 
followers,  73;  is  killed,  74. 

Kotyan,  a  Polovtsi  Khan  whose 
daughter  married  Mystislav  of 
Russia.  133. 

Kubilai  Khan,  favored  by  Hulagu, 
283;  son  of  Tului,  309,  318;  re- 
ceives Honan  from  Mangu,  325; 


returns  to  Mongolia,  326 ;  popular 
in  China,  327;  accepts  conditions 
offered  by  Kia  se  tao,  332;  urged  to 
proceed  to  Kurultai,  333;  meets 
Arik  Buga's  army  in  Middle  Shen 
si,  334;  goes  to  Kai  ping  fu,  335; 
attacked  by  Arik  Buga,  336,  337, 
338;  decides  to  conquer  all  China, 
339;  his  envoys  imprisoned,  340; 
delays  war,  341 ;  assembles  troops, 
342;  exercised  by  war  in  his  own 
family,  344;  issues  a  rescript,  345; 
sends  an  embassy,  348;  writes  to 
Li  ting  shi,  355;  summons  Bayan 
from  South  China,  357,  358;  re- 
solves to  subdue  China,  361 ;  forces 
Burma  to  pay  tribute,  363 ;  plans 
second  attack  on  Japan;  con- 
quers Tung  king,  364;  drops  his 
campaign  against  Java,  365;  sur- 
prises the  army  of  Tob  Timur,  366 ; 
crushes  Nayan,  368;  leaves  Shang 
tu,  369;  needs  money,  371,  372; 
his  death,  373;  his  capital  and 
palace,  374. 

Kuichu,  found  in  the  Udut  camp  and 
given  to  Hoelun,  29;  Jinghis  Khan 
rewards  him,  70. 

Kuku  Timur,  son  of  Chagan,  404, 
406,  407,  408,  409,  410,  411. 

Kuluk  Khan,    see   Khaishan,  385. 

Kutula,  fourth  son  of  Kabul,  12; 
assembles  warriors,  13;  attacked 
by  Durbans,  14;   blood  feud,  15. 

Kuku  Timur,  besieges  Y  tu,  404; 
opposes  the  heir,  408,  409;  his 
death,  411. 

Kung  yuan  tse,  descendant  of  Con- 
fucius, 301;  sent  to  Subotai, 
305. 

Kurguz,  Chin  Timur's  chancellor, 
186;  summoned  to  Mongolia,  187; 
sent  to  make  a  census;  explains 
accusations  made  against  him,  187; 
causes  the  death  of  Ongu;  rules 
west  of  the  Oxus,  189;  protects 
Persians  against  Mongols;  is  killed 
by  Kara  Hulagu,  191. 

Kushala,  son  of  Tob  Timur,  386, 
388,  389;  distrusts  his  brother; 
poisoned  at  a  feast,  390,  392,  394, 
395. 

Kutb  ud  din,  nephew  of  Borak,  tries 

to  usurp  power;  goes  to  Kurultai; 

obtains  throne  of  Kerman;  kills 

Rokn  ud  din,  195,  196. 
Kuridai,  warns  Temudjin  of  a  plot  to 

kill  him,  45. 


420 


Index 


Kurja  Kuz,  father  of  Wang  Khan 
(Togrul),  40. 

Kush  Timur  leads  Bagdad  forces, 
149;    killed,  150. 

Kutuz,  general  of  Eibeg,  ruler  of 
Egypt,  259,  262;  his  origin;  be- 
comes master  in  Egypt,  263 ;  calls 
a  council;  decides  on  war,  268; 
sends  envoy  to  Syria,  269;  ad- 
dresses his  generals,  270;  wins  a 
great  victory;  names  his  lieuten- 
ants in  Syria;  leaves  for  Egypt; 
assassinated  by  Beibars,  272. 

Kuyuk,  installed  Grand  Khan,  180, 
181,  182;  his  death,  182. 

Kwaresmian  Shah,  see  Shah  Mo- 
hammed and  Shah  Jelal  ud  din. 

Kwan  sien  seng,  captures  Shang  tu, 
104. 

Liau  fu  tong,  chief  of  the  Sung  pre- 
tender, 397;  proclaims  Han  lin 
ulh,  399,  400;  seizes  Kai  fong  fu, 
401;  escapes  to  Ngan  fong,  403; 
slain,  406. 

Lien  hi  hien,  a  Uigur,  Arik  Buga's 
best  general,  334. 

Li  ting  shi,  tries  to  rescue  his  Em- 
peror, 355;  rescued  from  drown- 
ing, and  slain,  356. 

Li  tsong,  Sung  Emperor,  311,  312; 
his  death,  341,  358. 

Liu  kara  Buga,  a  Mongol  general, 
401. 

Liu  sin  fu,  minister  of  the  Sung  Em- 
peror, 357,  358,  359. 

Liu  wen  hoan,  minister  of  Sung  Em- 
peror, 343 ;  surrenders  Siang  yang, 
344,  345,  346,  348,  351. 

Lyuko,  prince  of  Kitan  dynasty, 
joins  Jinghis,  84,  85. 

Mahmud,  successor  of  Sindjar,  219. 

Ma  ki,  governor  of  Kuang  si,  resists 
the  Mongols,  356. 

Mamun,  son  of  Harun  al  Rashid, 
makes  an  effort  to  unite  the  Alyites 
and  Abbasids,  202. 

Mangu,  son  of  Tului;  his  brothers, 
318;  election  declared  illegal,  319; 
feast  of  installation;  plot  against 
his  life,  320;  death  of  his  mother, 
322;  goes  to  Kara  Kurum;  kills 
his  cousin,  323;  has  Ogotai's 
grandson  drowned,  323;  gives 
Honan  to  Kubilai  Khan,  325; 
makes  ready  to  march  against 
the  Sung  Empire,  327;   sets  out 


for  the  Sung  Empire,  328;  givea 
a  great  feast,  329;  his  death,  330, 
331;  wife  and  sons,  333. 

Mangu  Timur  of  the  Golden  Horde, 
descendant  of  Juchi,  365;  sov- 
ereign of  Kipchak,  366,  367. 

Mansur,  son  of  Eibeg  of  Egypt,  262 ; 
imprisoned  by  Kutuz,  263. 

Mao  kwe,  commander  of  the  Sung 
forces,  401;  his  death,  402. 

Massud,  Seljuk  Sultan,  takes  author- 
ity from  Abbasid  Kalifs,  223. 

Melik  Salih  Ismail,  son  of  Bedr  ud 
din  Lulu;  marries  the  daughter 
of  Jelal  ud  din,  last  Shah  of  Kwar- 
esm,  260. 

Melik  Shah,  Seljuk  Sultan,  93 ;  gives 
an  office  to  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  207, 
208,  209;  alarmed  by  the  defeat  of 
his  troops,  210;  murdered  by 
Hassan  Ben  Sabah's  Assassins,  211. 

Melik  Timur,  son  of  Arik  Buga, 
partisan  of  Ananda,  384;  mur- 
dered, 385. 

Merkit,  clan,  the  people  from  whom 
Hoelun,  the  mother  of  Temudjin, 
was  stolen,  16;  avenge  the  kidnap- 
ping, 27;  hunted  by  Wang  Khan 
and  Temudjin,  28.  29,  30,  49,  56, 
58,  62,  63,  64,  65. 

Merv,  attacked  by  Tului' s  army, 
122;  invested;  surrenders;  slaugh- 
ter of  its  citizens,  123;  re- 
peopled,  128;  again  destroyed, 
129. 

Mien  yang,  taken  by  Siu  chiu  hwei, 
lost  to  the  Mongols,  399. 

Mingan,  a  distinguished  Chinese 
general,  84;  praised  for  siege 
work,  87. 

Ming  yu  chin,  a  new  Emperor,  ap- 
pears in  Su  chuan,  405;  his  death, 
409. 

Moazzam,  Prince  of  Aleppo,  refuses 
to  surrender  the  city,  264;  Aleppo 
destroyed,  265. 

Mohammed,  Shah  of  Kwaresm,  with- 
draws from  subjection  to  Chiluku 
ruler  in  Kara  Kitai,  90,  91;  in- 
vades the  lands  of  the  Gurkhan, 
94;  is  defeated,  95;  kills  his 
brother.  96;  resolves  to  destroy 
the  Abbasid  Kalifat,  97;  moves 
toward  Bagdad,  98;  receives  en- 
VOVS  from  Jinghis,  100 ;  his  mother, 
101;  assembles  a  large  army  at 
Samarkand,  103:  alarmed  at  the 
approach  of  the  Mongol  army,  104, 


Index 


421 


105;  chased  by  thirty  thousand 
men,  112,  113,  114,  115;  suffering 
from  pieurisy  and  weakness,  takes 
refuge  on  an  island,  117;  his 
death,  117. 

Mohammed  of  Nessa,  the  historian, 
161;  describes  appearance  of  Jelal 
ud  din,  171. 

Mohammed  II  of  Alamut,  son  of 
Hassan  II,  avenges  the  death  of  his 
father;  preaches  the  doctrine  of 
license,  crime,  and  vice,  234;  death 
from  poison,  239. 

Monalun,  mother  of  Katchi  Kyuluk 
and  Nachin,  7;  quarrels  with  the 
Jelairs;  is  murdered  by  them,  8. 

Mongith,  Prince  of  Karak,  288; 
murdered  by  Hulagu,  288. 

Mostansir,  Fatimid  Kalif  at  Cairo, 
160,  161,  206,  208,  209. 

Mostassim,  Kalif  in  Bagdad  in  1257; 
his  answer  to  Hulagu's  summons 
to  level  the  walls,  247;  advised 
to  send  gifts  to  the  Mongols,  248, 
249;  refuses  to  visit  Mongol  camp, 
250;  bound  to  his  destiny,  252; 
begs  for  the  lives  of  his  family, 
253;  murdered  by  Hulagu,  254, 
274. 

Mostershed,  the  twenty-ninth  Ab- 
basid  Kalif,  223;  marches  against 
Seljuk  Sultan,  224;  killed  by  the 
Assassins,  224. 

Mozaffer,  son  of  Bedr  ud  din  Lulu, 
given  Aleppo,  271. 

Mozaffer,  son  of  Said  of  Mardin, 
rewarded  by  Hulagu,  275. 

Muavia,  governor  of  Syria,  made 
Kalif  to  overthrow  Aly;  wins 
Egypt  as  first  Ommayad  Kalif,  197 ; 
sole  Kalif  of  Islam,  198;  forces 
the  election  of  Yezid;  his  death, 
199;  exile  of  his  descendants,  202. 

Mukuli,  a  Jelair,  given  to  Temudjin 

L  by  his  (Mukuli's)  father,  39;  re- 
warded by  Jinghis,  67,  68;  re- 
warded beyond  all  other  generals, 
88;  reenters  China,  136;  his 
death,  136. 

Munlik,  son  of  Charaha,  goes  after 
Temudjin  when  Yessugai  is  dying, 
18,  33 ;  marries  Temudjin's  mother, 
35;  gives  Temudjin  advice  which 
saves  his  life,  52;  is  rewarded 
by  Jinghis,  72;  one  of  his  seven 
sons  killed  by  Jinghis,  74,  75. 

Mystislav,  Russian  prince,  defeated 
at  the  Kalka,  135. 


Nachin,  uncle  of  Kaidu,  7,  8,  9. 

Nassir,  Kalif  of  Bagdad,  ascends 
the  throne,  96,  97;  strengthens 
Bagdad,  149;  his  death,  160. 

Nassir  Salah  ud  din  Yusseif,  descend- 
ant of  Saladin,  180,  257;  rules 
Syria;  undertakes  to  drive  Eibeg 
from  the  Egyptian  throne,  258; 
envoys  received  by  Hulagu,  259; 
concludes  a  treaty  with  Mogith, 
260,  261;  alarmed  by  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Mongols,  262;  re- 
ceives a  letter  from  Kutuz,  263; 
hears  of  the  sack  of  Aleppo,  265; 
betrayed,  and  seized  by  the  Mon- 
gols, 267,  269,  273. 

Nassir  ud  din,  vizir  of  Turkan 
Khatun,  mother  of  Shah  Moham- 
med, exercises  authority  in  spite 
of  Mohammed,  103. 

Nassir  ud  din,  famous  astronomer, 
244. 

Naur,  murders  the  grandfather  of 
Wang  Khan  (Togrul),  40. 

Nin  kai  su,  Kin  Emperor,  295,  300; 
accepts  every  condition,  301 ;  aban- 
dons the  capital,  303;  sets  out  to 
make  Tsai  chiu  his  capital,  306; 
loses  courage,  3Q7;  makes  one 
more  attempt  to  s"ve  himself,  308; 
yields  the  throne  to  Ching  lin; 
hangs  himself,  309. 

Nishapur,  twelve  days'  journey  from 
Merv,  attacked  by  Tului,  124; 
city  occupied,  125. 

Nizam  ul  Mulk,  student  at  the  Nisha- 
pur school  of  Movaffik,  206;  first 
statesman  of  his  period,  207; 
Nizam's  own  statement;  killed 
by  Hassan  Ben  Sabah,  211. 

Nogai,  Berkai's  commander,  283, 
surprises  Hulagu's  men,  284 ;  forced 
to  retreat;  is  wounded,  294. 

Nur  ed  din,  Prince  of  Damascus, 
receives  command  from  the  As- 
sassins, 217;  son  of  Zenky,  226; 
rules  the  Syrian  province,  228; 
conquers  Haram;  receives  news 
of  the  advance  of  Amalric,  King 
of  Jerusalem,  229;  sends  Shirkuh 
to  Egypt,  230;  wishes  to  abolish 
the  Fatimid  Kalif  at,  231;  sees 
with  alarm  the  growing  influ- 
ence of  Saladin,  236;  his  death, 
237. 

Nusrat  i  kuh,  in  the  Talekan  district, 
defends  itself  for  six  weeks,  121; 
no  living  soul  is  spared,  122. 


422 


Index 


Obeidallah,  governs  in  Bussorah; 
kills  Muslim,  200;  insists  on  abso- 
lute surrender  of  Hussein,  201; 
slays  Hussein  and  his  followers, 
202. 

Obeidallah,  son  of  Mohammed  Al- 
habib,  summoned  to  Africa  by 
Abdallah ;  imprisoned ;  rescued 
by  Abdallah;  made  the  first  Fati- 
mid  Kalif,  205. 

Ogotai,  is  wounded,  55;  is  given  the 
wife  of  Tukta  Bijhi,  64,  71;  goes 
with  Jinghis,  his  father,  to  China, 
83;  placed  in  command  at  Otrar, 
105;  given  command  at  Urgendj, 
120;  sent  to  take  Ghazni,  128; 
receives  his  inheritance,  141,  143, 
144;  Borak  sends  him  the  head 
of  Ghiath,  158;  receives  the  body 
of  Shah  Mohammed,  161,  164; 
Tamara  of  Georgia  visits  his 
court,  176;  receives  Kelilat,  185; 
gratified  by  a  visit  from  the  princes 
of  Iran,  186,  187;  receives  presents 
from  Kutuz,  188;  commands  to  raise 
up  Khorassan,  190,  191,  193;  gives 
command  over  Chinese  troops  to 
three  generals  of  that  race,  295; 
master  of  Shen  si,  296,  297;  re- 
ceives a  message  from  Tului  in 
Honan,  298;  visits  Tului,  299; 
master  of  all  places  around  Kin 
capital,  300;  asks  for  hostages, 
301;  alliance  with  Sung  Em- 
peror, 307;  returns  to  Kara 
Kurum,  309;  holds  a  great  Ku- 
rultai,  310;  recalls  Subotai,  312; 
death  of  Kutchu,  his  favorite  son, 
312;  passes  his  time  in  hunting 
and  drinking,  314;  falls  ill;  his 
death,  315;  his  widow  assembles 
a  Kurultai;  the  influence  of  Ye 
liu  chu  tsai,  314,  316. 

Ogul  Gaimish,  Kuyuk's  widow,  319; 
put  to  death,  323. 

Okin  Barka,  son  of  Kabul,  13,  14. 

Onguts,  a  tribe  living  near  the  Great 
Wall  of  China,  62. 

Onon  River,  its  source,  2,  4. 

Order  of  Templars,  220. 

Osman,  ruler  of  Samarkand,  makes 
an  attack  on  the  Gurkhan  of  Kara 
Kitai;  wins  a  victory;  kills 
Kwaresmians;  death  caused  by 
his  wife,  95. 

Pa  pu  hwa,  a  eunuch,  keeps  Togan 
Timur  under  his  evil  influence, 


403,  406;  Tu  kien  delivers  hia 
sovereign  from  the  traitor,  407. 

Peyao,  daughter  of  Yang  Timur, 
marries  Togan  Timur,  392;  mur- 
dered by  Peyen,  393,  394. 

Peyen,  first  minister  of  Togan  Timur, 
discovers  a  plot  to  assassinate  the 
Grand  Khan,  393;  kills  the  Em- 
press Peyao,  394;  his  downfall 
and  exile,  394. 

Polo  Timur,  governor  of  Tai  tung, 
quarrels  with  Chagan  Timur,  403; 
strives  to  capture  Tsin  ki;  refuses 
to  yield  up  command,  406;  rein- 
stated in  office,  407 ;  puts  to  death 
Tolo  Timur;  despair  over  the 
defection  of  his  best  general,  408; 
his  head  sent  to  the  heir  of  Togan 
Timur,  408. 

Polovtsi,  a  tribe  akin  to  the  Mongols; 
befriend  the  Mongols;  are  be- 
trayed and  slaughtered,  133 ;  seized 
with  terror,  they  desert  their  allies 
at  the  Kalka,  134,  135. 

Risvan,  Prince  of  Aleppo,  a  friend 
of  the  Assassins,  214;  loses  Apa- 
mea;  reproached  by  Syrian 
princes ;  his  death,  215. 

Rokn  ud  din,  son  of  Shah  Moham- 
med, holds  Persian  Irak,  113; 
slain  by  Mongols,  145. 

Rokn  ud  din  Kelidj  Arslan,  son  of 
Kei  Kosru,  sovereign  of  Rum,  181; 
his  partisans,  182;  receives  the 
land  west  of  the  Sivas;  installed 
as  Sultan,  183;  receives  news  of 
his  father's  death;  visits  Ogotai; 
asks  asylum  of  the  Kalif;  his 
death,  195. 

Rokn  ud  din,  son  of  Alai  ed  din, 
Grand  Prior  of  the  Assassins,  240; 
made  heir;  opposes  his  father; 
causes  the  assassination  of  his 
father,  241;  demolishes  castles 
and  gives  the  Mongols  assurance 
of  obedience,  242;  is  given  five 
days  for  surrender,  243;  visits 
Hulagu ;  marries  a  Mongol  woman ; 
goes  to  Mongolia;  his  death,  245. 

Rusudan,  Queen  of  Georgia,  159; 
finds  an  asylum  in  Imeretia,  175; 
refuses  to  leave  Usaneth;  sends 
her  son  as  hostage  to  Batu,  179; 
attacked  by  King  David;  recom- 
mends her  son  to  Batu,  Khan  of 
the  Golden  Horde;  takes  poison 
and  dies,  180. 


Sain  Tegin,  brother  of  Kulku  Goa,  11 ; 
falls  ill  and  dies;  the  shaman  is 
killed,  and  the  family  involved 
in  a  blood  feud,  12. 

Saladin,  son  of  Eyub,  226;  his  birth, 
227;  goes  to  Egypt;  is  left  in 
command  at  Alexandria,  229; 
plot  against  his  life,  230;  becomes 
vizir  of  the  Kalif,  231;  delivers 
the  blow  which  destroys  the  main 
branch  of  the  Western  Ismailites, 
231;  takes  possession  of  the  Sul- 
tan's palace;  finds  a  splendid 
library,  236;  strengthens  fortifi- 
cations, 237;  goes  to  Aleppo; 
strong  champion  of  the  Abbasids; 
occupies  Emesa  and  Baalbek,  238; 
determines  to  destroy  the  Assas- 
sins; returns  to  Cairo,  239. 

Salah,  son  of  Bedr  ud  din  of  Mosul; 
letter  stolen  by  Ibn  Yunus;  goes 
to  Syria;  wife  defends  Mosul,  278; 
goes  to  Egypt;  returns  to  Mosul, 
279;  surrenders  to  Hulagu,  280; 
killed  in  a  terrible  manner,  281. 

Salih,  son  of  Nur  ed  din,  is  taken 
to  Aleppo,  237,  238. 

Samdagu,  commander  at  Mosul, 
279;  receives  reinforcements  from 
Hulagu;  terms  of  surrender,  280; 
marches  on  Jeziret;  kills  Gubeg, 
281. 

Sanga,  a  Uigur;  minister  of  Kubilai, 
372;  his  dishonesty  discovered; 
killed  by  Kubilai,  373. 

Sankor,  grandson  of  Salgar,  estab- 
lishes himself  as  master  in  Fars, 
147. 

Sarban,  son  of  Jagatai,  favors  Tok 
Timur  for  Grand  Khan,  366; 
offered  the  throne  by  Tok  Timur; 
deserted  by  his  troops;  taken 
captive,  escapes  to  the  Emperor, 
367. 

Sartak,  son  of  Batu  Khan  of  the 
Golden  Horde,  said  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian. 184;  succeeds  his  father  in 
1255 ;  his  death,  282. 

Sengun  Bilghe,  grandson  of  Kaidu,  9; 
given  rule  bv  Kabul,  10;  father 
of  Ambagai.  12. 

Sengun,  son  of  Wang  Khan,  defeated 
by  Seirak,  42 ;  saved  by  Boorchu ; 
secluded  from  earliest  inheritance 
by  Temudjin,  43;  his  son,  Kush 
Buga;  his  fear  and  hatred  of 
Temudjin,  50;  goes  for  counsel, 
51;   plots  to  kill  Temudjin,  52; 


ex  423 

defeated  and  wounded  in  battle, 
54;    his  answer  to  message  from 
Temudjin,  58,  60;  his  death,  61. 
Seyid  Edjell,  an  adherent  of  Islam, 
chief  minister   of    Kubilai,  cele- 
brated for  probity;  his  death,  370. 
Shawer,  vizir  under   the  Egyptian 
Kalif;  his  struggle  with  Dargham, 
228;   alliance  with  Amalric,  229; 
feels  his  danger,  230;  killed,  231. 
Shems  ud  din  Iletmish,  once  a  slave ; 
seizes  a  part  of  India;  refuses 
shelter  to  Jelal  ud  din,  Sultan  of 
Kwaresm,  146. 
Shems  ud  din  Mohammed,  son  of 

Abu  Bekr;  reigns  in  Herat,  194. 
Sherif  ul  Mulk,  Jelal  ud  din's  vizir, 
a  traitor;  offers  homage  to  Kei 
Kubad  and  Ashraf,  165;  tortures 
Kwaresmian  officers;  his  treason 
discovered  by  Jelal,  166;  killed 
by  order  of  the  Sultan,  167. 
Shireki,  son  of  Mangu,  accepts  Tok 
Timur's  offer  of  the  throne;  de- 
feated, 366;  his  exile  and  death* 
367. 

Shihab  ud  din,  fourth  sovereign  of  the* 
Gur  dynasty,  96. 

Shirkuk,  uncle  of  Saladin,  made- 
governor  of  Emesa,  228;  goes  to 
Egypt;  fortifies  Belbeis;  alarmed 
by  strength  of  combined  armies, 
229;  withdraws  from  Egypt;  ap- 
pears before  Cairo  a  second  time, 
230;  becomes  vizir;  his  death,  231. 

Sidje  Bighi,  chief  of  the  Barins,  with- 
draws from  Temudjin,  35. 

Sinan,  Grand  Prior  of  the  Assassins 
in  Syria,  assists  Gumushteghin 
in  a  plot  to  kill  Saladin,  238,  239. 

Sindjar,  Sultan  of  the  Seljuks,  sends 
troops  to  take  Ismailian  castles, 
217;  receives  a  threatening  letter 
from  Hassan    Ben    Sabah,  217. 

Sinkur,  a  descendant  of  Juchi  Kassar, 
commands  the  right  wing  of  Hu- 
lagu's  army,  260. 

Siu  chiu  hwei,  a  rebel  chief;  pro- 
claimed Emperor;  calls  his  dy- 
nasty Tien  wan,  297;  master  of 
Wu  chang,  399;  wishes  to  transfer 
his  capital  to  Nan  chang  fu; 
beaten  to  death  by  Chin  yiu  liang, 
402. 

Siur  kukteni,  wife  of  Tului  and 
mother  of  Mangu,  Kubilai,  Arik 
Buga  and  Hulagu,  317,  318;  her 
death,  322. 


424 


Index 


Sorgan  Shira,  saves  the  life  of  Te- 
mudjin,  21;  places  Temudjin  in 
a  cart  piled  high  with  wood,  22, 
23,  46,  47;  his  son,  64;  is  rewarded, 
71. 

Subotai,  called  the  Valiant,  32; 
sent  by  Temudjin  to  seize  the  sons 
of  Tukta  Bijhi,  65;  rewarded  for 
services,  69;  sent  the  second  time, 
kills  the  two  young  men,  88,  114; 
sacks  Rayi,  116,  132,  299;  sent 
to  subdue  Kin  capital,  300;  with- 
draws; attacks  the  capital  a 
second  time,  302,  303;  sends  the 
Empresses  to  Mongolia,  305. 

Su  ta,  general  of  Chu  yuan  chang, 
attacks  Chang  si  ching,  408;  wins 
a  great  victory;  captures  Chang 
si  ching,  409;  marches  to  the 
Kerulon  River. 

Sutu,  a  Mongol  commander,  356; 
sends  his  son  to  Shang  tu,  357; 
moves  against  King  of  Cochin 
China ;  returns  to  Canton,  362,  363 ; 
perishes  at  Kien  moan  River,  364. 

Sue  sue,  a  man  whose  influence  in- 
jures the  Grand  Khan  Togan 
Timur,  398,  400. 

Tache,  Mongol  leader,  defeated  by 

Liau  fu  tong,  399. 
Tadji  Baku,  one  of  the  commanders 

sent  against  Jelal  ud  din,  154. 
Taibtengeri    (see    Kokochu),  puts 

a  saddle  on  Temugu,  73;  is  killed 

by  Temugu,  74. 
Taidjuts,  descendants  of  Ambagai 

9;    kill  sons  of  Kabul,  15,  20 

capture  Temudjin,   21,   22,  23 

attack  Temudjin,  26,  30,  33,  34,  44. 
Taimulon,  sister  of  Temudjin,  17. 
Talaiguta,  gives  his  grandchildren, 

Mukuli  and  Buga,  to  Temudjin,  39. 
Tang  dynasty,  its  duration,  2,  79. 
Tangut,  made  to  pay  tribute,  75; 

fresh  disorders  break  out,  77. 
Ta  san  kuan,  a  fortress  belonging  to 

the  Sung  Emperor,  is  captured  by 

Tului,  297. 
Tatchar,  son  of  Boroul,  one  of  Jinghis 

Khan's  great  heroes,  307,  308,  309. 
Tatungo,  a  Uigur  of  learning,  Bai- 

buka's    seal    keeper,    taken  by 

Temudjin;     teaches  Temudjin's 

sons,  63. 

Tekoan,  son  of  Abaki,  the  first  Kitan 
ruler;  secures  the  throne  for  a 
Chinese  rebel,  79;  makes  war  on 


this  rebel's  successor;  captures 
him;  calls  his  dynasty  "  Liao,"  80. 

Temudjin  Uge,  a  Tartar  chieftain 
from  whom  Temudjin  (Jinghis 
Khan)    received  his    name,  17; 

Temudjin,  his  birth,  17;  finds  a 
bride,  18;  his  character,  20; 
seized  by  Sorgan  Shira,  22;  wife 
stolen  by  Merkits,  27;  recovers 
Bortai,  28;  is  joined  by  Jelairs; 
vision  of  Horchi,  30;  is  made 
Khan;  appoints  officers,  31;  an- 
nounces his  accession  to  Togrul 
and  Jamuka,  32;  attacks  Jamuka, 
33;  boils  his  prisoners;  joined 
by  several  tribes;  strengthens 
position  by  marriages,  35;  quarrel 
at  a  feast,  35;  tries  to  win  Ja- 
muka, 36;  marches  against  Nai- 
mans,  41;  deserted  by  Wang 
Khan ;  aids  Wang  Khan,  42 ;  con- 
versation with  Wang  Kang; 
adopted  by  Wang  Khan,  43; 
wounded  in  battle,  46;  is  saved 
by  Chelmai,  46;  saves  daughter 
of  Sorgan  Shira;  moves  against 
Tartars,  47;  punishes  uncles  and 
cousin  for  disobedience;  excludes 
Belgutai  from  council,  48;  mar- 
ries Aisugan,  49;  asks  Wang 
Khan's  granddaughter  for  Juchi, 
55 ;  assembles  forces  at  Kalanchin ; 
reviews  army,  55;  sends  a  mes- 
sage to  Wang  Khan,  56;  sends 
message  to  Jamuka,  57;  defeats 
Wang  Khan,  59;  struggle  with 
Baibuga,  62;  takes  Kulan  Khatun 
as  wife,  63 ;  passes  the  winter  near 
the  Altai  mountains,  64;  kills 
Jamukc;  takes  the  title  Jinghis 
Khan,    67.    See   Jinghis  Khan. 

Timur,  son  of  Chingkin,  given  com- 
mand by  Kubilai,  his  grandfather, 
369;  given  a  banquet  by  Bayan, 
370;  chosen  by  Kubilai  as  suc- 
cessor, 376;  Bayan  declares  for 
him,  377;  commands  Seitchaur  to 
march  into  Mien  tien,  378,  379, 
380,  381 ;  his  death  at  Ta  tu,  383. 

Tob  Timur,  son  of  Kuluk  Khan,  388, 
389;  sends  messengers  to  his 
brother;  is  informed  by  Kushala 
that  the  throne  will  be  his  in  suc- 
cession, 390;  made  Emperor  a 
second  time  after  the  murder  of 
Kushala,  390,  391;  favors  Bud- 
dhism, 391 ;  becomes  a  nonentity; 
his  death,  392. 


Index 


425 


Togachar,  son  of  Jinghis  Khan's 
youngest  brother,  122,  328,  338. 

Togan,  son  of  Kubilai,  ordered  to 
march  to  Cochin  China,  363,  364; 
is  punished  by  the  Emperor,  365. 

Togan  Taissi,  uncle  of  the  Kwaresm 
Shah,  Jelal  ud  din,  moves  on  Azer- 
baidjan;  surprised  by  Jelal  ud  din, 
150;  sends  his  wife  to  make  peace; 
chosen  as  a  ruler,  156. 

Togan  Timur,  son  of  Kushala,  mar- 
ries Peyao,  daughter  of  Yang 
Timur,  392;  made  sovereign,  393; 
allows  Peyen  to  kill  the  Empress, 
394;  removes  Tob  Timur's  tablet 
from  Hall  of  Ancestors,  394; 
causes  the  annals  of  the  Liao,  Kin, 
and  Sung  dynasties  to  be  com- 
pleted, 396,  398,  403 ;  makes  Polo 
Timur  commander-in-chief,  407 ; 
terrified  by  Chinese  conquests; 
his  death,  410. 

Togha  Timur,  brother  of  Batu,  Khan 
of  the  Golden  Horde,  223. 

Togrul,  Khan  of  the  Keraits,  his 
origin,  39;  implores  aid  of  Yes- 
sugai,  40;  deceived  by  Jamuka,  41. 
See  Wang  Khan. 

Toktagha,  Togan  Timur's  first  minis- 
ter, 395;  tires  of  court  life;  is 
exiled ;  Tai  ping  obtains  his  recall, 
396,  397;  leads  Honan  troops, 
398;  is  accused  of  dishonesty; 
exiled,  399. 

Tok  Timur,  officer  in  Kubilai's  army, 
366;  wishes  to  put  Shireki  on  the 
throne;  is  defeated;  seized  by 
Shireki;  his  death,  367. 

Tsui  li,  seizes  Kin  capital;  proclaims 
Wa  nien  tsung  regent;  sends  the 
keys  of  the  city  to  the  Mongols,  304. 

Tuguchar,  left  by  Jinghis  to  guard 
home  lands,  83. 

Tu  kien  Timur,  sent  against  Ali  hwei 
Timur,  403;  is  defeated,  404; 
enemies  seek  to  destroy  him,  406, 
407. 

Tukta  Bijhi,  chief  of  the  Merkits,  27; 
death  of  his  son,  41;  rouses  the 
Taidjuts  against  Ternudjm,  44; 
moves  against  Temudiin,  49;  pur- 
sued by  Jinghis,  63;  his  death,  64. 

Tukus  Timur,  becomes  Grand  Khan 
in  1378;  defeated  by  the  Chinese; 
assassinated,  411. 

Tula  River,  its  source,  2. 

Tului,  saved  by  Boroul's  wife,  71; 
goes  to  China,  83;  receives  com- 


mand to  march  on  Khorassan,  122; 
wastes  the  country  and  returns  to 
Jinghis;  destroys  Merv,  123;  his 
cruelty;  moves  against  Nishapur, 
124,  125,  131,  132;  inherits  home 
places,  138,  141,  142,  296;  follows 
the  plan  traced  out  by  Jinghis 
on  his  death-bed;  enters  Kin 
regions,  297,  298,  299,  300;  re- 
turns to  Kara  Kurum;  his  death, 
309. 

Tumbinai,  ancestor  of  Jinghis  and 
Tamerlane,  9,  10,  58. 

Tung  Kwan,  a  fortress  on  the  Honan 
border,  293;  betrayed  and  sur- 
rendered, 300. 

Turkan  Khatun,  mother  of  the  Kwar- 
esm ruler,  Shah  Mohammed,  101, 
102;  leaves  Kwaresm;  puts  to 
death  many  princes;  captured 
and  taken  to  Jinghis,  118;  com- 
manded to  look  at  her  country  for 
the  last  time,  136. 

Tu  tsong,  Sung  Emperor,  344;  suc- 
ceeded by  Chao  hien,  345,  358. 

Uigurs,  40;  their  language,  63;  their 
territory,  75;  their  yearly  tribute, 
76;  their  envoys  received  with 
honor,  77,  89;  cease  to  pay  tribute 
to  Kara  Kitai,  90;  the  Idikut 
meets  Jinghis,  104,  325,  366, 
412.  < 

Ulakchi,  son  and  successor  of  Sartak 

the  son  of  Batu  of  the  Golden 

Horde,  282. 
Uns  Khatun,  last  of  the  Salgarid 

dynasty,    placed    on    the  Fars 

throne,  291 ;  marries  Mangu  Timur, 

son  of  Hulagu,  292. 
Uriang  Kadai,  son  of  Subotai,  325; 

left  to  master  southern  regions, 

326,  327,  328,  332,  333. 
Urut,  clan,  descended  from  Urudai, 

a  son  of  Nachin,  9,  33,  69. 
Utchugen,    a    title    given "  Jinghis 

Khan's  youngest  brother,  Temugu, 

father  of  Togachar,  328,  367,  368. 
Utubu,  becomes  Emperor  of  China, 

85. 

Vanguru,  made  master  of  nourish* 

ment,  70. 
Vassaf,  a  historian,  380. 

Wang  Khan  (Togrul  ut>  to  page  38), 
receives  his  title,  38,  39;  his  grand- 
father,   40;  wins   a  victory  and 


426 


Index 


keeps  all  the  booty,  41;  deserts 
Temudjin;  is  forced  to  beg  for 
assistance,  42;  becomes  "  father  " 
to  Temudjin,  43;  marches  with 
Temudjin  to  the  Gobi  desert, 
44;  supports  Temudjin,  49;  joins  a 
conspiracy  to  kill  Temudjin,  53; 
withdraws  from  the  battle-field, 
55;  receives  Juchi  Kassar's  mes- 
sengers, 59;  surrenders;  escapes; 
is  killed  at  Didik,  60 ;  skull  made 
into  a  drinking-cup,  61. 

Wang  se  chin,  murderer  of  Chagan 
Timur ;  his  heart  torn  out  by  Kuku 
Timur,  Chagan's  adopted  son,  404. 

Wanien  Khada,  Kin  commander, 
297 ;  forces  his  way  to  Yiu  chiu ; 
is  captured  and  brought  before 
Sobotai,  299. 

Wen  tien  siang,  made  first  minister, 
35;  detained  by  Bayan;  sent  to 
Kubilai;  escapes,  351;  recaptures 
Canton,  358;  begs  for  death;  is 
freed,  358. 

Yang  sai  yu  pwa,  Mongol  commander, 
assembles  troops  in  Su  chuan,  378. 

Yang  Tekus,  made  heir  by  Togan 
Timur,  392,  393;  exiled  to  Corea, 
394,  395. 

Yang  Timur,  son  of  Choahugur,  388; 
marches  toward  Liao  tung,  389; 
tries  to  assist  Yang  Tekus,  392, 
393 ;  his  family  extinguished,  394. 

Yao  shu,  adviser  of  Kubilai,  327. 

Yassaur,  Mongol  commander;  at- 
tacks Malattia,  180;  moves  against 
Alamut,  241;  leaves  Ismailian 
territory,  242. 

Ye  liu  chu  tsai,  adviser  of  Jinghis  and 
Ogotai,  142;  prevails  on  Ogotai 
to  fix  rank  of  officers,  143;  saves 
many  people,  305;  chides  Ogotai 
for  drinking,  314 ;  dies  of  grief,  316 ; 
renowned  as  a  faithful  adviser,  377. 

Yeliu  Tashi,  founder  of  Kara  Kitai; 
takes  the  title  of  Gurkhan  of  Kara 
Kitai,  89;  his  death,  90. 

Yessen  Timur,  proclaims  Asukeba 
and  advances  on  the  capital,  389; 
defeated ;  captured  and  slain,  390. 

Yessugai,  son  of  Bartan,  10,  13; 
escapes  from  the  Taidjuts,  15; 
kidnaps  Hoelun,  16,  17;  poisoned 
by  Tartars,  18,  20,  40. 

Yezid,  son  of  Muavia;  heir  of  the 


Kalif,  198,  199;  summons  Obei- 
dallah  to  Kufa,  200;  denies  con- 
nection with  plot  to  kill  Hussein, 
202. 

Yissu  Timur,  grandson  of  Boorohu; 
given  command  by  Kubilai,  368, 
369. 

Yissudar,  Mongol  commander  at 
Hamadan,  241 ;  assassinates  Tukus 
Timur,  411. 

Yissun  Timur,  son  of  Kamala,  pro- 
claims himself  Emperor  at  the 
Kerulon  River,  387;  enters  Ta  tu 
1323;  appoints  his  son  Asukeba 
heir;  dies  at  Shang  tu,  388. 

Yissuts,  a  Mongol  tribe  which  fought 
against  Temudjin,  92. 

Ylechebe,  second  son  of  Kushala, 
made  Emperor  when  seven  years 
of  age,  dies  soon  after,  392. 

Yshmut,  son  of  Hulagu,  sent  to  take 
Mayafarkin,  260,  273;  attacks 
Mardin,  274;  meets  Berkai's  army, 
294. 

Yuelu  Timur,  389;  master  of  Shang 
tu,  390,  391;  his  death,  391. 

Yung  lo,  the  third  Emperor  of  the 
Ming  dynasty,  advances  to  the 
Kerulon  River,  411. 

Yurungtash,  son  of  Mangu,  leader 
of  Kubilai's  forces  in  the  Altai 
Mountain  country,  337. 

Y  wang,  half-brother  of  the  Sung 
Emperor;  his  title  changed  from 
Ki  wang  to  Y  wang,  350; 
made  chief  governor  of  the  Em- 
pire, 354;  made  Emperor  when 
nine  years  of  age,  355,  356;  has  no 
port  to  anchor  in;  his  death,  357. 

Yzz  ud  din,  son  of  Kei  Kosru,  Sultan 
of  Rum,  181,  joins  in  the  sov- 
ereignty his  brother,  Alai  ud  din, 
182;  offers  submission  to  Hulagu, 
183,  favored  by  Berkai,  286. 

Zahir,  son  and  successor  of  Kalif 
Nassir;  his  death,  when  nine 
months  in  office,  160. 

Zein  ud  din,  vizir  of  Kalif  Nassir,  sent 
to  Hulagu,  259;  insulted  by  Bei- 
bars,  262;  closes  the  gates  of 
Damascus,  265;  yields  power  to 
Mongols,  266. 

Zenkv,  son  of  Ak  Sunkur  and  father 
of  Nur  ed  din,  226;  receives  high 
office,  227;  his  death,  228. 


